trajectory past anterior past participle) history in ... · trajectory of the past anterior (habuit...

Trajectory of the Past Anterior (HABUIT + Past Participle) in Italian and an Overview of its History

in French and Spanisb.

Margaret L. Lilienthal

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Graduate Department of ltalian University of Toronto

@ Copfight by Margaret L. Lilienthal 1998

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Abstract

Trajectory of Past Anterior (HABUIT + Past M c i ~ l e ) in Italian with an O v e ~ e w of its Historv in French and S~anish.

Ph.D. 1998 Margaret Lamb Lilienthal Department of Italian S tudies University of Toronto

The past anterior--called "trapassato rernoto" in Italian, "passé

antérieur" in French and "preterito antenor" or "ante-pretérito" in

Spanish-was widely used in Medieval texts. Beginning in the 15th

century, however, the usage of this periphrastic verbal tense entered

a p e n d of steady decline 1.

Today the past antenor is used sparingly, mainly in highly

literary contexts. It has survived only because of its usefulness

within very restricted, temporal constnicts, and even then it can

fiequently be replaced by other verbal expressions. Some remnants

of this tense c m still be found in some southem Italian dialects

(Rohlfs 1969), and in southem France, for instance in "gévaudanais,"

a northem didect of "Languedocien" in the domain of Occitan

(Camproux 1958).

The functions of the past

studied only by a few scholars,

1 As the Endish verbal swtem does not

anterior in Old Italian have been

mainly Ambrosini in his 1960-61

msess the tense under discussion. scholars wnting about% in Engiish have uçed no sinde name but have called it, variously, umaùw p a part unienor, passk adrieur, 2nd plupevecf, past pegecf, îhe 1st king the least satisfactory since it usually stands for the pluperfect 1 have preferred to use p s t antenOr as this has the advantage of k i n g akin to the French and Spanish tem.

monograph. In 1992, I undertook an examination of the existing

studies together with an analysis of numemus representative texts of

the Medieval period; 1 found that several relevant aspects had not

k e n satisfactorily treated and that various conclusions were open to

question. For these reasons I undertook my own research in this

area. In addition to studying the past anterior in Italian, 1 decided to

examine the same forms in French and Spanish in order to gain a

comprehensive view of the functions of this tense in three Romance

languages.

The parallel courses followed by this verb form in Italian and

French and, to a lesser degree, Spanish, have k e n noted by a few

scholars; there has not yet ken, however, any thorough,

comparative analysis. The present study does not presume to have

exhausted the historical investigation of the past anterior. 1 believe,

however, that it has emphasized the importance that similar research

would have in this area. A thorough, comparative analysis could

provide a new perspective on the origin, the deveiopment and

especially the decline of this tense, and help place its fimctions and

usages in the context of the history of Romance verbal tenses.

iii

1 would like to express my appreciation to the following:

My parents, Peggy and David My sister, Pamela Black Stefano Graziano Eda, Carlo, Paolo, Nicola, Silvia and Monia Cianchi Rita Filardi Frances, Rosetta and Mike Giampapa Costantha, Otello and Marco Graziano Jdio Cebrian

%of. Ricardo Ambrosini %of- Gianrenzo P. Clivio %of- Bianca Di Tullio Ruggieri %of- Ghino Ghinassi %of- Joseph Gulsoy %of- Teresa Poggi Salani *f. Yves Roberge +of- Luca Serianni +of- Alfred0 Stussi

Michael Fitzgerald, Widener Library, Harvard University

Al1 the libmïans at the Accademia della Cncsca, Florence, Italy; in particular, Delia Ragionieri, Giuseppe Abbatista, Rosanna Battini and Alvaro Mari

Native speakers of Italian: Eda Cianchi, Gianrenzo P. Clivio, Cinzia Di Giulio, Bianca Di Tullio Ruggieri, Stefano Graziano, Simonetta Metrano, Enrico Orlando, Monia Sahadori, Luca Serianni, Simonetta Severi, Maria Sordini

For technical support: Franco Avril Roberto Baliati Stefano Graziano Ed Harper Joshua Held

Table of contents

Introduction Terms Used in This Study Chapter Layout

Cha~ter One : The Past Anterior and Latin 1. Traces of the Classicd Latin Pluperfect -

in the Romance Languages 2. Classical Latin Merging of

INFECmTM and PERFECTTUM 3. A New Form: HABERE/ESSE in

Combination with the Past Paaiciple

Chapter Two : The Past Anterior in Old Italian 1. General Note

The Past Antenor in Subordinate Clauses The Past Anterior in Principal Clauses The Past Anterior in Combination with the Estorical Present The Past Anterior in Combination with the Imperfect Tense The Past Anterior in a Non-Temporal Environment: Relative Ciauses Other EnWonments The Past Anterior and Reflexive Pronouns

Chapter Three : Theories Contradicted by the Data 1. Ambrosini's Theory. An O v e ~ e w 2. Contradictory Phenornena 3. Boccaccio's Leamed Writings and

Minor Works 4. Sacchetti's Learned Writings 6. The Croniche 7. The Past Anterior and

Transitive/Intransitive Verbs

Page

4 7

10

Cha~ter Four : The Past Anterior in Modem Italian 1. Decline of the Past Anterior 2. The Past Anterior in Manzoni's

1 Promessi Sposi

Cha~ter Five : Italian Grammars 1. Grammarians and the Past Anterior 2. Concluding Comments

Cha~ter Six : The Past Anterior in French 1. Old French 2. Modem French

Chapter Seven : The Spanish Preterïto Anterior (Ante-Pretérito)

1. Old Spanish 2. Modem Spanish

Cha~ter Eight : Concludhg Observations 1. Decline of the Past Antenor in Italian 2. Redundancy Theory 3. Simplification of Italian Syntax 4. Decline of the Past Anterior in French 5. Decline of the Past Anterior in

Spanish 6. Conclusion

B ibliography

Introduction

The past anterior, cailed "trapassato remoto" in Italian, "passé

antérieur" in French and " preterito anterior" or "ante-pretéri to" in

Spanish, was used considerably in a variety of Medieval texts.

Beginning in the 15th century, however, the usage of this periphrastic

verbal tense entered a period of steady decline 1.

Today the past anterior is used sparingly, mainly in highly

literary contexts. The fact that some remnants of this tense can still

be found in some southem Italian dialects (Rohlfs 1969), and in

southem France, for instance in gévaudanais, a northem dialect of

hnguedacien in the domain of Occitan (Camproux 1958), would

indicate that the past anterior was at one time used in the spoken

language.

The fimctions of the past anterior in Old Italian have been

studied by a few scholars, mainly Ambrosini in his 1960-61

monograph. In 1992,I began to examine the existing studies and to

analyse numerous representative texts of the Medieval period. From

this 1 reached the conclusion that several relevant aspects had not

been satisfactorily treated and that various conclusions were open to

question. For these reasons I undertook my own research in this

area.

--

1 As the English verbal system does not possess the tense under discussion, scholars writing about it in English have used no single name but have called it, variously, "anterior past, past anterior, passé autérieur, 2nd pluperfect, second past perfect, past perfect," the last k ing the least satisfactory since it usually stands for the piuperfect. 1 have preferred to use "past anterior" this has the advantage of k i n g akin to the French and Spanish ternis.

In addition to studying the past anterior in Italian, 1 decided to

examine this tense in French and Spanish as well in order to gain a

comprehensive view of its fimctions in three Romance languages.

Research on this topic thus far has not been complete or systematic.

With this dissertation, 1 wish to offer some ideas as to why the past

anterior has such a resûicted usage today compared to past centuries.

1 also hope to bring a promising and relatively unexplored area of

research to the attention of the experts.

The main part of this study focuses on the development and

usage of the past anterior in Italian. 1 concentrated on prose texts,

literary texts and historicd chronicles, because they are more apt to

represent the prevailing usage of this tense, as can be inferred fiom

Ageno's statement (1964: 305; see also Ambrosini 1960-61 : 27):

"Gli esempi di cui disponiamo sono quasi tutti in poesia, e ci6 riduce indubbiamente il loro valore probatorio, in quanto è in giuoco la ricerca di facili rime in -ato, 40, -uto."

There are five past verbal tenses in Italian: the simple preterite

("passato remoto" : feci) 2, the compound preterite (" passato

prossimo": ho fatto) 3, the irnperfect tense ("imperfetto" : facevo), the

pluperfect ("trapassato prossimo": avevo fatto) 4, and the past anterior

2 Bertinetto (1987: 342): simple preterite; Jensen (1990: 344): preterite; Blanc (1964: 99): pretent.

3 Bertinetto (1987: 346): compound preterite.

4 Bertinetto (1987: 342), Jensen (1990: 344): pluperfect.

("trapassato remoto": ebbi fatto) 5. The following paragraphs wîll

discuss some of the connections and ciifferences between the past

anterior and the pluperfect. They are closely related as they both are

penphrastic verbal tenses describing actions set in the past that occur

before another action also set in the past. In a subordinate clause, the

past anterior is usually accompanied by a simple preterite in the main

clause; in the same environment, the pluperfect c m be found instead

with al1 of the past tenses except for the past anterior (see Serianni

1989: 473).

The past anterior is fomed by the simple preterite of the

auxiliary, essere or avere (visually, this shows the connection

between the past anterior and the simple pretente), and the past

participle of a verb: ebbi fatto ("1 had done") and fui arrivato ("1 had

arrived"). Similarly, the pluperfect, which uses the imperfect tense of

the auxiliary, is clearly linked to the imperfect tense: avevo fatto ("1

had done") and ero arrivato ("1 had arrived"). Note that English

makes no distinction between the past anterior and the pluperfect;

both forms, ebbi fatto and avevo fatto, are translated as "1 had done."

TekavEiC maintains that the main distinction between the past

anterior and the pluperfect in Italian is the opposition "durata limitata

/ durata non limitata" (1970: 13). He contends that the form ebbi

5 Blanc (1964: 99), Jensen (1990: 344): past anterior; Ambruster (198 1 : 380), Garey (1955: 33): anterior past; Rohrer (1982: 322), Bertinetto (1987: 341): pasd antérieur; Darmesteter (1 899: 756): 2nd pluperfect; Russo (1966: 129): second p s t perfect; Gananti Itaiian-English Dictionary (199 l), Fowler, W.C. The Enelish Langua~e, New York: Harper (1 876: 3 10): pst perfect.

cantato expresses the following, as opposed to avevo cantato (1970:

2 1):

"ebbi cantato: esprime la non eventualità, appartiene al passato (per conseguenza è indifferente al futuro), esprime l'anteriorità nonché il termine (durata limitata) [...] avevo cantato: corne il precedente, solo che non esprime il termine."

Terms used in this studv:

A s ~ c t : In Cornrie's words (1976: 3), aspect is "a different way

of viewing the intemal temporal constituency of a situation." Aspect

is distinct fiom tense since it does not place an action in time 6.

According to Ageno (1971: 61n), Old Italian did not possess the

morphological means to distinguish between the various aspects of a

verb. This created aspectual problems, which have led to conflicting

analyses by contemporary scholars. As far as Modem Italian is

concemed, Bertinetto (1986: 85) remarks that only rarely is aspect

indicated on a morphological level and in most cases can be

identified only by inference rather than by direct commutation

between the verbal tenses.

6 Aspect, Cornrie contends (1976: 3), has frequentiy been confused with tense. The distinction, however, between the Italian "lesse" and "leggeva," or the French "elle lut" and "elle lisait," or even the English "she read" and "she was reading," is one of aspect, not of tense, since in dl thee cases both foms are past tenses. While aspect is concerned with the intemal temporal stnicture of a situation, tense locates a situation relative to another tirne-point (in other words, it is concemed with the extemal temporal structure of a situation). Cornrie notes (1976: 1 i) that in discussions of aspect there is no generally accepted terminology, which has led to differing opinions arnong scholars, and frequentiy to confusion.

Tense: It "relates the time of the situation referred to some other

tirne, usually to the moment of speaking" (Comrie 1976: 1-2).

Aktionsart or "mode of action" (see Piva 1979: 483): This is the

way or manner in which the action takes place, e.g. durative.

Perfective Form: This marks the fidl completion of an action,

such as the ltalian feci (I did). The perfective (see Comrie 1976: 1 1)

presents dl parts of a situation as a whole, without m y consideration

for its intemal structure. Comrie observes that "the tense that most

often evinces aspectual distinctions is the past tense" (1976: 71); this

restriction gives a reason why aspectual forms of the same tense are

referred to traditionally as separate "ternes" (ibid.: %), such as the

imperfect tense and the simple preterite.

Immrfective Form: This characterizes the duration of an action,

such as the Italian facevo (1 was doing). Comrie (1976: I l ) writes that

an imperfective process deals with a situation Mewed fiom within, for

instance an action in progress, and is not concemed with its

completeness or whether or not it is striving towards a telos (goal).

Durative: These are verbs in which the action is prolonged in

t h e such as crescere, donnire.

Non Durative: These verbs instead have a quick development

such as esplodere, arrivare, cadere.

9

Stative: These are verbs that possess permanent or

untramferable qualities such as esistere, credere, essere, avere,

piacere.

Telic: These verbs imply that there is a goal to be attained, or,

in Comrie's words, a situation involving "a process that Ieads up to a

well-defined terminal point, beyond which the process cannot

continue" (1976: 45). These are verbs such as finire, partire, morire,

giungere, accorgersi

Atelic: These are verbs in which the telos, the ultimate goal, has

not k e n achieved, where there is no nnal result, such as smettere.

Chapter La~out

My dissertation is organized as follows:

Chapter One will touch upon the ongin of the past anterior in

the latter pend of Classical Latin.

Chapter Two will examine the various functions covered by

this tense in Old Italian and Chapter Three will register the

inconsistencies of some theories concerning said functions.

Chapter Four will analyse the usage of the past anterior in

Modem Italian.

Chapter Five will review the observations of some of the more

important grammarians on the past anterior.

Chapter Six will explore the history of this tense fiom Old to

Modem French.

Chapter Seven will discuss the past anterior in Old and Modern

Spanish.

Chapter Eight will address the progressive demise of this tense.

CIHAPTER ONE :

The Past Anterior and Latin

1. Traces of the Classical Latin PLuperfect in the Romance Languages

2. Classical Latin Merging of INFECTUM and PERFECTUM

3. A New Form: HABEREESSE in Combination with the Past

Participle

1. Traces of the Classical Latin Pluperfect in the Romance Languages

The Romance past anterior was an analytic i~ova t ion which

developed over the course of time. There is no exact counterpart to

this tense in Classical Latin, although it does correspond somewhat

to the Latin pluperfect (active) of the indicative, a synthetic form

which no longer exists as such. This f o m had two meanings in

Classical Latin, that of a past action which occurred before another

action also set in the past, and that of a past conditional (Togeby

1%6: 176).

The Classical Latin pluperfect f m PORTAVERAM has two

corresponding foms both in Italian and French, ebbi portatoij'eus

porté (respectively, the "trapassato remoto" and the "passé

antérieur"), and avevo portato/j'avais porté (respectively, the

"trapassato prossirno" and the "plus-que-parfait").

TekavEiC (1980: 364) States that the Romance pluperfect is the

direct successor of the Classical Latin pluperfect since it expresses

anteriority in the past, unlike the past anterior which, as we shall see,

expresses mainl y accomplished actions.

According to Rohlfs, remnants of the Classical Latin pluperfect

fom can be seen in some dialects of the Italian region of Campania

(1968: 329-30):

"ln alcune parlate campane il condizionale @ortèra 'porterei') derivante da1 piucchepperfetto indicativo latin0 (dederam, potuerat) ha sporadicamente assunto funzione di perfetto indicativo. A Formicola (prov. Caserta) mangèra non significa soltanto 'mangereiT ma anche 'mangiai' (mangèramo 'noi rnangiamrno'). 11 passaggio da1

piucchepperfetto al perfetto comsponde al mutamento di *one che ha fatto scadere habuissern ad avessi."

Actually, according to Togeby (1%: 178), traces of the

Classicd Latin pluperfect-in its conditional meaning-are visible in

most southern Italian dialects, such as the dialect of Calabria (amerra

for amerei), with the exception of the area of Magna Grecia. It is also

present in ancient Sardinian forms such as levarat, fecerat, poserat.

In one of Sardinia's northem dialects, there are still endings in "era,

-eras, -erat, -erantW which clearly descend fiom the Latin pluperfect.

One must not forget as well the ancient Italian f o m fora (sarebbe

stata), derived fiom the pluperfect FUERAT and used by Dante (see

Ronconi 1947: 70).

Another vestige of the Classical Latin form can be found in the

simple form of the Old Spanish pluperfect ending in "-rd' (see Rohlfs

1968: 49), such as amara, "1 had loved," which corresponded in

Medieval Spanish to havia amado, indicating thus anteriority in the

past.

Porto Dapena notes the following (1989: 106-7):

"Es necesario seiialar aqui que en espaiiol actual, para la expresih del contenido de pretérito pluscuamperfecto de indicative, conviven dos formas verbales distintas: la cornpuesta habia cantado, que es evidentemente la mas generalizada, y junto a ella la simple cantara, que, si bien es considemda en los manudes de gramatica como forma del imperfecto de subjuntivo al lado de cantase, proviene, sin embargo, del pluscuamperfecto latino (cantaveram > cantaram), y como ta1 pluscuamperfecto ha p e ~ v i d o en el espaiiol antiguo y se ha seguido usando hasta hoy dialectalmente--por ejemplo en el castellano de Galicia y de algunas zonas de América-asi como también, con

carticter esporadico y cierto sabor arcaizante, en la lengua literaria."

Beginning in the 15th century, this form was no longer used as

a past tense of the indicative, but only as a tense of the subjunctive

(Andres-Suiirez 1994: 242). Andres-Suiirez points out, however, that

even today this tense is still employed by some authors in its original,

indicative meaning; some specialists consider this usage a literary

archaism. In her opinion, this verb tense is in a buffer zone between

the indicative and the subjunctive moods (ibid.: 249):

"A mi juicio, se situa en m a zona intermedia entre el indicative y el subjuntivo, en una esfera de virtualidad que podemos llamar potencial, acepcih que poseia en latin y que fue sin duda el desencadenante de su deslizamiento hacia la esfera del subjuntivo. Las h s e s 'debieras trabajar', 'bien pudieras haber avisado antes de venir', 'mas le valiera no haber nacido', etc., siguen siniandose a caballo entre ambos modos."

There are traces of this tense (see Togeby 1966) also in Old

French, for instance in the form auret = avait (Rohlfs 1968: 49) and

Portuguese, in both of its meanings (indicative and subjunctive), and

in Old Provençal, Gascon, and Catalan; in fact, the forms cantara-

batera-partira are still heard in the Valencian variety of Catalan in

the function of imperfect subjunctive (see Guanier 1950: 179).

2. Classical Latin Merging of INFECTUM and PERFECTUM

As Ronconi (1947: 30) points out, the Classical Latin verbal

system's primary concem was to distinguish between present, past

and future; aspectual distinctions were of secondary importance

(ibid.: 25):

"1 tempi del verbo latino hanno in primo luogo la -one di esprimere il rapporto cronologico rispetto al momento in cui si parla O nspetto a un'altra azione indicata ne1 contesto (rapporto di anteriorith, contemporaneità, posteriorità) e, secondariamente, di esprimere entro certi limiti I'ASPE'ITO dell'azione, cioè di indicare se l'azione è vista ne1 suo svolgersi per un tempo indeterminato, O ne1 suo esaurirsi entro un limite temporale definito. "

Andres-Suarez (1994: 24) surmises that Classical Latin speakers

felt the necessity to emphasize temporal distinctions in the verbal

system; it is at that point that aspectual distinctions lost their

importance. In Classical Latin, therefore, the INFECTUM

(imperfective) and PERFECTUM (perfective) aspects of the past tense

of a verb merged into one form--the perfect tense. These two verbal

paradigms were instead distinct in ancient Greek. The INFECTUM

indicated an action as it was being carried out, an action without an

end in sight, whereas the PERFECTUM denoted an action that had

k e n accomplished. This opposition, as Ernout (1927: 179; see also

Andres-Suiirez 1994: 24) remarks initially did not possess any

temporal implications.

The Classical Latin perfect tense thus encompassed two

different functions which were different with respect both to aspect

and tense, as TekaviSie shows (1980: 227):

"1) Pub esprimere un passato, anche lontano, e sema relazione col presente: VENI 'vend (ma volta).

2) Pub esprirnere anche l'anteriorità immediata al presente, ci& un passato vicino, il cui nsultato continua ne1 presente: VENI 'sono venuto' (e ora sono qui)."

In Classical Latin, as remarked by Lefkowitz, "perfectivity

nanirally implies anteriority" (1983: 1 13). As we c m readily notice,

in the above example VENI implies anteriority to, and completion by,

the moment of speaking.

3. A New Fom: HABERE/ESSE

in Combination with the Past Participle

Lefkowitz observes that "The CL situation of one form bearing

two meanings which cut across tense and aspect is not tolerated by

Spoken Latin" (1983: 114) 7. According to her, at some point d u ~ g

the Classical Latin period a second form was used to remedy this

ambiguity which had created linguistic instability. This new

construction took on the "perfect function of the synthetic paradigm"

( id : 114) It also rapidly became popular, probably because it

expressed with extreme clarity the present result of an anterior action,

something which, as we have seen, could not occur in Classical Latin

(Andres-Suiirez 1994: 39).

The construction HABERE in combination with the past

participle already existed in Pre-Classical and in Classical Latin, but

the conjugated verb kept its original meaning (of possession) or

indicated the result of an action (Yllera 1980: 276).

7 CL = Classicai Latin.

Bertinetto (1986: 218; see also Andres-Sdez 1994: 45-6)

comrnents that the structure of the passive perfect tense in Classical

Latin might have favored the development of the periphrastic perfect

tenses in the Romance languages as a result of the potential

arnbiguity inherent in expressions such as LAUDATUS EST, which

c m be interpreted both as passive perfect tense or as adjective plus

present tense.

Brunot (see also Yllera 1980: 276) points out that the usage of

HABERE as an auxiliary became fiequent only in the 6th century

"ce n'est qu'au VIe siècle que les exemples commencent à se multiplier. Grégoire de Tours est le premier auteur chez qui la toumwe est nette et fréquente. [...] le parfait habui avec le même participe prépare un passé antérieur: deliberatum habui ut..qallas altaris tenerem (Grég. de T., H.F.,7,22,p. 304,24) [...]."

Prototypes of the past anterior can be found in some texts

dating to the perîod between the 5th and 10th centuries, such as the

1) Acîa Andrae and the 2) Formulae Salikae Merkelianae, in which

we find the following (TekavEi6 1980: 229):

" 1) MATTHAEUM ... ANTE TE B I MISSUM HABUIT; 2) VOS NON FUIT PLACABILE IN IPSA

CONVEMOENTIA ADSTARE, SICUT PARABOLATUM HABUISTIS."

With the evolution of these new past tenses--which partly fiIled

the gap left by the disappearance of the Latin synthetic foms such as

the pluperfect of the indicative--the ancient distinction between

INFECTUM and PERFECTUM not only was reinstated but also

became emphasized during the development of the Romance

languages.

Expressions such as EPISTüIAM SCRIPTAM HABEO still

represented States or actions in the present, but indicated as well that

these derived fiom accomplished, anterior actions. During the

process of evolution of the Romance languages, using HABERE as

an auxiliary, the expression of anteriority in the past was accentuated,

so the meaning of the above sentence: "1 possess the written letter"

changed to "1 have wrîtten the Letter" (TekavEié 1980: 227). It is

obvious that the sentence "1 possess the written letter" could indicate

that the letter had been written by a second subject--that of

SCRIPTAM--whereas "X have written the letter" clearly implies only

one subject. At some point in time, therefore, the subject of HABEO

shifted and came to coincide with that of SCRIPTAM. As Salvi (1982:

120) notes, the construction at this stage did not indicate the subject's

possession of the result of an anterior, past action, but the action itself

which occurred in the past.

Salvi (1982: 120) contends that this change in the interpretation

of sentences of this type must have been semantic in the first phase of

the passage from Latin to Romance, and was detennined by the

semantic loss of the original meaning of possession of the auxiliary.

Bertinetto as well asserts that HABERE underwent a semantic loss,

probably in the Late Latin period. HABERE began to indicate a

generic relationship between the subject and the object. In this

phase, it became grammaticalized, and, as Lefkowitz remarks, "an

implied temporal marker of anteriority" (1985: 1 15). HABERE and

the past participle began to be used and interpreted as a unit.

It should be remarked that in some languages HABERE's original

meaning of possession was kept, as in Italian, resulting in a semantic

and functional doubleness (TekavCie 1980: 230).

Periphrases using ESSE as an auxiliary followed the example of

those with HABERE. The ESSE penphrases, a Romance innovation,

were limited to the center area of Romania (Italo-Romance,

Sardinian, Gallo-Romance) and did not form in the two lateral areas

(Romanian, Spanish). With a few exceptions, as Vincent points out,

the ESSE periphrases have undergone less scmtiny than their

HABERE counterpart, and have been "treated as the poor relation"

(1982: 72). He notes that in Classical Latin the f o m of ESSE in

combination with the past participle of a verb was common and

encompassed at least two functions ( ibid.: 85-6):

"The syntagm amtus est expressed the perfect passive, [...]. Parallel to passives in form but not in meaning according to the traditional classification are the so-called deponent verbs such as locutus est, profectus est, etc."

TekavEiC (1980: 232) makes the observation that the

development of new verbal periphrases, such as the past anterior,

responded to the analytical tendency of the evolving Romance

languages. These foms were based on the past participle, a largely

unpredictable form in Classical Latin which, however, became much

more predictable in Vulgar Latin. It should be noted that the past

participle, heretofore an adjective, becarne a fixed component of the

verbal system. This meant that past participles had to be created for

verbs which did not originally possess these forms (Berhetto 1986:

219). A few examples are "VOLERE > *VOLUTU (Italian voluto;

French voulu), POTERE > *POTüTü (Italian potuto; French pu),

ESSERE > *ESSUTU (Old Italian suto) and so foah flekavEiC 1980:

264; see also Andres-Suiirez 1994: 48-50). TekavCiE reports as well

that the past participles ending in -UTU (*PERDUTU and so forth)

are Romance innovations; they are not found, for instance, in

Sardinian.

In the beginning, these periphrases, as noted by Bertinetto

(1986: 221), had an aspectual, rather than temporal, function

c o ~ e c t e d mainly to the aspectual notion of completeness.

Lefkowitz asserts that "aspect has become subordhate to tense in

Romance" (1983: 1 12). This statement offers a plausible explmation

for the instability and consequent weakness of these verb forms

which could lose their original aspectual properties and be

reabsorbed into the temporal dimension, as observed by Bertinetto

(1980 221).

The Past Anterior in Old Italian

1. General Note

2. The Past Anterior in Subordinate Clauses

3. The Past Anterior in Principal Clauses

4. The Past Anterior in Combination with the Histoncal Present

5. The Past Anterior in Combination with the Imperfect Tense

6. The Past Anterior in a non-Temporal Environment. Relative Clauses

7. Other Environrnents

8. The Past Anterior and Reflexive Pronouns

1. General Note

Ambrosini maintains that in Old Italian there were three ways

to indicate an action or state of being in the past (1960-61: 1 16):

"1) ne1 suo immediato compiersi, e percib ne1 diretto giungere al suo termine: in tal cas0 si aveva assenza di durativita; II) corne compiuta, e percib giunta al suo termine, ma indipendentemente da ogni accezione terminativa; vista, ci&, ne1 suo complesso: il che, a seconda del verbo adoperato e del particolare àmbito semantico, poteva o non implicare duratività; III) indipendentemente, O meglio, indifferentemente, da1 suo compiersi, e percio da1 gungere al suo termine: in un'accezione di duratività assoluta. "

In regards to (1), the action was supposedly expressed by

means of the past anterior, the main characteristics of which are the

absence of duration and the full completion of an action.

The simple preterite was used for (II), and could be found in

combination with either the past anterior or the imperfect tense, and

thus semed, according to Ambrosini, the dual function of being either

perfective or imperfective.

Absolute duration (III) was expressed with the imperfect tense.

The choice between the three past tenses was based on

"aspect" (that is, perfective versus imperfective) and "anteriority. " Bertinetto instead speaks of "valenze aspemiali (rigorosamente

perfettive)" (1986: 438) of the simple preterite. He thus would

certainly disagree with Arnbrosini's interpretation which indicates

that the simple preterite could assume an imperfective aspect.

Bertinetto's position can be seen in the following (ibid.: 430):

"La somma dei due tratti di perfettivita (da intendersi, specificamente, in senso 'aoristico') e di deitticità 8, che sono sempre inerenti al PFS, produce corne inevitabile conseguenza un'implicazione pragmatica di conclusione (ossia, non-prosecuzione) del processo; [...]. " 9

Ambrosini (1960-61: 41) states that the past anterior seems to

have had two main functions in Old Italian:

1. fidl completion of the action in a subordhate clause;

2. irnmediate completion of the action in a principal clause.

The past anterior also could assume another meaning. As

Ambrosini remarks, one of its general characteristics was that a

"valore di casualità [....] costituisce una possibile deduzione

semantica del valore complessivo del trapassato remoto" (1960-6 1:

31). Ageno (1990: 185) embraces this notion, adducing this example

fiom Dante's Inferno in which Dante, in the 8th circle, appears to be

almost startled by the sudden appearance of a sinner in front of him:

"Mentr'io andava, li occhi miei in uno fur0 scontrati; e io si tosto dissi: [...Il'

[Dante Alighieri. La Divina Commedia, (Inferno) XVIII: 4-11

* Deictic (Senanni 1989: 742) indicates a single linguistic element that needs a spatial ("this, there") or temporal ("yesterday, tomorrown) reference to some sort of context.

9 PFS = simple preterite.

2. The Past Anterior in Subordinate Clauses

In subordinate temporal clauses (Ambrosini 1960-61: 41), this

verbal form was used to denote the full completion of an action, and

was usualiy associated with temporal conjunctions. The focus was

not on the duration of the action, but on its conclusion, or even, in a

more restricted sense, its immediate conclusion. It should be

remarked that the issue of immediacy was not necessary in this

particular environment--what is essential is that the action in the

subordinate clause be completed.

According to Ambrosini, this function distinguished the past

anterior fiom the simple preterite. The latter verb tense, while also

expressing the completion of a past action, considered the action in

its entirety or even in its duration, i.e., did not focus on its terminal

instant when used in combination with the past anterior. When the

past anterior was used, however, the emphasis was on the terminal

point of the action (the following derive fiom my own research):

"E poi che l'ebbe detto, davanti al su0 cospetto mi varve ch'io vedesse

This can be seen also in Sacchetti's Trecentonovelle 11:

10 This is a scientific, philosophical and political encyclopedia in verse wntten by Dante's tutor, Brunetto Latini (1220 c.- 1284).

11 Franco Saccetti composed these tales between 1385 and 1392; only 223 have survived, some of them fkagmentary (the original manuscripts were lost even before the 16th century). As Sapegno (1963: 359) remarks, these stories attest

"Quando il cancelliere ebbe letto ci6 che doveva, gli porse ii libro e disse: [. ..] ."

Sacchetti. II Trecentonovelle: 1 191

The following instance, h m Sercambi's Novelle 12, also insists

on the terminal point of the action:

" [...] monna Bambacaia intese ch'ebbe 13 tutte le giovane, &altose a di ferro."

Here are a

tutte volse sapere il perché Dolcebene ïo volea

[Giovanni Sercambi. Novelle, v. 1: 2811

few other examples that underline the terminal point

of the action, including some more recent ones:

"Ma p i che costoro ebbero l'arca aperta e guntellata, in quistion caddero chi vi dovesse entrare, e niuno il voleva fare. "

[Giovanni Boccaccio. Decameron: 1401

- . -

Sacchetti's sincere moratism and serious religious fervour as weU as his colourful and dynamic technique of representation. Sacchetti himself distances bis Trecentonovelle from Boccaccio's Decameron, asserthg with modesty from the very beginning that his intent is merely that of amusing his audience, without any pretense of reaching a high h s t i c level.

12 Sercambi (1347-1424) was an active member in the governent of his city, Lucca. Sapegno dismisses him, however, as a rough and awkward narrator who essentially copied Boccacciofs style and sometimes even the content of sorne of his tales, which frequently transgressed into the obscene.

13 This formula, past participle + che + auxiliary verb, has the function of indicating an action which has just occurred and which ended at the precise moment in which the action of the principal clause began. Che in this construction assumes a temporal function (see Mader 115). Savic (1%8: 66) suggests that this construction might not be a past anterior (1 do not agree) and also that today it is not used since it appears to be "ricercato e artificioso"; however, 1 did find a few examples of this formula in contemporary authors, notably Buzzati.

"[...] sentito ch'ebbi il doloroso casi di Bonif 'o Uberti, mai mi pote' raiegrare [...]."

[''Il Paradiso degli Alberti. "Novelle del Ouattrocento: 911 14

"Concluso ch' ebbe questo ne1 pensiero, nuove arme ritrovb, nuovo cavallo; [...]"

[Ludovico Ariosto. Orlando Furioso, VI: 131 1s "Appena infatti ebbe Remo passata la soglia del lazzeretto, [...] principib corne una grandine di goccioloni radi e impetuosi [...lew

[Alessandro Manzoni. 1 promessi sposi, Chapter 37: 8611

"Quando, p i , ebbe imuarato a conoscere meglio Don Fabrizio ritrovb si in lui la molleva e l'incapacita di ciifendersi che erano le caratteristiche del suo pre-format0 nobile-pecora, [. . .] . "

[Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa. II Gatto~ardo: 1301 16

"Dopo che lei fu partita [...], mi buttai ne1 lavoro redazionale [. . .] . "

Dtdo Calvino. 1 racconti: 4793

14 Writîen by Giovanni Ghemdi da Rato (1360-1446 c.), this text recounts a fantastic sea voyage, enidite conversations in a Florentine villa as weii as a series of tales.

15 The epic poem Orlando Furioso is the masterpiece d Ludovico h o s t o (1474- 1533).

l6 hiblished posthumously (1958). this novel is a verist representation of the Sicilian aristocracy during the Risorgimento.

3. The Past Anterior in Princi~al Clauses

According to Arnbrosini, the past anterior could be used in

principal clauses where it gave a sense of immediacy to the action

(1%0-61: 38):

"Per quanto concerne la sintassi della proposizione principale, si pub, [....], affermare che, mentre per esprimere l'azione completamente compiuta si usava il passato remoto [. . ..] , quando si voleva particolmente non insistere s d a durata dell'azione stessa ed eliminare ogni possibile valore durativo, per esprimere un'azione principale, immediatamente giunta al suo termine, si adoperava il trapassato remoto. "

Ageno (1990: 185) accepts Ambrosini's notion that when this

tense was used in a principal clause it did not necessarily express a

sense of anteriority or insist on the terminal point of the action.

Rather, the relevance could be on the immediacy, suddemess or

casualness of the action: to achieve this, paaicularly in poetry, the

past anterior could stand on its own, that is, without the suppoa of

temporal adverbs (Ageno 1990: 184).

She M e r writes (1971: 81) :

"La gradazione di aspetto che, neila lingua antica, differenzia il trapassato remoto dal passato remoto, è chiara nelle principali, soprattutto quando le due forme sono coordinate. Il trapassato remoto esprime l'azione ne1 suo immediato compiersi, ne1 suo diretto giungere al termine, e quindi per 10 più in concomitanza con awerbi indicanti immediatezza temporale o la fase terminale di un determinato spazio di tempo; mentre il passato remoto esprime l'azione compiuta e giunta al suo termine, ma considerata ne1 suo complesso, indipendentemente da ogni accezione temiinativa [. . .] . "

The ensuing example illustrates Ageno's notion. Here the simple

preterite si mosse has no terminative value (indeed, there seems to be

a sense of continuous movement, almost durative, in the action

expressed by the simple preterite), whereas the past anterior fue

giu<n>to shows that the action expressed in the coordinated

principal clauses has corne to a speedy end:

"Argo, quando ebbe intesa questa novella, si ebbe grande ira, e disse: 'Non ci è da dire più nulla'. Allora si mosse con sua gente, e fue giuauto al campo dove la battaglia dovea essere. "

-CO Polo. II Milione: 3091 17

In the following examples there seems to be a sense of

suddemess or irnmediateness in the action expressed by the past

anterior:

"Si fue il giorno nella pressa det cavalieri; il romito ebbe da tutte parti il pregio del tomeamento. Le guardie l'ebbero veduto; avisârlo; et incontanente il levaro in palma di mano a gran festa. La gente, rallegrandosi, abatterli la ventaglia dell'elmo dinanzi da1 viso e pregarlo per amore che cantasse; et elli rispuose: [...] ."

pl Novellino: 2731 18

"E Tristano broccia lo cavallo e ttiene dietro a pPallamides, ed ebelo giunto i~ uno bel10 prato e dissegli: [...]. "

rrristano Riccardiano: 971 19

17 Written between 1296 (or 1298) and 1299, originally in French.

l8 The Novellino is a collection of tales composed by an anonymous author, perhaps of Tuscan origin, between 128 1 and 1300.

19 This is the most ancient Italian version (end of the 13th century) of the legend of Tristan.

"E questo detto, ahta alquanto la lanterna, ebber veduto il cattivel d' Andreuccio, e stupefatti dommdâr [...lm


"[ ...] ed essendo intrato in uno boschetto, ebbe veduto dall'una parte un poco ci ' albore che dava in uno muro. [...] In su1 rnattino, levandosi il lavoratore, a cui il giovene avea picchiata la porta, e andando proweggendo le sue terre, ebbe veduto appié d'un burrato questa botte: [...]"

Ffanco Sacchetti. Il Trecentonovelle: 43-91

"Mona Gese per dtro uscio segreto era entrata innella camera: corne Lo vidde in sul palco, subito percosse la finestra dandoli per 10 petto et innel chiasso I'ebbe gittato."

[Giovanni Sercambi. Novelle, v. 1: 153-41

"Scontrbsi col portatore credea che fusse il fkate che tomasse: col baitone li diè in sulla testa e morto 20 l'ebbe. E subito presolo, in ispalla sel puose e in Arno l'ebbe gittato."

mid., v. 1: 1671

"Giunto al maestro, comincib con tanta gentilezza a lavorare, che lei non sentiva punto di dolore, e in breve di spazio ebbe finito."

[Benvenuto Cellini. Vita: Book 1, Chapter 281 21

The main focus of the following examples is instead on the full

conclusion of the action which is one of the past anterior's most

recognizable characteristics in subordinate temporal clauses.

20 Note on the transitive use of morire, i.e. in the sense of uccidere. Rohlfs (1969: 635) remarks that, as in Old French, in Old Italian morire could be used in a transitive sense; however, only in compound tenses employing the auxiliary verb avere, such as this example h m Sercambi's Novelle. This characteristic is maintained in the Tuscan dialect, where, as Rohlfs attests, one can Say "tu hat morto tu' madre."

21 This is the famous sculpter's (1500-7 1) autobiography.

They thus would appear to contradict Adrosini's theory conceming

irnmediacy in principal clauses:

"A costume ch'era usato si ebbero collocato 10 su0 corpo consecrato

con pïetà grandissima. " ["Laude di Cortona," Poeti del Duecento v. 1: 181 22

"E perd mandamo ne1 disert0 per queili tristi Arabi salvatichi e Der li loro camelli. che Dare che siano di ferro tanto male durruio; e 10 sesto di &no venuti gli Arabi CO' loro cammelli; ma li camelli rimasono fuon della città uno miglio, perb che gli erano si salvatichi, che nella città non sarebono mai entrati: e poi ci acordamo colli camellieri per LX. "

[Fra' NiccolO da Poggibonsi. Il Libro d'ol tramare, v. 2: 1001 23

"E chome si chontinuh di fare la p[r]ocisione, chosi si cessb via et tremuoti, e in chapo del terzo giorno totalmente furono iti via per la prece del veschovo e delle

[Cronaca senese: 1 181 24

"E quando il sole fue choricato, egli ebe fatto aparechiare privatamente il suo charro, si corne elli solea, per montarvi susso, e uscio fuori per una fiantura del muro dela cittade, ch'iera presso del suo albergho, e fecie giungniere i muli al ch-mo e bene aconciare; [...]"

["Faits des Romans," Testi fiorentini del Dugento e dei primi del Trecento: 2031

22 A lauda is a religious poetic composition in vernacular.

23 The Libro d'oltramare by the fnar Niccolb da Poggibonsi is a text dating back to the second half of the 14th century. It is a mixture of legends and personal voyages.

24 The Cronaca senese refers to events which occurred in Siena between 1202 and 1362. it was compiled by an anonyrnous author in the middle of the 14th century.

"La novella fue saputa per Grecia, come Paris avea rapita Elena e rrubato il-tenpio di Venus e morte le giente del chastello. I re Menelao fue tornato, e trovb che Ila molglie gli era stata tolta; della qua1 cosa elli si dolse con gientili uomini del paese, i quali promisero tutti insieme d'andare -

sopra a Troia ad oste." ["Libro della distnizione di Troia," ibid.: 1701

"Ella quasi a una ora ebbe la sua orazione finita che il canto la ninfa. Per che, alquanto levato da' dolci pensieri, a quella donna che di vermiglio vestiva impuose con piacevole voce i suoi amori recitare; [....]."

[Giovanni Boccaccio. Comedia delle ninfe fiorentine. Arneto: 1211

"Della terza cosa entrb la donna in più pensiero; ma put, si come quella che era d'alto ingegno e amor la faceva vie più, s'ebbe ~ensato che modo tener dovesse a darle cornpimento. "


"Ma, poi che alquanto sfogata fu la nuova passione per le lagrime, raccolte alquanto le forze dell'animo in uno, con rotta voce e non sema vergogna, rispuosi: -Si come io penso, il falso piacere delle caduche cose, il quale più savio ch'io non sono già trasvib molte volte e forse a non minor pericolo condusse, qui, prima che io m'accorgessi dov'io m'andassi, m'ebbe menato: là dove (in) amaritudine incomportabile e sema speranza alcuna, da poi che io mi ci vidi, che è sempre stato di notte, dimorato sono. "

[Giovanni Boccaccio. Corbaccio: 448, par. 4 1-42)

"E al più discret0 de' suoi accostatosi, gl'impose quello che egli avesse a fare e mandol con loro; e egli al suo luogo andatosene, prestamente, come si poté il meglio, fece ordinare una bella cena e metter le tavole in un suo giardino; e questo fatto, sopra la porta se ne verne a aspettargli.

Il famigliare, ragionando CO' gentili uomini di diverse cose, per certe strade gli trasvi6 e ai luogo del suo signore, sema che essi se n'accorgessero, condotti gli ebbe. Li qudi corne messer Tore1 vide, tutto a più fattosi loro incontro ridendo disse: [. ...] "

mid.: 9231

"Lo pellegrino disse: 'Và e dilli che io li comando che a me vegna.' Lo farniglio andb al cuoco e disse: ' Lo pellegrho ti comanda che a lui vegni.' Lo cuoco non potendo altro fare fu venuto. Lo conte disse al pellegrino: 'Ora mi fi ricco."'

[Giovanni Sercarnbi. Novelle, v. 1 : 372-31

"[...] ; subito preso Landone e la cassa e cavato di mare sema che Landone di cib s'acorgesse (perb che quasi era venuto meno e, se non che le braccia erano alla cassa tra du' funi, pic volte sarè affogato), la donna prese Landone in collo et alla fanciulla prendere la cassa et a casa l'ebbe condutto."

[Ibid., v. 2: 75 11

"Essendo la brigata giunta a Scariotto dove aparecchiato trovoron di vantagio, e cenato, fatte alcune danzette, fu venuto l'ora del dormire e fine alla mattina ognuno si pos0."

Dbid., v. 2: 767 (prologue)]

"Li gentilotti, udendo si tristamente parlare il podestà della- sua terra, l'ebbero spacciato per una mcca vota, diliberando nondimeno osservare li suoi bandi ma per al tro modo prender piacere. "

Dbid., v. 2: 8381

"E con queste e simili parole funno giunti al mezzo il poggio di Serravalle, dove, per m a via che atraversava a quelle vigne e terre, 10 giovano marchiano di sopra ditto venia mormorando e biastimando tanto che giunto fu dove era Lemrno e quel10 vecchio."

mid., v. 2: 8431

"E cosi rispondendo disse: 'Andate e dite che Li ducati V cento faccia presti, et io presta sar6 al suo piacere.' La

mezana, corne mastra, e lieta a messer Bosco ritornata fb narrandoli tutto."

pbid., v. 2: 10201

"Ebbe considerato quello che egli immaginava. Aveva m a possessione, la quale era bella e buona, ma l'uomo non era addanaiato si che di buoi la tenesse ben fornita."

[Franco Sacchetti. Il Trecentonovelle, Nov. 77: 1491

"Andomno, e troppo bene di campo in campo il Minonna gli ebbe guidati; e giugnendo per entrare nella vigna, dov'erano li peschi, questa era molto bene affossata, e con buona siepe. Dice il Minonna: [....ln

[Ibid., Nov. 9 1: 1891

A few more recent examples cm be found in Alfieri's autobiography

"Ma il raggio vivificante della donna mia, mi ebbe d o r a restituito l'ardire e baldanza necessari da cib; e postomi al tentative, mi vi pane esser riuscito, a principiare almeno l'aringo, se non a percorrerlo."

wittorio Alfieri. Vita, 4th Period, Chapter 16: 2421

"Altemando dunque, un giorno l'Eneide, l'altro il Terenzio, in quell'anno '90, e fino all'aprile del '91, che partii di Parigi, ne ebbi tradotto dell'Eneide i primi quattro libri; e di Terenzio, l'Andria, 1'Eunuco, e 1'Eautontimoromeno .'

[Ibid., Chapter 20: 2621

"Si and6 dunque per la spiaggia fino a Bruges e Ostenda, di là per Anversa e Rotterdam, Amsterdamo, la Haja, e la Nort-Hollanda, in circa tre settimane, e in fin di settembre fummo di ritorno in Brusselles, dove la signore avendovi le sorelle e la madre, ci si stette qualche settirnana; e finalmente dentro l'ottobre, verso il fine, fummo rientrati nella cloaca massima, dove le dure nostre circostanze ci ritraevano malgrado nostro; e ci costrinsero a pensare seriamente di fissamici la nostra permanenza. "

[Ibid., Chapter 21: 265-61

"Ma intanto aveva intrapresa a tradurre la prima di Euripide, ed in tutto il '97 I'ebbi condotta a termine: ma non intendendo allora, corne dissi, punto il greco, l'ebbi per dora tradotta da1 latino. "


1 discovered another past anterior in a principal clause (note as

well the present tense in the subordinate, temporal clause) in Emilio

Cecchi's 1956 preface to Ippolito Nievofs largely autobiographical

Le confessioni d' un Italiano (published in 1867). In the following

clause, Cecchi is describing Nievo's life and work. Here there clearly

is no sense of immediateness whatsoever:

"E a trent'anni, quando gli altri incominciano a vivere e a scrivere, ebbe già fornito l'opera e la vita."

vppolito Nievo. Le confessioni d' un Italiano: IX ( preface)]

In a June, 1997 conversation, Ghino Ghinassi, Professor of

History of the Italian Language at the University of Florence, told me

that the value of immediateness clearly had to be posterior to the

value of perfectivity or completeness which is the initial, most ancient

value of the Romance verbal periphrases. The fact that 1 found many

examples of past anterior in principal clauses without any possibile

nuance of the value of immediateness predicted by Ambrosini is

natural and perfectly explicable, in Ghinassi's view. Z t also gives a

sense of continuity in the transition from Vulgar Latin to the

Romance languages.

4. The Past Anterior in Combination with the Historical Present

In Old Italian the past antenor c m be found in the same

context as the presente storico-the historical present tense which is

still used fiequently in Modem Italian to describe past events. Note

that the present tense used to express a past action was a

characteristic of Classical Latin as well (Sneyders de Vogel, 1919:

215).

Mader (1968: 104) points out that this construction places

special emphasis on the immediate succession of the actions in the

principal and subordinate clauses. Bertinetto ( 1986: 334) also

remarks that this stylistic use of the present tense endows it with a

characteristic of "immediateness." Here are some occurrences of this

combination (note that in the fourth example taken fiom the Fioretti

di san Francesca, there is also an association present tense/imperfect

in the coordinated principal clauses):

"Or corne egli ebbe dette queste parole, e' si pone a sedere e guata questi uccelli, e uno di questi uccelli si parte dagli altri, e volando, con le sue die sonava a modo d'ma campana; [...lu u: 911 25

"E quando ebbe dette queste parole, egli si toma indietro ond'egli era venuto. "

Bide: 1071

"[ ...]; e poi che ffue disarmato, la damigella 10 pende per mano e menollo nela camera, la quale è incantata."

[Tristano Riccardiano: 571

25 From the Magliabechiano Codex of the 14th century based on Latin and French texts.

"Di che fkate Giovanni ancora con maggiore fewore e desiderio séguita Cristo, e giunto ch'e' a lui, Cristo benedetto si rivolge inverso lui, e ragguardo col viso allegro e grazioso, [... .] "

woretti di san Francesco: 1421 26

"E giunti che furono forse a mezza la salita del monte, perb ch'era il caldo grandissirno e la salita faticosa, a questo villano si dà la sete grandissima, in tanto che comincia a gridare dopo santo Francesco: [. . . .] "

ubid.: 1641

"Avuta ch'ebbe Santo Francesco questa rivelazione, imantanente si racchiude in cella e tutto si raccodie in se medesimo e dis~onsi a intendere il mistero di questa rivelazione. "

pbid.: 1681

"E mangiato ch'egli n'ebbe e molto confortato, questa madonna Jacopa s'inginocchia a' piedi di santo Francesco, e prende quei piedi santissimi segnati e omati dalle piaghe di Cristo e con si grande divozione li baciava e bagnava di lagrime, che a' h t i che stavano dintorno parea propriamente vedere la Maddalena a' piedi di Gesti Cristo, e per niuno modo la ne poteano ispiccare."

[Ibid.: 1991

"Quanno li arnbasciadori fuoro entrati in Verona, tutta Verona curre a vederli."

[Anonimo Romano. Cronica: 40, par. 7 1 b] 27

26 The Fioretti di san Francesco were written between 1370 and 1385. At one time it was thought that they had been writîen by an anonymous 13th century writer; however, today it has been established that the 53 chapters of the Aoretti and the 5 Considerazioni sulle Stimmate are a translation fiom Latin into vernacdar of parts of the Actus beati Francisci et s o c i o m ejus.

z7 The colourful Cronica romana, written in the 14th century dialect of Rome by an anonymous author, probably a nobleman, refers to events which occurred between 1327 and 1354, with a particular emphasis on the life of the Cola di Rienzo (1 3 13- 1354). According to Pozzi, this Cronica remained unjustly unappreciated for centuries; his position is that the text's main stylistic characteristic-the overwhelming use of parataxis--does not render the prose primitive, but rather confers a certain solemn rhythm to the narration.

"Ma pure, p i che tolto I'ebbe, dice: [....IV [Giovanni Boccaccio. Esrmsizioni sopra la Cornedia: 45 1,

par. 201

"[ ....]; e dice che, poi [che] Virgilio gli ebbe mostrata la cagione della ruina di quella roccia, alla quale esso pensava, gli dice: [....]"

[Ibid.: 567, par. 351

"E carninano tanto che giunti funno in Castiglia, dove moltissimi signori erano già arivati, e preso una albergaria d'ma gran contrada [. . .] "

[Giovanni Sercambi. Novelle, v. 2: 1 1481

"Non furo iti duo miglia, che sonare odon la selva che li cinge intorno, [...]."

~udovico Ariosto. Orlando Ftuioso, 1,721

5. The Past Anterior in Combination with the Immrfect Tense

Ambrosini insists that a past anterior can never be found in

combination with an imperfect tense. His position in this matter is

that the imperfect tense represents absolute duration, whereas the

past anterior represents a complete lack of duration: therefore, the

two tenses are incompatible (1960-6 1 : 1 16-7):

"Non a caso, [....], si trovano coordinati il passato remoto ed il trapassato remoto, il passato remoto e L'imperfetto, lfimperfetto ed il passato remoto, ma mai trapassato remoto ed imperfetto O viceversa: corne nei confkonti di un trapassato remoto il passato remoto introduce ed insiste su un valore durativo, cosi nei confionti di un imperfetto il passato remoto, seguendolo nella disposizione dell'enunciato, introduce ed insiste su un valore resultativo. "

This is not actudy the case. In the course of my research, 1

found at least nineteen examples of such an association, reported

below 28. This includes an instance from Modem Italian. In the

following senes of examples, note that the past anterior indicates

anteriority with respect to the durative action in the principal clause,

expressed with the imperfect tense. The first are taken fkom

Compagni's Cronica. Compagni (1 2% circa- 1324) was a politically

active Florentine prior, who in 13 10- 12 wrote a rather personal

historical chronicle about the political turmorl of his time:

"E quando I'ebbono cosi acceso aila giustizia, segretamente mandavano a' giudici e a' beccai e agli altri artefici, dicendo che Giano li vituperava, e che facea leggi contm a loro."

[Dino Compagni. Cronica, Book 1, Chapter Xm: 33, par. 351

"E quando furono tornati, lodavano Iddio che da morte gli avea scanpati."

[Ibid., Book 2, Chapter WI: 85, par. 201

Here follow more exarnples of the past anterior associated with the

imperfect tense:

"Mancata che abbe 10 re questa soa oste de queste persone, esso cercava de tomare."

[Anonimo Romano. Cronica: 64, par. 971

"Quanno la ambasciata fu ionta, Morbasciano iaceva in terra appoiato sopra 10 sinistro vraccio e si pranzava."

mid.: 116, par. 324~1

28 This finding is aIso in accord with what has k e n reported for Old French, where there exist examples of past anteriorlimperfect tense (see Chapter Six).

"Passata che abbe la piaia de Civitavecchia, volevano entrare in casa."

mid.: 140, par. 141

"E poichè fu abbassato il m o r e , la famiglia di messer Benedetto andavano per Orvieto con certi fanti forestieri, e andavano occidendo i popdari, che essi avevano un poco in sospetto, e ucciseme in questo di sei buoni uomini popdiri ; [. . . . ] "

[Cronaca d'Orvieto, 135 1: 471 29

"Ed entrate che furono tutte ne1 tempio, vaporando tutto il tempio con h o d'incenso, gridavano ad alta voce, dicendo: [. . . .] "

[Guido da Pisa. 1 fatti di Enea: 15 11 30

"Tmo poi ch'ebbe ordinata la guardia della città, s'a~~arecchiava d'andare alla battaglia, [. ...] "

mid.: 1511

"[ ....]; e corne fuorono gionte, le soe compagne dubitavano che onore dovesseno fare del suo corpo et in qual luogo la dovesseno sepellire; [. . . .]. "

[Cronaca di Partenom: 1061 3 1

"Il che poi che ella ebbe sentito, [...], spesse volte se stessa invitava non con le parole, ché non si sapa fare intendere, ma CO' fatti."


29 The Cronica d'Orvieto (a city in the region of Umbria) was written by an anonymous, synchronous chronicler.

30 Guido da Pisa, a Carmelitan fnar who lived in the first haIf of the 14th centmy, is one of the first commentators of Dante's Divina Commedia He wrote an historical-mythologicai compilation entitied Fiore dltalia, of which 1 Fatti di Enea is its best known part. The Fat- di Enea was based on Virgil's Aeneid.

31 The Cronaca di Partenope recounts events linked to the city of Naples, and is a mixture of fables and legends taken from popular culture. It belongs to the first haIf of the 14th century and contains strong popular elements.

"Ma p i che la gente alquanto si fu rassicurata con lui e videro che egli era vivo, dornandandolo di molte cose, quasi savio ntomato, a tutti rispondeva e diceva loro novelle dell'anime de' parenti loro e faceva da se medesirno le più belle favole del mondo de' fatti del Purgatorio. "

pbid.: 3 191

"E poi che da lei insieme col prenze partit0 si fu e ebbe spazio di poter pensare, sec0 stesso estimava il prenze sopra ogni altro felice, si bella cosa avendo al suo piacere. "

mid.: 1691

There follow here three uncornmon associations of a past

anterior in principal clause and an irnperfect tense in subordinate

clause:

"E con queste e simili parole funno giunti al mezzo il poggio di Serravalle, dove, per una via che atraversava a quelle vigne e terre, 10 giovano marchigiano di sopra ditto venia mormorando e biastimando tanto che giunto fu dove era Lemmo e quello vecchio."


"Ebbe considerato quello che egli immaginava." Franco Sacchetti. Il Trecentonovelle, Nov. 77: 1491

"Mentr'io '1 mirava, subito ebbi scorto quel Plinio veronese suo vicino, a scriver molto, a morir poco accorto."

[Francesco Petrarca. "Trionfo della fama. " Canzoniere. Trionfi. Rime Varie: 53 11 32

1 also found two rare combinations of past anterior and

imperfect tense in two coordinated principal clauses:

32 The Canzoniere, written by Francesco Peûarca (1 304- l374), is one of Europe's poetic masterpieces.

"Andando oltra costoro, funno intrati in m a longa via, e non vedeano lume nè luce, altro che 10 splendore de l'angelo. "

visione di Tantolo: 271 33

"E 10 favolatore fue ristato, e non dicea più." FI Novellino: 1991

Two more contemporary examples of the past anterior /

imperfect tense association are in Verga's Malavoglia 34:

"Compar Alfio, dopo che furono tomati a casa padron 'Ntoni e i mg&, e li ebbe salutati, non saDeva risolversi a partire, e rimaneva sulla soglia, colla h s t a sotto I'ascella, a stringere la mano a questo e a quello, anche a comare Manizza, e ripeteva, corne si su01 fare quando uno se ne va lontano, e non si sa bene se ci si rivede più: L...]"

[Giovanni Verga. 1 Malavodia: 1001

"Corne f'u entrato e si fu messo a sedere in un cantuccio, non osavano quasi fargli festa. "

@id.: 2411

1 discovered a Modem Italian example in Benni's comical La compagnia dei celestini (first pubfished in 1992):

"Quando ebbe finito, Don Biffera giaceva semisvenuto contro il confessionale e Don Bracco gli faceva vento col s o m m e . "

[Stefano Benni. La com~agnia dei celestini: 1331

33 There are two editions of this religious text f h n the region of Veneto, 1479 and 1532.

34 Written in 188 1, 1 Malavoglia belongs to the Sicilian writer's senes of venst novels.

In Fra Niccolb da Poggibonsi's Libro d'oltrarnare 1 found a past

anterior and a pluperfect (the latter in the principal clause) joined in

the same clause:

"Quando io fui ito per uno rniglio, e la via era venuta meno, che niente ne vedevo."

Fra Niccolb da Poggibonsi. Libro d'oltramare: 2321

It is worth mentioning that combinations of this sort--past

anterior with either the historical present or the imperfect tense--are

extremely rare, and frequently awkward, in conternporary Italian,

which is govemed by îhe niles of consecutio temporum

(concordanza dei tempi, in Mian), defined as follows by Vanelli

(1991: 611):

"Per concordanza dei Tempi si intende I'insieme delle condizioni che regolano i rapporti tra il Tempo verbale di m a h s e principale (O reggente) e il Tempo verbale di m a frase ad essa subordinata."

These d e s establish a precise correspondence between the

verbal tenses of principal and subordinate clauses. It is worth

mentioning that some scholars, such as Brunot, deny the existence of

such a correspondence (1922: 782):

"Ce n'est pas le temps principal qui amène le temps de la subordonnée, c'est le sens. Le chapitre de la concordance des temps se résume en une ligne: Il n'y en a pas."

TekavEiC (1980: 368) points out that ancient texts frequently

show a lack of temporal coordination and two different temporal

levels may coexist, a situation that would not readily be tolerated in

the modem language.

6. The Past Anterior in a non-Temporal Environment. Relative Clauses

The past anterior was apparently very rarely used in a relative

clause. The following are the ody instances 1 was able to find. Note

that most of these relative clauses could readily be substituted by

temporal ones, such as "Troilus, dappoi che f i e rimontato a

cavallo ..." or "Folaga, mangiato ch'ebbe, ...." This suggests that at

least in these cases the past anterior retains its temporal use:

"Ma s'eo non aço aiuto d'amor, che m'ebbe mes0 en sua presone, non so que corte me faça rasone; [....]" ["Canzoni di Stefano Pronotaro. " Crestomazia italiana dei

pimi secoli: 253,I, v. 421

"Troilus, che f i e rimontato a cavallo, andava ricierchando le schiere de'Greci e ffieramente danneggiando; e scorse Accilles, il quale struggea e cconfondea e uccidea li Troiani; bassb la lancia e punse contro a Hui, e diegli sopra 10 scudo uno maravilglioso

["~roniche fiorentine." Testi fiorentini del Dugento e dei prirni del Trecento: 1831

"E ivi Giuda Scarioth, partendosi dal tempio, ch'ebbe gittati e' trenta danari a' pontefici e a' sacerdoti; 1.. ..] "

[Fra Niccolb da Poggibonsi. Libro d'oltramare: 1591

"Auta la terra e' Fiorentini si tornoro a Fiorenza e l'ora che fur0 ritornati e' Fiorentini fecieno chavaliere el chonte Gientile e '1 chonte Aldobrandino da Sovana."

rCronaca senese, 1362: 1581

"Monna Marchesetta, che ricomiosciuto l'ebbe: [...]" [Giovanni Sercambi. Novelle, v. 2: 7361

"Folaga, che rnangiato ebbe, quella grande padellata di macaroni, disse: [...In

[Tbid.: 7781

"Lo Nibbio, che securamente va con quella lanterna, subito scontrato si fu innelle guardie, le qudi l'ebbero peso come de li altri presi aveano et alle forchi Io conduceno, dove già ve n'erano alquanti apiccati, e lui apiccar voleano. "

b d . : 11501

"La sposa, che assaggïato ebbe quel fatto, parendoli assai buono boccone quello del marito, nondimeno per muta pasto disiderava mangiare dell'altre vivande. E levatosi contenta la mattina e simile 10 sposo, intendendo alla festa, e fine all'ora del desnare si steono, tanto che desnato si fu"

[Tbid.: 12571

"Perché, il di seguente che e' fu arrivato alIo esercito, essendo nata a cas0 una quistione tra uno fante italiano e uno tedesco, e correndovi i piii vicini e ciascuno chiamando il nome della sua nazione, si ampli6 il tumulto per tutto il campo, in modo che, non si sapendo che origine avesse O che cagione, tutti i fanti per armarsi si ritiravano tuniultuosamente agli alloggiamenti de' suoi; [...]"

[Francesco Guicciardini. Storia d'Italia, v. 2, Book 13, Chapter 5: 13171 35

"Percib, il di seguente a quello ne1 quale ebbe raccolti i guasconi, mosse l'esercito verso Pemgia, ma come fu ne1 piano di Agobbio, deliber6 manifestare il sospetto suo, anzi scienza quasi certa, che avea, della perfidia del colonne110 Maldonato e di alcuni altri congiunti nella medesima causa con lui."


35 Francesco Guicciardini (1483-1540) was a political writer and historian. His Storia d'Italia (1537-40) is a reconstruction of the period 1492-1534.

Dopo alcune settirnane del nostro arrivo in ALsazia, verso il fin di luglio la mia donna ed io partimmo dunque espressamente per andare ad incontrare l'amico fino a Ginevra; indi ce ne ritoniammo con esso per tutta la Svizzera sino alla nostra villa presso a Colmar; dove ebbi allora nunite tutte le mie pifi care cose."

wittorio Alneri. V i , 4th Penod, Chapter 17: 2461

A more recent (1867) example:

"Il Partistagno raccontb allora com'egli fosse venuto quella sera per la solita visita al castello, ma un po' più tardi del consueto pel nparo di alcune arginature che l'ebbe trattenuto a S i n MaÜro."

[Ippolito Nievo. Le confessioni d' un Italiano, Chapter 5: 1761

7. Other Environments

Bertinetto (1986: 301) wrïtes that a sentence introducing the

past anterior frequently begins with a temporal clause, expIicit 36 or

gerundive, indicating, for instance, a state of king. In these

environrnents, it appears that the past anterior most frequently ends

the sentence, as in the following exarnple from Sacchetti's

Trecentonoveile : "andando proveggendo le sue terre, ebbe veduto

("suddenly saw," "noticed that there wasw) a piè d'un burrato questa

botte. " Herein lies, according to Beainetto, the aspectud nuance of

sudden occurrence of the action. There are, however, circums tances

- - - - - pp

36 There are two types of subordinate clauses: explicit and implicit. The latter contain a past participle, a genind or an infinitive, as in the following, respectively a past participle and an infinitive (Serianni 1989: 546): "arrivato i1 treno, la foiia si awia verso il binario"; "penso di fare presto." An explicit clause instead contains a verb in the indicative, subjunctive or conditional moods: "quando h v a il trew, la foiia si awia verso il binario"; "pemo che fa f i presto."

in which his sudde~ess theory does not appear to hold true, such as

the following:

"E giocando, in poche volte lo vecchio ebbe vinto al giovano pic di C grossi fiorentini."


"E cosi cavdcando per terra e per mare andando fine che giunti furon alla mastra città de' re di Cicilia, [....]"

mid.: 11861

Along the same line of thought, Ambrosini notes that a durative

verb in the past anterior c m assume an inchoative sense, as is the

case with vedere which changes fkom its usud meaning "to see" to

that of "to notice" or "to perceive," as in the following examples,

where the emphasis is on the abnipmess of the action:

"E avendo veduto questo fatto, eglino ebbono veduti in sulla riva una grande multitudine di sozzi uomini come fu 10 primo; [. ..] "

Leggenda di S. Brandano: 941

"Ed ecco, come piacque a Dio, cosi andando e confortandosi, levando gli occhi ebbe veduto uno animale che parea mezzo uomo e mezzo cavallo [....lm

Domenico Cavalca. Vite dei santi padri: 14-51 37

"Pauroso, come si dee credere, si inosse, andandosi awiluppando or qua or là, sanza trovare questa chiesa mai; ed essendo intrato in uno boschetto, ebbe veduto dall'una parte un poco d'albore che dava in un0 muro."

Franco Sacchetti. Il Trecentonovelle, Nov. 7: 361

37 Domenico Cavalca (1270-1342) was a Dominican preacher who traaslated Latin works into vemacular, such as the one I consulted, the Vite dei Santi Padn, whose style is held in high regard by purists.

"E in questo, guardando Mino questi suoi crocifissi, ebbe veduto due dita d'uno piede di colui che coperto stava. Dice Mino fia se stesso: [...lu

md., Nov. 84: 1691

"[ ...] e corne veduto l'ebbe, incontanente gli corse nelI1anima un pensiero cattivo [. . .] . "

[Giovanni Boccaccio. Decameron: 74,181

The past anterior (Ageno 1964: 301) may also appear after a

participial implicit clause 38 indicating an action which has just k e n

completed: "Quisto sermone compli to, Lu angelu fo parti to (S-Cater.,

656-7)," where one must take into account, however, the restrictions

imposed by the rhyme. 1 came across several instances of participial

implicit clauses followed by past anteriors in Old Italian, such as the

ensuing in principal clause:

"E dicto questo, Bindaccio in sala venuto fu, e andando scianchato verso le mense, Iohanni dogio disse: [...]"

[Giovanni Sercambi. Le Croniche: 229, CCW(1

"Andato il navichieri a corte, domandato di Tedici, subito Tedici fu venuto."

[Giovanni Sercarnbi. Novelle, v. 1: 5651

The past anterior (Ageno 1964: 303) can be found likewise in a

temporal clause after a main clause which contains immediacy or

time limits (non dimoro guari che . ... ebbe speso etc.), such as the

following:

"né stette guiri che un gran sonno il prese e fbsi addormentato."


-

3 8 See footnote # 36.

"né stette guari che adormentato fu." Bide: 9361

The past anterior can indicate as weU an event which is about

to be completed when it is present in consecutive clauses. These

show the consequence of the action expressed in the principal clause,

such as the following:

"La soa diceria fu si avanzarana e bella che siibito abbe 'namorato papa Chimento. "

[Anonimo Romano. Cronica: 1441

"E in tanto trasse tanta giente al dette fuocho che incontanente l'ebeno ispent<"

[Cronaca senese: 1 191

"Ma ttanto dimorarono in cotale maniera che la notte si trapassoe e lo giorno si fue venuto."

rist ta no Riccardiano: 2841

"Questi pesci su per la mensa guizzavano, di che il re aveva maraviglioso piacere; e similmente egli prendendo di questi alle giovani cortesemente gli gittava indietro, e cosi per alquanto spazio cianciarono, tanto che il famigfiare quello ebbe cotto che dato gli era stato;"


"E a questo modo è incominciata la guerra tra la dicta comunità e '1 dicto signore di Padova; al quale signore il comme di Firenza porgea aiuto di denari et genti, facendo ogni di prestanse et prestanzoni, intanto che più di seicento migliaia di fiorini in poghi giorni ebeno raunati per vincere loro gare."

[Giovanni Sercambi. Croniche, III: 76, LXVm]

"Turello, che desiderava il giorno, d o d o tant0 che il giorno fu venuto."


" [....]; e tanto cercb che il giorno fu ~assato." [Ibid.: 405 (prologue)]

"E tanto creve il guadagno del ditto maestro Pace che pifi migliaia di fiorini guadagnati ebbe."

[Ibid.: 8211

8. The Past Anterior and Reflexive Ptonouns

The reflexive pronoun si could be omitted in Old Italian; in fact,

Ageno points out that the form without the reflexive pronom was

more ancient and was eliminated only gradwdly (1964: 213):

" [...] bisogna dire piuttosto che la forma sema il riflessivo era la più antica, e verne soppiantata a poco a poco dalla forma composta col riflessivo, per la tendenza colta a regolarizzare, uniformandoIo, iI paradigrna verbale."

Ageno (1964: 132-136) also remarks that the reflexive pronoun

is normally absent with intransitive verbs. She Iists several usuaily

reflexive verbs which c m be found frequently in OId Italian without

the reflexive pronoun, such as disperarsi, dolersi, and stupirsi.

When the reflexive pronoun was omitted in verbal periphrases

expressing past actions, the passive simple preterite is used, not the

past anterior (Ambrosini lm-61: 25):

"[ ....] il pronome rïflessivo veniva per 10 più taciuto nell'espressione perifrastica del passato, la forma passiva supplendo quelia rifiessiva. "

Ageno comments that the past anterior too could be employed

with a reflexive verb without the reflexive pronoun (1971: 207):

"[ ....] la perifrasi del trapassato remoto è costituito dalla voce (del passato remoto) di essere + participio passato, e di diritto non vi trova posto il pronome rifiessivo, che è di regola richiesto dalle forme semplici definite, anche se poi, per influenza di queste ultime, esso vi viene talvolta, e più spesso che in francese, unito."

The following is a short list of examples of the past anterior

used with reflexive verbs without the reflexive pronoun:

" Passata la notte, come cominciarono gli uccelli a cantare in sull'alba del giorno, Evandro si levb da1 letto, e vestito che f& si pose a collo ma spada arcadica."

[Guido da Pisa. 1 fatti di Enea: 1W 11

"Sicchè messer Gomise si parti del campo di subito, poichè fu accordato con messer Anecchino, e vennesene in Orvieto. "

Lcronaca d'Orvieto: 1081

"Ma dapo' che la cità di Napoli fo convertuta a la fede di Cristo, le dette ossa fuorono frabicate stnttamente ad un mur0 del10 ditto Castello dentro un0 scrigno."

[Cronaca di Partenope: 831

"E come levato fu la mattina, lasciato il suo fante, quando tempo gli parve, solo se n'andb verso la casa della sua donna. "


Concerning the past anterior preceded by the temporal

conjunction quando, Ageno notes the folIowing (1971: 92-3):

"Se la temporale in rapporto con ma sovraordinata al passato remoto non è introdotta da poi che, poscia che o awerbio equivalente, ma da quando, d o r a il passato remoto di essere seguito da1 participi0 di verbo abitualmente rifiessivo non costituisce di regola ma forma perfettiva, ci& un trapassato remoto: infatti la temporale cosi foggiata non esprime un'azione anteriore

all'azione della principale, ma, salvo casi che si vedranno, serve a determinare il 'mornento' di questa: in ta1 cas0 una forma perfettiva del verbo della temporale non ha luogo, e il participio funziona corne aggettivo."

In other words, when the reflexive pronoun is not present, a

verbal form which stnicturally appears to be a past anterior preceded

by the temporal conjunction quando may be in reality a simple

pretente plus past participle. Ageno adduces eight examples of

"false" past anteriors h m the Divina Commedia, including "e

auando l'di fuoro aperte assai, appiglih sé a le vellute coste (Inferno

Theories Contradicted by the Data

1. Ambrosini's Theory-an Overview

2. Contradictory Phenornena

3. Boccaccio's Learned Writings and Minor Works

4. Sacchetti's Learned Writings

5. The Croniche

6. The Past Anterior and TransitiveDntransitive Verbs

Ambrosini adduces a relevant hypothesis conceniing the use of

the past anterior in Old Italian. He points out that this past tense was

employed fiequently in non-scholarly texts. It c m be found, for

example, in Boccaccio's Decameron but apparent1 y not in his other,

more learned writings (1960-6 1: 34):

"L'uso del trapassato remoto era, quindi, diffusa in vari didetti italiani-non soltanto in quelli meridionali--e rispecchiava una tendenza popolare della lingua: lo conferma--nelle opere di autori di uno stesso genere--il fatîo che è più frequente ne1 Sacchetti O ne1 Sercambi che non ne1 Boccaccio e--nell'opera di uno stesso autore--il fatto che il trapassato remoto compare nelle novelle del Boccaccio dal tono O dal soggetto popolaresco, ma non nei prologhi alle singole giornate O nelle novelle di tono più elevato, e si incontra nelle novelle e non nelle Storie del Sercarnbi. "

This theory would also help explain why the use of the past

anterior was rather extensive in Italian dialects in the past--and still

exists in some dialects--which seems to imply that there was a

popular, not a highly learned usage of this tense. Ambrosini shows

that there are written attestations of the use of the past anterior in

ancient Italian dialects. He (1969: 141) observes that this tense is rare

in southem Italian texts of the 13th and 14th centuries. In particular,

Old Sicilian texts were not very helpful to Ambrosini in detennining

the function of the past anterior (ibid.: 143). As far as northem

dialects were concerned, the meaning of the past anterior could not

be distinguished fiom that of the simple preterite (Ambrosini 1960-61:

25).

To support his hypothesis, Ambrosini suggests that verbal

aspect was not a priority in learned works which were constrained by

more ngid syntactic structures compared to popular texts where there

was more freedom of expression (1960-61: 22n; see aIso 23):

"L'aspetto verbale ci appare necessariamente meno sviluppato negli auton dotti - O nelle opere dotte in genere, nelle quali era - entro certi limiti - compensato dalla più rigida inquadratum sintattica, che presentava logicamente quanto - nella produzione meno &nata - veniva espresso con semplice immediatezza formale. "

Ambrosini reiterated his position during a conversation we had

in May, 1996, in his office at the University of Pisa. He stated that the

past anterior is present exclusively in Sercambi's popular tales, not in

his other, more serious writings. This would ver@ Ambrosini's

hypothesis. He added as well that the past anterior began its decline

at the end of the 14th century.

Stussi (lm6 1 : 128) tentatively agrees with Ambrosini's

interpretation, pointing out that the past anterior appears quite

frequently in principal clauses in the popular poetry published by

Lommatzsch and others. He mentions, however, that this would need

to be verified through an extensive textual analysis.

If this is me , however, then there appears to be a contradiction

conceming the function of the past anterior in Old Italian compared

to Modem Italian. Ambrosini, as we have seen, postulates that the

past anterior had a non-scholarly use in Old Italian, and that would

account for its ancient as well as current usage in some spoken

dialects. In Modem Italian, though, the past anterior belongs to high

literary Ianguage, as we shall see.

2. Contradictorv Phenornena

The main problem with Ambrosini's past anterior-popular

literature hypothesis is that there are numerous examples of this

verbal form in leanied texts dating back to the 14th century. Not

only Boccaccio but also Sercambi use this periphrasis in their lesser

known, leamed e t ings . This is contrary to Ambrosini's theory.

My critique begins with a comprehensive list of past anteriors

found in the prologues of several of the Decameron's Giornate. This

refutes Ambrosini's statement concerning such a lack of this

periphrasis. It is puzzling why he made this assertion, since the

contrary evidence was not only abundant but easily available.

In the following occurrences--al1 contained in the prologues--

note in particular the example of Giormta V as well as the first

example of Giornata VI, both comoting posteriority with respect to

the principal clause; observe as well the first example of Giornata 1.1,

a past anterior in a principal clause:

"E poi che in quello tanto fur dimorati quanto di spazio dalla reina avuta aveano, a casa tornati trovarono Parmeno studiosamente aver dato principio al su0 uficio, [...]"

[Giornata 1: 291

"La reina adunque con lento passo, accompagnata e seguita dalle sue donne e dai tre giovani, [...], per una vietta non troppo usata ma piena di verdi erbette e di fiori, [...], prese il cammino verso l'occidente, e cianciando e motteggiando e ridendo con la sua brigata, [...], assai avanti che mezza terza fosse a un bellissimo e ricco pdagio, [...], gli ebbe condotti. [...] Ma poi che assai, or questa cosa or quella veggendo, andati furono, [. . .] , andarono a mangiare: [. ..]

Ma poi che, passato la nona, levato si fu, e il vis0 con la fkesca acqua rinfrescato s'ebbero, [...] a aspettar cominciarono di dover novellare sopra la materia dalla reina proposta. "

[Giomata III: 235-2381

"; [...] e con soave passo a' carnpi discesa, per l'ampia pianura su per le mgiadose erbe, infino a tanto che alquanto il sol fu alzato, con la sua compagnia, d'una cosa e d'altra con lor ragionando, diportando se n'andh."

[Giornata V: 4411

"Mentre la Licisca parlava, facevan le donne si gran risa, che tutti i denti si sarebbero loro polniti trarre, e la reina l'aveva ben sei volte imposto silenzio ma niente valea: ella non ristette mai infino a tanto che ella ebbe detto ci6 che ella volle. [...]. Ma poi che fatto ebbe alle parole fine, la reina ridendo, volta a Dioneo, disse: [.. .]. Li quali poi che partiti furono, la reina impose a Filornena che alle novelle desse principio; la quale lietamente cosi comincib. "

[Giornata VI: 534-5351

"E poi che col buon vino e CO' confetti ebbero il digiuno rotto, a d 6 che di canto non fossero dagli uccelli avanzati, cominciarono a cantare e la valle insieme con essoloro, sempre quelle medesime canzoni dicendo che essi dicevano; [. . -1. Ma poi che l'ora I del mangiare fu venu@ messe le tavole sotto i vivaci albori e agli dtri belli a b r i vicine, al bel laghetto, corne al re piacque, cosi andarono a sedere; [...] Ma poi che venuta fu la fine del desinare e le vivande e le tavole furon rimosse, ancora più lieti che prima cominciarono a cantare. "

[Giornata W: 585-5861

"E a casa tomatisene, poi che con letizia e con festa ebber mangiato, cantarono e danzarono alquanto; [...]"

[Giomata Vm: 6691

"E poi chfebber mangiato e dormito, corne far soleano, dove al re piacque si mgunamno, [...]"

[Giornata X: 8491

I also question Ambrosini's statement that the past anterior is

not used in the Novelle "di ton0 più elevato" as opposed to the ones

with a more "popular" theme. It is unclear which Novelle he refers to

or what he means by "tono eievato."

Novella 2, Giornata IX, for instance, which contains no past

anteriors, is a scabrous and irreverent story set in a nunnery. This

story could not possibly be more licentious and, in spite of its lack of

past anteriors, one has to wonder whether it is of "tom elevato"

according to Ambrosinifs statement.

A counterexample is Novella 9, Giornata X , based on a legend

about the sultan Saladin. This tale contains instead seven forms of

the past anterior. Compared to the above mentioned tale, this one

would appear more suited for Ambrosini's category of "tono elevato."

The examination of the subject matter of the Decameronfs tales

shows that for the most part Ambrosini is correct in his statement;

however, there are quite a few exceptions, such as those 1 have

mentioned, which deseme to be taken into consideration.

3. Boccacciots Learned Writings and Minor Works

As 1 have stated, Boccaccio employs the past anterior in his

leamed writings as well, such as the Trattatello in laude di Dante. In

the first version of the Trattatello there are eight occurrences of the

past anterior in subordinate temporal clauses, whereas in the second

version there is merely one, as follows:

"Ma, p i che ciascuna delle p h ebbe più volte fatta pruova delle sue fone con vicendevoli danni dell'una e dell'altra; [. . . .] "

wersion 1: 4531

"Dopo questa cacciata non molti di, essendo già stato da1 popolazzo corso alle case de' cacciati, e funosamente votate e mbate, poi che i vittoriosi ebbero la città riformata secondo il loro giudicio, furono mm i prencipi de' loro awersarii, e con loro, non come de' minori ma quasi principale, Dante, si come capitali nemici della republica dannati a perpetuo esilio [. ..] "

persion 1: 453-41

"Fu adunque questo nostro poeta di mediocre statura, e, poi che alla matura età fu pervenuto, andb alquanto curvetto, [. ..] "

wersion 1: 4651

"anzi, postovi quasi ad ora di noria, prima fu passato vespro, e tutto l'ebbe veduto e quasi sommariamente compreso, che egli da ci6 si levasse;"

wersion 1: 4671

"gli quali poi che il marchese, uomo assai intendente, ebbe veduti e molto sec0 lodatigli, gli mostr6 a Dante, [...]"

wersion 1: 4831

"Gli quali poi che il marchese, uomo assai intendente, ebbe veduti, e molto sec0 lodatigli, gli mostrb a Dante, [...]"

wersion 2: 5261

There are thirty-seven instances of the past anterior, al1 in

subordinate temporal clauses, in Boccaccio's Esposizioni soya la

Comedia (133435), a collection of a series of lessons he was

assigned to give in the church of Santo Stefano di Badia in Florence

about the life and work of Dante, as the ensuing:

"E' il ver0 che, p i che i Ghibellini furono tomati in Firenze Der la sconfitta n c e ~ t a a Monte Amrti e i Guelfi partitisi hi quella, si ragunarono ad ~ r n ~ o l : ambasciadon e sindachi di tutte le terre ghibelline di Toscana e molti altri nobili uomini ghibellini e cosi ancora più gran cittadini di Firenze, [...] "

[Giovanni Boccaccio. Tutte le opere, Canto X: 53 11

Boccaccio used the past anterior nine times in a long romance

in prose written according to Classical Latin models and based on

the story of the French lovers Floire and Blancheflor, Filocolo (1336-

39). The following is an instance of past anterior in principal clause:

"Quale d o r a la paura di Filocolo fosse io no1 crederei sapere né potere dire, perb chi ha punto d'ingegno il si pensi: egli & quasi che passato agl'immortali secoli, appena vita gli rimase, e quasi di tremore tutto si mosse, ma la santidea, presente, il ricoperse con non veduta

- -

mano; " [Giovanni Boccaccio. Filocolo, Book 4: 4941

There are about thirty instances of past anterior in Boccaccio's

Comedia delle ninfe florentine. Ameto (1341-42), a work that draws

upon the allegorical eclogues of Virgil and Dante and recounts the

love story of the shepherd Ameto for Lia, a beautiful nymph in

Venus' retinue. Some of the past anteriors are in principal clause, as

in the second example (1 considered only the prose components of

this work):

"Ameto, p i che def cani gli fuggi la paura e l'angelica voce ebbe ricominciata la bella canzone, con timido passo a quelle si fece vicino; [....lu

[Giovanni Boccaccio. Comedia delle ninfe fiorentine. Ameto: 151

"Ebbero detto; e a un'ora esse e '1 s o ~ o si dipartirono." [Ibid.: 1471

In his autobiographical romance in prose, Elegia di Madoma

Fiammetta (1343-44), we c m find eleven instances of past anterior, al1

but one (an example of cresciuta fui) in subordinate temporal clauses:

"Ma poi che più volte sé dire il vero con più giuramenti m'ebbe affermato, benché '1 si e '1 no, credendolo, ne1 capo mi vacillasse, lieta con cotali voci gl'iddii ringraziai: r 11'

- L....J

[Giovanni Boccaccio. Elegia di Madoma Fiammetta: 2 193

" [.. . .]; e oltre a cib in quelle cresciuta fui, né mai ritraesti la maIlo. If

@&id.: 1371

In Boccaccio's letter to Pino de' Rossi, "Consolatoria a Pino de'

Rossi," there is one instance of a past anterior marking posteriority

with respect to the principal clause:

"E Cleopatra, la quale fu l'ultima reina dlEgitto, da questa medesima lusingata, in tanta cupidità di più ampio regno lasciatasi menare, dopo mille adulteri divenuta moglie di Marco Antonio e del romano impero invaghita, non requib infino a tanto che lui ebbe sospinto a muovere guerra ad Ottaviano; [...In

;Giovanni Boccaccio. Tutte le opere: 6411

In Boccaccio's last work written in vemacular prose, a brutal

satire against women, the Corbaccio (1354 or 1355), there are a few

examples of forms of the past anterior, including the following (note

that the second instance, already cited in this study, is in a principal

clause):

"E p i che 10 usitato cibo assai sobriamente ebbi preso, non potendo la dolceza de' passati ragionamenti dimenticare, grandissima parte di quella notte non sema incomparabile piacere, tutti meco repetendoii, trapassai ; [...]"

[Giovanni Boccaccio. Corbaccio: 445, par. 261

"-Si come io penso, il fdso piacere delle caduche cose, il quale più savio chtio non sono già trasvib molte volte e forse a non minor pericolo condusse, qui, prima che io m'accorgessi dov'io m'andassi, m'ebbe menato: [...]."

[Ibid.: 448: par. 41-42]

"[ ....]; ma, p i che cosi alquanto stato fui, ricorninciai a parlare: [.. .] "

pbid.: 452, par. 671

"Io non mentirb: come io vidi la sua statura e poi appresso dquanto al suo andare riguardai e un poco gli atti esteriori ebbi considerati, io presumetti, ma fdsarnente, non solamente che colui, al quale avea udito di lei parlare, dovesse avere detto il vero, ma che troppo più ch'egli detto non avea ne dovesse essere di bene."

ubid.: 457-58, par. 941

4. Sacchetti's Learned W r i t i n ~

Sacchetti's S~osizioni di Vangeli are notes and sketches of his

own personal, concrete, and intimate rneditations. Born in Ragusa of

an ancient Florentine merchant family, Sacchetti (1332-1400 circa)

worked for the Florentine Republic. There are a few instances of past

anterior in Sacchetti's personal correspondence and his Sposizioni

dei Vangeli, respectively two and five (of the latter, two are listed

below) :

"E cercandone insino a nona l'altro di e al tutto non trovandolo, mi puosi a fame un altro; e fatto che l'ebbi, il puosi in uno quademo sul desco, e la sera, volendo dare fine a esso, il simile m'intervenne che de l'altro, non potendolo mai ritrovare."

Letter dated 15/10/ 1392 to messer Piero Gambacorti, Signore of Pisa: 981

"Giunto che qui, subito, come io fosse il gufo e la gente de l'arme fossono gli augelli, cosi d'ogni parte ciascuno comincib a trame, ed è intrescata la cosa e intrescasi per forma, che Dio voglia che l'abbia buono fine. "

petter dated 30/12/13% to the Signore Astore h m Faenza: 1171

"Dico che, tomando al mondo, la gloria di Dio si parti da lui, la quale era, stando egli dinanzi a Dio, tra Dio e lui; si che, tomato al mondo, e partitosi da Dio e da la gloria, quanto corporalmente, come partit0 fu da la gloria e venuto al mondo, rimase come di prima che l'avesse veduta, e perb che si mostrb viatoria e non confermata."

[Le Sposizioni dei Vangeli: 222-31

"Il leone, giugnendo a la fonte con la bocca sanguinosa, come quelli che avea ucciso e pasciuto di poca preda, pigliando col ceffo questo velo tutto 10 insanguin& e come ebbe beuto, si partio."

pbid.: 2871

5. The Croniche

According to Ambrosini's theory, one would expect not to find

any occurrences of the past anterior in serious works such as

Sercambi's Croniche, Compagni's political Cronica and Villani's

historical Nuova Cronica, to cite just a few of the documents

examined. This is not at dl the case.

There are numerous instances of the past anterior in d l of these

texts. The most common context for the past antenor is a

subordinate, temporal clause, but there do exist cases in which the

past anterior is present in other environments. Sercambi's historical

Croniche (or Stone), which recount events in Lucca between 1164

and 1424, were published posthumously, in 1761 and 1892. The

following excerpts from Sercambi's Croniche d l occur in principal

clauses:

"E stando in tal maniera, la dicta m a d o ~ a Pomna ebbe pensato il modo che messer Bernabo di pregione uscisse."

[v. 1: 245, CCXCVil

"E non funno diluneati uno miglo, che il dicto Nicolao Cechorini uscio dalla Roccha a Pelago, dicendo: [...]."

pbid.: 303, CCCLXXJ

"Dichè li homini di santo Andrea uscirono fuori, pensando esser sicuri; e quando funno dilungati alquanto, la gente di Luccha che era in nell'aguaito, si misse tra loro e la terra, ritomando le altre brigate arieto di Luccha. Et cosi ebbero presi gran parte delli homini del castel10 di Santo Andrea; [...] "

[Ibid.: 330, CC-

"Li quali, tra mezza nocte et rnactino, h o venuti in palagio, e a loro distesamente per lo gonfalonieri, fu narrato i pericoli in che si vedea Luccha incorrere, e Io stato e i pensieri del dicto Paulo."

[v. 3: 14, IX]

"E corne piaque a Dio, essendo per alcuna fortuna di mare alcuno legno de' christiani capitato al porto dove Giabino dimorava, e apalezatosi il dicto Giabino al padrone di ta1 Iegno esser christiano, l'ebero levato et di quine si partirono; [...]. "

mid.: 23, XZV]

"[ ...]; il quale subito, tracto loro dirieto, l'ebbe in uno albergo &nti ."

mid.: 72,

"E cosi in ne1 dicto di .xx. luglo tucto ebeno Dreso, combatendo la ciptadella valentemente e loro valentemente quella difendendo. "

[mid.: 87, LXM(III1

"Ecuba sua madre, andando per stare con lui, trovblo morto & ebbelo copnosciuto, di grandissima tristessa verne a esser macta et andava latrando corne fanno li cani. "

[Ibid.: 323, CCCLXW]

In the same edition, there is a further occurrence of the past

anterior in a non-temporal clause, indicating posteriority with respect

to the principal clause:

"Et cosi dur6 la mislea, tanto che cattivo e buono ebbe passato il fiurne."

[v. 1: 362, CCCCXVI]

Every single one of the instances of the past anterior in

Compagni's Cronica occur in subordinate temporal clauses, such as

the following :

"Poi che messer Carlo di Valos ebbe rimesso Parte nera in Firenze, and a Roma: e domandato danari al Papa, gli rispose che ltavea messo nella fonte dell'oro."

Book 2: 251

The twelve-book historical chronicle of the merchant and

banker Giovanni Villani (who died in 1348) is rather archaic,

phcularly in the first part which is dedicated mainly to the

recounting of ancient myths; the most interesting part, as Sapegno

of the past anterior in non-temporal contexts. In the ensuing

example, the past anterior appears in a principal clause:

"Appresso andaro a una isoletta ivi presso, corne aveano posti piii di Vm uomini saracini per mettergli in su l'isola di Rodi: le dette galee de' Cristiani tutti gli ebbono ~res i , e uccisono i vecchi, e' giovani venderono per ischiavi."

[Book 10, Chapter 1201

In the following excerpt from the Nuova Cronica, the past

anterior denotes posteriority with respect to the principal clause:

"E nota che poi che Roma fu fondata O richiusa per Romolo, fu caporale regno di sé medesima, e nemica del regno de' Latini e di tutte le citt.. . vicine, e sempre ebbe guerra con ciascuna, infino che al tutto I 'ebbe sotto~oste a sua signoria. "

[Book 1, Chapter 281

6. The Past Anterior and TransitiveLntransitive Verbs

Ambrosini (1960-61: 38-9) states that the past anterior was used

overwhelmingl y wi th transitive verbs--Le., verbs which take a direct

object. Ageno (19'71: 84) also supports the idea that the examples of

the past anterior with an intransitive use are extremely rare.

In my research, however, 1 found the opposite to be true. This

is in accordance with what Martin (1971: 375) notes with respect to

Old French: être, typicd of intransitive, perfective verbs, is more used

than avoir with the past anterior.

In Old Italian there exist, in fact, countless occurrences of the

past anterior with intransitive verbs in principal and subordhate

in which the author tells of the activities. both political and administrative, of the city of Florence.

clauses, such as the following (this list includes as well just a few of

the instances 1 found in Modem Italian literature):

"Fori iunti 'n albescente; addemandaruse presente. "

["Ritmo cass&ese." Crestomazia italiana dei primi secoli:

"Si tosto come Andromaca il vide, uscita tutta di sè, come tramortita cadde in terra; ma poi che alquanto ntornata in sè, disse ad Enea: [....] "

[Guido da Pisa. I fatti di Enea: 191

"E cosi stettero tanto che '1 sonno giunse e h o tutti -

adormen tati." Novellino: 3511

"Ma poi ch'i' &i al pi& d'un colle giunto. [...] guardai in alto e vidi le sue spalle vestite già de' raggi del pianeta che mena dritto dtmi per ogne calle."

pante Alighieri. La Divina Cornrnedia (Infernal, 1, 13-18]

"[...]; poi che più di due miglia fu cavalcata, di lontano si vide davanti ma casetta, [....] "


"Fu adunque questo nostro poeta di mediocre statura, e, poi che alla matura età fu ~ervenuto, ando alquanto curvetto, [....]"

[Giovanni Boccaccio. Trattatello in laude di Dante: 4651

"[ ....]; et come fu partito, subito per la brigata del gomfalone del Cecino si comincib a disfare alquanto della fortezza di tal porta; [....]"

[Giovanni Sercambi. Le Croniche, CCXIV: 1851

"Venuta la domenica mattina et avendo Daniel10 comprato una coda di castrone, aperse la finestrella e uno lucore di di imella camera fu intrato."


"In questa ora, Pirrarno più sonolento e meno amando, poi che si fu desto, giunse a la detta fonte; [....]"

Sacchetti. Le Sposizioni dei Vanpli: 2871

"E inchontanente fur0 mossi e andoro di subito ai palazzo de' signori Nove e gitorsi in terra ginochione."

[Cronaca senese, 13 16: 1 101

"Ma poi che h o ascesi in su la vetta, usciro in spaiiosa prateria, [...]"

[Ludovico Ariosto. Orlando Furioso, W, 81

"Tomati che furon tutti al palazzotto, il Griso rese conto, e fis& definitivamente il disegno dell'impresa; [.. .]. Radunati che furono in quel luogo, il Griso speai tre di coloro all'osteria del paesetto."

[Alessandro Manzoni. 1 promessi soosi, Chapter 7: 1551

"Ma la vista della madre appena fu rientrata nella stanza, chissà perché, la disarmb."

[Alberto Moravia. Gli indifferenti: 1331

"Giunti che furono dle mura, Drogo disse la parola d'ordine per sé e per i suoi uomini, [...]"

[Dino Buzzati. Il deserto dei T h : 1151

"Salito che fu in carrozza, Drogo diede invece subito ordine di partire."

miid.: 2471

In this chapter, it has been shown that some statements and

theories that were advanced concerning the usage of the past anterior

in Old Italian have not always k e n accurate. Most scholars appear

to have accepted Ambrosini's conclusions without subrnitting the old

texts to a detailed examination. Such an examination would have

revealed the inconsistencies between Ambrosini's theories and the

data.

The Past Anterior in Modern Italian

1. Decline of the Past Anterior

2. The Past Anterior in Manzoni's I Promessi Sposi

1. Decline of the Past Anterior

Bertinetto refutes the notion that the past anterior can be used

only in subordhate, temporal clauses introduced by temporal

conjunctions such as "dopo che, non appena" (1986: 468-9).

Serianni also States the following (1989: 473):

"Ormai raro e letterario, il trapassato remoto è addirimira disusato nell' ausiliare essere (fui stato) e nei passivi (fui stato amato). Ha valore temporale analogo a quel10 del trapassato prossimo (ma il tempo correlativo è quasi solo il passato remoto) e oggi non si incontra che nelle proposizioni temporali [. . . ] . "

Without a doubt, the most noticeable change in the use of this

past tense is the fact that it is rarely found nowadays in principal

clauses. Moretti and O ~ e t o assert, however, that the past anterior

still makes a few appearances in principal clauses (1984: 51):

"[ ...] Il trapassato remoto si pub usare in proposizione principale allorché sia presente una determinazione temporale anteriormente alla quale l'atto verbale ha avuto svolgimento: [. . -1. "

They cite, however, only two examples fiom Modem Italian

literature, one from DIAmico's Le finestre di ~iazza Navona:

"Erano, e i nostri ragazzi li ebbero presto riconosciuti, i piccoli collegiali del nobile Convitto Nazareno, la cui divisa, anche a nove O dieci anni d' et&, consisteva né piu né meno che ne1 compiuto e perfetto abito dei gentiluomini in società: [. . . .] . "

[Silvio DIArnico. Le finestre di ~ iazza Navona: 66]

In this case, one can readily note the immediacy of the action in the

principal clause, just as in Old Italian. The other example is

extracted fiom Pavese's Feria d'aeosto (1946). At the May 29-30,

1997, conference of the ASLI (Associazione per la Storia della

Lingua haliana) held at the Accademia della Crusca, Serianni

commented to me that this example h m Pavese is particularly

interesting, albeit "ai limiti della grammaticalità." The passage in

question is as follows:

"Ritornammo verso casa noi quattro ragazzi (....). In due O tre giorni Nino ebbe fatto amicizia con loro e si parlavano a risatine e gomitate."

[Cesare Pavese. Feria d'agosto: 981

1 found as well two examples, in coordinated principal clauses,

in Nievo's Confessioni d' un Italiano:

"11 dottore ci vedeva a doppio nell'anima e ne1 corpo. Li in Giulio egli ebbe tantosto indovinato i segni d'ma passione, ed erano segni fatali; di piu s'accorgeva che la calma di quella passione non bastava a cancellarli; [...IN vppolito ~ i e v & Le confessioni d' un Italiano, Chapter 1 1:

3571

"Intanto quelli chferan già passati Ia davano a gambe travers0 i cavoli; li rawisai pei miei compagni, e non li ebbi conosciuti appena, che SUI solito mur0 cominciarono a sorgere altri cappelli, e dietro i cappelli altre teste e braccia e gambe che non finivano più."

[Tbid., Chapter 16: 5 101

Serianni told me that the above examples could have resulted

fiom a hypercorrection on the part of Nievo, and found them less

significant than the cited example fiom Pavese. Serianni himself

discovered an instance of past anterior in a principal clause in a 19th

century text fiom the Veneto region ("Cronaca Lendinarese." Il primo

Ottocento 1989: 164): "14 d.to. - Francesco Battisaldo a mezo giorno

fu Morto." This example is drawn fiom the chronicle of a rather

unsophisticated author, Vincenzo Boraso, who describes mainly

events fiom his own region such as deaths, births, and weather

conditions. Once again, Serianni ascribes the usage of the past

anterior in a principal clause to a hypercorrection.

Savie (see section in Chapter 4) reports a few instances of the

past anterior in a principal clause in al1 three editions of Manzoni's 1 promessi sposi (three in the 1827 edition, two in the succeeding ones,

"Don Abbondio vide che non poteva cavarsela che col proferire una parola, e articolb: 'Don. ..' 'Don,' replich Fermo corne per ajutare Don Abbondio a pronunziare il resto: 'Don Rodrigo; disse finalmente il Curato. E non l'ebbe appena Drofenta, che sentendo cessato il pericolo imminente, e vedendo che Fermo non aveva pifi pretesto da minacciarlo, la paura si cangib in collera e corninci6 a rimproverarlo. "

Fermo e Lucia, Book 1, Chapter 2: 311

"Quando questi ebbe terminato, Fermo ebbe inteso: e tra un poco di collera, perb quella collera che un buon uomo di contado pub avere contra un signore che sa, e tra un certo orgoglio di farsi vedere libero da quei timon che il dottore supponeva, rispose: [... .] "

mid., Chapter 3: 421

"Ebbe appena Don Abbondio proferite queste ultime parole che se ne penti, s'accorse di aver detta una insolenza, e si aspettb che questa volta Monsignore monterebbe affatto in bestia."

Dbid., Book 3, Chapter 4: 3591

"Talvolta anche, il pensiero di dover abbandonare per sempre que' godimenti, gliene rendeva arnaro e penoso quel piccol saggio; corne l'infermo assetato guarda con rabbia, e quasi rispinge con dispetto il cucchiaio d'acqua che il medico gli concede a fatica. Intanto il vicario delle monache ebbe rilasciata lfattestazione necessaria, e verne la licenza di tenere il capitolo per l'accettazione di Gertrude. "

promessi spsi, Chapter 10: 2441

"Questa, in un momento, ebbe messo in tavola; e subito dopo cornincib a tempestare il suo ospite di domande, e su1 suo essere, e sui gran fatti di Milano: [... .]."

mid., Chapter 16: 3731

I actually found a fourth instance of past anterior in a principal

clause in Fermo e Lucia. Perhaps SaviC overlooked it since it might

appear to be in the passive voice; a more detailed examination of the

context, however, proves it to be a past anterior:

" Rivisitate accuratamente le porte, tentati i chiavistelli per accertarsi che fossero ben chiusi, le tre sciagurate s'avviarono insieme verso il luogo piti rimoto del quartiere dove Egidio le stava aspettando. L'orrendo concilio fu r a y t o : le sciagurate aspettavano ansiose di udire cib che Egidio avesse a propor loro, e nello stesso tempo stavano col capo levato allfindietro origliando se un qualche romore si sentisse, se qualche suora venisse a bussare, per accorrer tosto, per intrattenerla con qualche pretesto prima di aprire, e dar cosi tempo ad Egidio di sparire senza lasciare alcun sospetto. "

Fermo e Lucia, Book 2, Chapter 9: 2561

Surprisingly, SaviC does not include in his snidy the foUowing

instance of past anterior in a principal clause that 1 found in the final

edition of Manzoni's I rome es si s ~ o s i (this wouid take the number of

past anteriors in a principal clause fiom two to three):

"'È quella?' domando il primo al secondo; e, a un cenno affermativo, andb verso Lucia, ch'era rimasta li con la madre, tutt'e due immobili e mute dalla sorpresa e dalla vergogna. Ma il tono di quella voce, I'aspettoi il contegno, e soprattutto la parola di Federigo l'ebbero subito rianimate."

promessi s~osi , Chapter 24: 5591

Serianni (1989: 473), as we have seen, notes that there are no

longer any occurrences of the past anterior in the auxiliary verb

essere (*fui stato) and in the passive voice, such as *fui stato aiutato.

The reason for this, according to Bertinetto (1986: 476-7), is that the

auxiliary essere is a stative verb, that is, a verb denoting permanent

qualities of the subject, or unchangeable states of being. Stative

verbs dso are atelic, a characteristic that would also make them

incompatible with the past anterior. The terminative feature of the

past anterior is incompatible with the connotation of state which is

usually typical of the passive voice. This function is replaced instead

by the passive simple preterite.

Bertinetto (1986: 468) contends that the past anterior manifests

almost exclusively the anterior aspect of an action already set in the

past and which is expressed most often by the simple preterite in the

principal clause (although there do exist some examples with the

pluperfect or the imperfect tense in the principal clause). Tekakvcic

(1980: 365) likewise maintains that the past anterior indicates

accomplished actions and anteriority with respect to the action in the

principal clause set in the simple preterite; it is also found mainly in

temporal clauses.

The past anterior appears to have lost as well

it possessed in Old Italian of denoting the extremely 6 . t action (Bertinetto 1986: 473):

the characteristic

rapid conclusion

"la prerogativa aspettuale specifica del TPS consiste nelltindicare un evento, il cui risdtato viene valutato corne attuale in un intervallo (il moment0 di riferimento, magari consistente di un singolo istante), che si colloca immediatamente dopo l'istante terminale dell'awenimento. [...] Per ci6 che riguarda il rapporto temporale che collega il TPS agli altri Tempi presenti ne1 contesto (si tratta, per 10 più, del Perfetto Semplice) si pub dire invece che tale rapporto è generalmente, ma non necessariamente, di anteriorith. " 40

The point Berthetto makes about the relationship of anteriority

is pertinent, since it relates directly to the debate among French

linguists about the past anterior that will be discussed in Chapter Six.

In the following example, for instance, it is obvious that the action

expressed by the past anterior in the subordinate clause is posterior

to the action in the principal clause (Bertinetto 1987: 347):

"'Car10 continu6 a prendermi in giro fintantoché non ebbe ricevuto a sua volta un'ingiunzione di pagarnento.' 'Carlo went on pulling my k g until he himself received a

-

warning to pay.' Here, in contrast to what we have seen so far, the process descnbed by the PA does not precede the situation indicated by the main clause; rather, this situation is intempted by the aising of the new state of affairs expressed by the PA. " 41

40 TPS = past anterior; Perfetto Semplice = simple preterite.

41 PA = past anterior.

Consider as well the following examples found in ancient and

modem texts (note the presence of the temporal conjunctions which,

similady to the conjunction fintantoché in the preceding example,

denote a terminative tendency):

"Sicurano, sollecito a voler della sua innocenzia far chiaro Bemabb, mai non riposb infino a tanto che con opera dtalcuni gran mercatanti genovesi che in Alessandria erano, nuove cagioni trovando, non l'ebbe fatto venire: [...]."


"E quantunque la giovane sua compagnia rifiutasse, sempre di lui temendo, mai da sé partir no1 poté infino a tanto che egli non Ifebbe infino alla casa di lei

[Ibid.: 4451

"Non mancava i'ammirazione del marito per queste parole, ma cresceva: e cosi infino che' ebbero mangiato dimorarono. "

[Giovanni Boccaccio. Filocolo. Book 4: 452,67)

"E' mossesi, Figliuccio dirieto a lui, tanto che giunti furon al duomo di Santa Maria. "

[Giovanni Sercambi. Novelle: 581

"Et cosi dur6 la mislea, tanto che cattivo e buono ebbe passato il fiurne."

[Giovanni Sercambi. Croniche: 362, CCCCXVI]

"[ ....]; e avendo mandat0 a chiedere a' fiorentini passo e vettovaglia per il loro dorninio, ando innanzi non aspettata la risposta, dando agli imbasciadori che gli erano stati mandati daf fiorentini benigne parole, insino che ebbe passato 10 Apennino."

Francesca Guicciardini. Storia d'Italia: Book 5, Chapter 41

"Qui, il Griso a proporre, don Rodngo a discutere, h c h 6 d'accorda ebbero concertata la maniera di condurre a fine l'impresa, sema che rimanesse traccia degli autori, la maniera anche di rivolgere, con fdsi indizi, i sospetti altrove, d'impr silenzio alla povera Agnese, d'incutere a Remo tale spavento, da fargli passare il dolore, e il pensiero di ricorrere d a giustizia, e anche la volontà di lagnarsi; e tutte l'altre bricconerie necessarie alla riuscita della bricconeria principale. "

[Alessandro Manzoni. 1 promessi sposi, Chapter 7: 153-41

"All'ultima svolta del viale, mentre Elena raccontava il suo colloquio nottumo col barone in via delle Muratte, la solenne promessa datagh, la scena del revolver, si femb cupo, I'ascoltb in siienzio sino a quando ella ebbe detto dell'ultima lettera scritta da lei al marito prima di lasciare Roma. "

[Antonio Fogazzaro. Daniele Cortis: Chapter 2 11

"Cortis non si mosse fino a che la carrozza non ebbe svoltato, a destra, il canto della villa."

pbid.]

"Il guardiano gli teme gli occhi dietro finché non ebbe ripassato la cancellata." (p. 142)

Federico Tozzi. Tre croci: 1421

"Gli terme il morso fin che Bruno fu salito, p i gli diede l'abbrivo. "

[Cesare Pavese. Feria d'agosto: 1781

"Talino le aveva cacciato qualcosa sulla faccia e fiegava, e la ragazza sputava, e Talino diceva: [...]; h c h é la ragazza non si fu liberata e scapp6 per le scde."

[Cesare Pavese. Paesi tuoi: 741

Bertinetto notes that "the connective fintantoché abolishes the

relationship of anteriori ty , which is the nonmarked temporal option

for al1 compound tenses" (1987: 354). He (Ibid.: 352) also wams that

sentences of this kind should not at all be considered to be typical of

the past anterior. While perhaps not typical, they certainly are quite

common at least in Old Italian, as can be obsewed in the above

examples, ody a few of the mes 1 discovered in my research.

Squartini asserts that in Modem Italian the past anterior is not

restricted merely to accomplished actions, but can occur in atelic

contexts given the presence of a "temporal delimiting adverbial"

(1994-5: 130). He (Ibid.: 129-130) M e r rernarks that several

instances of the past anterior occured in Old Italian with atelic or non

durative verbs. To support his claim, he cites an ancient Italian

dialect example (antico aquilano) taken fiom Rohlfs (1%9: 51):

"Alcuno jorno li avenne che hebe calvalcato."

For Modem Italian, he cites the following example:

"(8) Dopo che ebbe praticata la ragazza per qualche settirnana, decise che proprio non era amore quello che sentiva per lei (H. James, Ritratto di signora, Torino: 1952: 57). "

In Bertînetto's view, the presence of per qualche settirnana is

necessary for the past anterior to be employed. 1 actually feel that

this clause works even without the temporal indication, although

perhaps it is rather awkward, and certainly not so precise. A poll 1

took among several native Itdian speakers confirmed this feeling.

On a sheet of paper 1 wrote two sentences, the above one verbatim

and another without the temporal marker per qwlche settirnum.

The response to my inquiry was manimous. AU of the speakers

commented that even without the temporal indication the above

sentence was perfectly correct, Le. in the following form dopo aver

praticata la ragaua, decise che proprio non era amore quel10 che

provava per lei. The majority of the native speakers, in fact, showed

a preference for the sentence without the tempord connective-

2. The Past Anterior in Manzoni's I Promessi Sposi

Savie's article "Il trapassato remoto nelle tre redazioni del

romanzo manzoniano" attempts to demonstrate the steady decline in

usage of the past anterior. He examined the three editions of the 1 promessi s ~ o s i mainly to demonstrate that Manzoni's principal intent

was that of lessening the distance between the oral and written

language. While it is true that, compared to Boccaccio's Decameron,

there are relatively few instances of past anterior in the 1 promessi

sposi. the total number of past anteriors, instead of decreasing as one

rnight expect, in fact increases fiom thirty to thirty-seven in his last

edition of the novel.

In my own examination of these editions, 1 observed that

Manzoni eliminated al1 of the clauses containing past anteriors (with

the exception of two clauses, both temporal, subordinate, which

remain almost identical in the first and third editions). Thiay-five of

the thirty-seven clauses containing this verbal form are therefore all

new in the last edition. This finding is significant, for it would

counter the impression of the decline of the past anterior in

Manzoni's time.

Savie feels that the past anterior does not represent an anterior

action to another action set already in the past; it indicates rather an

action which occurs at the same time as the action expressed by the

simple preterite (1972: 224):

"Ripetiamo: esiste un'unica applicazione del trapassato remoto, il quale non rappresenta mai il preterito del passato: se lo troviamo di solito in quest'ultima applicazione, cib deriva esclusivamente dalla sua posizione e non dalla sua natura temporale."

In his view, there is no temporal distinction between the past anterior

and the simple preterite, but only an aspectual distinction. As a

result, Savié cornes to the following conclusion (1972: 226):

"[ ....] l'unico uso del trapassato remoto è di indicare un'azione finita, ci& questa forma verbale rappresenta un passato remoto un po' allargato; [....] il trapassato remoto rappresenta solo un passato remoto sottolineato per rilevare meglio la fine dell'azione. "

There is no question that today the past antenor is restricted to

specific temporal contexts. It is also so rarely used that when 1 asked

a number of Italians to give me an example of a clause containing the

past anterior, most individuals could not readily formulate one. 1 feel,

however, that to state that the past anterior is simply a more emphatic

simple preterite is a way of dismisshg this tense too cavalierly.

1. Grammarians and the Past Anterior

2. Concluding Cornments

1. Grammarians and the Past Anterior

To trace the development and decline of the past anterior

throughout the centuries, we must take a look at the manner in which

grammarians dealt with the past anterior in different periods. This

may give us a clue as to how and when the past anterior began to

disappear from principal clauses and became relegated essentially to

subordinate temporal clauses.

The first Italian grammars were written in the 16th century.

Before that time, as Trabalza notes (1963: 3 3 , Latin grammars were

used for grammatical studies, particularly Donato's Ars minor, which

dates back to the 4th century. Trabalza further states (ibid.: 40- 1):

"Il concetto teorico della grammatica identifica la grammatica col latino, la lingua immutabile, regolata: e checch5 si pensasse delltorighe e dello svolgimento del volgare, questo non appariva a1 certo in quella sua anche troppo vistosa mobilitii capace d'esser regolato; [....I. "

In 1435, the Florentine architect and writer Leon Battista

Alberti established a few grammaticaI rules in his so-called

"grammatichetta vaticma," m which there is no mention of the past

anterior. Alberti's brief grammar, according to Trabalza (1963: 35),

was the first real attempt to write a grammar of Italian. That is the

reason why, according to Maraschio, it is extraordinary that "nel

momento teorico del ripensamento sulla propria lingua, llAlberti si

dimentichi di alcune delle sue possibilit2t istituzionali riguardo al

verbo: nessun accemo a1 trapassato remoto il cui uso, anche in

principale, b ben attestato nel Quattrocento, [. . . .] " (1 974-5: 54). This

omission is rendered all the more puzzling by my discovery that

Alberti himself used this verbal form, aU in temporal subordhate

clauses, in his Libn della famidia, such as the following:

"E poiché la donna cosl ebbe veduto e bene compreso ove ciascuna cosa s'avesse a rassettare, io gli dissi: [....]"

[Leon Battista Alberti. Libri della famiNa, Book 3: 3091

Before Alberti, who finally assigned the recognition of literary

language to the "despised vemacular" (spregiato volgare), the on1 y

grammars regarding the vemacular were the Donatz proensal of

Hugues Faidit, and the Razos de trobar of Raymond Vidal de

Besaudun, 13th century grammarians fkom Provence who make no

mention of the past anterior.

Others who do not discuss or mention merely briefly the past

anterior are: Giovan Francesco Fominio (15 l6), fiom the region of

Friuli Venezia Giulia, who presents the past anterior in two examples

but does not mention it as a tense (note that Fominio wrote a treatise

on verbs which unfortunately did not survive throughout the

centuries); Giovan Giorgio Trissino (1529) fiom the region of Veneto;

the Neapolitan Marco Antonio Atheneo Carlino (1 533); the Florentine

Pierfrancesco Giambullari (1548); the Venetian Francesco Sansovino

(1562), and Stefano Bosolini (1750) fiom Padua, a city in the region

of Veneto.

Of inestimable influence on the gramrnar of succeeding

centuries was Pietro Bembo's Prose della Volear Lin- (1525).

Savit (1967: 20) points out that this treatise was imitated, and

frequently Bembo's own words were repeated, in other grammars of

the 16th and succeeding centuries. During the May 29-30, 1997,

conference of the ASLI (Associazione per la Storia della Lingua

Italiana) held at the Accademia della Crusca, Prof. Guglielmo Gorni

from Geneva pointed out that Bembo wished to be the first to

establish written grammatical des .

Among other things, Bembo established in a systematic marner

the rules goveming the use of the past anterior, d e s which were

more or less complied with in the succeeding centuries. Bembo

stated that the past anterior was used fiequently, but that it absoIutely

had to be preceded by another verb--unlike the simple preterite

which could be employed in principal clauses. At this point in

history, therefore, the past anterior was relegated, at least in

grammatical theory, to temporal, subordinate clauses, as we may

conclude from the following (193 1, Book 3: 130):

" [...] gli altri due passati tempi soli e per sè star possono ne' ragionamenti, Io scrissi, Giovanni ha parlato, ma questo non mai; percib che non si pu5 cos1 dire, Io ebbi scritto, Giovanni ebbe parlato, se altro O non s'è prima detto O poi non si dice. Ami, O veramente sempre alcuna delle particelle gli si dà, che si danno al tempo, Poi P r i m G ~ a n e simili: Poi che la donna s'ebbe assai fatta pregare e Nè ebbe pari cavato, dopo le quali parole, altre parole fa bisogno che seguano a fomire il sentimento; O veramente questo modo di dire si pon dopo alcun' altra cosa detta, da cui esso pende e sema la quale star non pu6 in queste parole: E questo detto, alzata alquanto la lanterna, ebber veduto il cattivel dtAndreuccio, nelle quali Ebber veduto si pone dopo E questo detto e Alzata la lanterna; [....] E finalmente, come che questo modo di passato tempo si dica, egli sempre in compagnia si pon d'altro verbo, come io dissi [...]."

The past anterior is discussed by the following grammarians, in

According to Rinaldo Corso from the region of Ernilia

Romagna, the past anterior is merely a "modo di dire" (1549: 78)

which denotes the accomplishment of an action. It is a perfect tense

just like the simple preterite and the compound preterite. As for the

difference between the past anterior and the simple preterite, he gives

the examples "io hebbi scritto il giorno di Natale" and "io scrissi il

giorno di Natale." In the former example, the action of writing ends

on Christmas day; in the latter, the act of writing begins and ends on

Christmas day. He states that the "secondi perfetti" have the

following characteristics ( 1549: 78):

" [....] hanno due voci, il passato più da vicino, che i primi; quinci mi si fa credere, che sia caduto nella Thoscana fauella questo altro modo di dire. Io hebbi fatto, AItri hebbe detto, & sirniglianti. Il qual modo di dire allhor s'usa, che '1 passato uuole intertenersi, & all'ontelletto mostrarsi poco men che presente. Perb io credo conuenientemente potersi chiamare un tempo meuano: [....lm

The Venetian Lodovico Dolce states that "ho amato"

(compound preterite), "amai" (simple preterite) and " hebbi a t o "

(past anterior) dl express past tenses but, interestingly enough,

according to this grammarian, the differences between the three

tenses "poi si confondono" (1558: 68). As Poggi Salani (1988: 777)

notes, this statement indicates Dolce's haste and inaccuracy in the

gathering of some of his data.

Lodovico Castelvetro (1563) fiom the region of Emilia

Romagna, calls the past anterior "passato passato" because it joins

the end of the action with the beginning of the action. This is not

entirely clear, however it would appear that he sees it as a punctual

action.

According to the Florentine Lionardo Salviati (1576), the past

anterior is a "preterito perfetto determinato nello 'mperfetto

indeterminato. " me "'mperfetto indeterminato" is the simple

preterite.] He mentions it as a tense but does not discuss where and

how it is employed.

Girolamo Ruscelli fiom the region of Lazio (posthumous, M l ) ,

asserts that the past anterior is a past tense used by the "good

authors" and that it is found accompanied by temporal conjunctions.

Interestingly enough, according to this grammarian, the past anterior

was no longer used at the time in which he lived (1581: 197):

"Habbiamo noi oltre a cib un' altro passato, che non è perb altro in forZa, che il secondo, ma detto con più vagheZZa, & con un non so che di più forZa; & quasi che si porti seco sempre, b spiegata, b compresa la parola Tosto, Dapoi che, & Subito, Tosto che cosi hebbe detto, si diparti?"

In the 17th century, the past anterior was mentioned by the

Florentine Benedetto Buommattei (1623) and Giacomo Pergamini

h m the region of Le Marche (1637), who both agree that it is a

distant past.

Buommattei states that it is a "trapassato perfetto [...]; che

accenna il fatto seguito perfettamente di gran tempo" (1623: 163).

According to Poggi Salani ( 1988: 778), Buommattei's grammar was

very successfd in succeeding centuries.

Pergarnini sees the past anterior as a "preterito perfetto"

together with the simple preterite and the compound preterite. In his

view, this verbal form indicates "un tempo di gran Iunga passatow

(1637: 1334).

Girolamo Gigli fiom Siena, Domenico Maria Manni from

Florence, Salvatore Corticelli fiom Bologna, and Francesco Soave

fkom Lugano are 18th century grammarians.

Gigli (1736) classifies this tense under the name "perfetto"

together with the simple and composite preterites but makes no

mention of how it can be used.

Manni comments that the " trapassato perfetto" denotes "quel

che già si fece, corne lo ebbi amato" (1737: 163).

Corticelli writes that the past anterior is a "trapassato perfetto"

like Buomrnattei and that it denotes "cib che @à si fece" (1745: 89) . Soave (1771; 1 consulted the 1808 edition) writes that, without

any temporal conjunctions, the past anterior, "trapassato perfetto,"

has the same meaning as the simple preterite.

The past anterior seems to undergo more scrutiny in the 19th

century.

Francesco Ambrosoli fiom Como (1829) includes the past

anterior, the compound preterite and the pluperfect in the category of

"passato composto." In his opinion, it is an tense of anteriority for

which, however, there exists no rule (1829: 30):

" Alcune dtre picciolissime modificazioni del tempo passato si esprhono dicendo, per esempio, fui arrivato, ebbi amato e simili; per le quali non pub stabilirsi alcuna regola determinata, basg averle awertite perchè se ne osseM lfuso negli scrittori più accreditati."

According to the Tuscan Giuseppe Caleffi (1832), the past

anterior has the same meaning of the simple pretente and is used by

the classical writers. In Boccaccio's "ebber veduto il cattivel

dfAndreuccio" example, "ebber veduto" is merely a variant form of

"videro." He calls the past anterior, the pluperfect and the compound

preterite "passato composto" just like Ambrosoli.

The Piedmontese purkt Michele Ponza suggests the term

"trapassato rimoto" for the past anterior to which he attributes

anteriority with respect to the simple preterite; note that in his

opinion the past anterior and the simple preterite are sometimes

synonyrns. The past anterior is (1834: 140- 1)

"[ ...] anteriore ad un passato rimoto; sebbene le voci ebbi, avesti, ecc., si trovino anche usate qualche volta nel senso del10 stesso passato rimoto, come in quest'esempio; alzata alquanto la lanterna, ebber veduto il cattivel drAndreuccio; dove ebber veduto, equivale a videro."

The Tuscan Car10 Antonio Vanzon (1834) merely mentions that

the past anterior, the " passato anteriore, " denotes anteriority . For Giuseppe Paria (1844), the past anterior is a "trapassato

determinato" that indicates an accomplished past action which

occurred suddenly.

The Milanese Giovanni Gherardini (1 847) repeats Bembo's

d e s for the past anterior, which he calls the "Trapassato perfetto O

rimoto." He writes that this tense cannot be used in a principal

clause and must be preceded or followed by another verb and

fiequently a temporal conjunction as well.

The Neapolitan purist Basilio Puoti calls the past anterior a

"passato rimoto cornposto" which essentially is the same as the

simple preterite, except that it is accompanied by come, poiché and

so forth, or by gerunds or participles expressing anterior or posterior

actions. He adduces two examples of past anteriors in principal

clause, without identifjhg the passages (1847: 86):

"Costui cavalcando col conte 1' EBBE MESS0 assai tosto in un piacevole ragionamento - Alzata alquanto la lanterna, EB B ER VEDUTO il cattivello d'Andreuccio."

The Neapolitan Cauro (1849) asserts that the past anterior, or

" trapassato definito" (as opposed to the " trapassato indefinito" which

is the pluperfect), is anterior to another definite pst action.

In the Palermitan Leopoldo Rodinb's (1856) view, the past

anterior is a "trapassato s~xondo" which immediately precedes or

follows another past action. In the former case, it is accompanied by

temporal conjmctions; in the latter case, the verb in the reiated

clause is a gemd or a participle. It is an unnecessary tense since it

can be substituted by the simple preterite.

Trenta (1872), like Puoti, defines the past anterior as a "passato

nmoto composto" equal to the simple preterite in meaning except

that it is used solely with temporal conjunctions, gemds and

partici pies.

Moise (1 878) asserts that the past anterior, "trapassato dennito,"

denotes anterior, accomplished actions, and is more or less

synonymous and interchangeable with the simple preterite.

Raffaele Fomaciari fiom Lucca (1881) sees the past anterior as

an accomplished action with respect to the simple preterite; it can be

substituted by the simple preterite. Interestingly enough, he States

that if the past anterior is in a principal clause, it immediately

precedes the action expressed by the simple preterite. If two actions

occur simultaneously, the simple preterite is used.

The Florentine Lorenzo Franciosini (1886) puts the past

anterior into the same category as the compound preterite, "perfetto

definito. " Policarpo Petrocchi from Castel di Cireglio (p. 1904) feels that

the p s t anterior, "trapassato remoto," is a tense of anteriority.

Finally we enter the 20th century.

Giovanni Predieri (1911) observes much the same as Petrocchi,

adding that the "trapassato remoto," or "piii che perfetto secondo,"

cm also be used in a principal clause to denote a rapidly

accomplished action.

Ettore Allodoli and Cho Trabalza dedicate a few pages to this

tense, noting that it can express both anteriority and posteriority of an

action. They M e r rernark that the past anterior possesses a unique

characteristic that grammarians have always completel y ignored: "la

sua particolare forza [....] nell'esprimere, in certi casi, la compiutezza,

con la massima evidenza e irnmediatezza" (1934: 2 1 1-2 12).

Bruno Migliorini ( 1950) indicates that this periphrastic tense

expresses an anterior action with regard to the simple preterite.

M. Regula and J. Jernej (1975) note that, in ancient times, the

past anterior was used in principal clauses, but now only in

subordinate clauses indicating anteriority. They add that it can be

readily substituted by another construction: the con. unctions appena,

dopo and the past paaiciple, as in the following: "Dopo mangiato

passarono in salotto. " Salvatore Battaglia and V. Pernicone (1980) state that the past

anterior is a tense of anteriority in the past and that it is rarely used

today, particularly in the spoken language.

In a few lines, Giulio and Anna Lepschy dismiss the past

anterior as a tense of anteriority (1986: 134):

"Il trapassato remoto nella lingua letteraria si usa corne antecedente del passato remoto, dove l'italiano familiare (soprattutto settentrionale) usa il trapassato prossimo come antecedente del passato prossimo, dopo quando, dopo che, uppena, ecc.: quando fi arrivato in fondo alla strada rallento il passo; dopo che lo ebbero visto, telefonarono alla polizia; appena furono arrivati scriSSero a casa,"

Eugenio Levi and

not always express

Antonella Dosi note instead that this tense

an anterior action in the past, but can also

indicate immediacy in the accomplishment of an action, as in the

example they adduce: "ln un attnno SI FU GETI'ATO dalla tome"

(1991: 216).

Lorenzo Remi and Giampaolo Salvi (1991) state that today the

past anterior belongs exclusively to the literary language and

frequently is seen as an archaism, particularly if it appears in a

principal clause. It almost always expresses anteriority of the action

with respect to the action in the principal clause usually expressed by

the simple preterite. They do note that the past anterior can be

accompanied by other past tenses in the principal clause, such as the

historical present tense.

Laura Vanelli and Giampaolo Salvi (1992) as wel1 remark that

the past anterior belongs to the domain of literature; it can be

employed only in temporal clauses and expresses anteriority and

accomplishment with respect to the action in the principai clause.

Raffaele Sirnone's article printed in the Introduzione all'italiano

contem~oraneo edited by Alberto Sobrero indicates that the past

anterior not only is almost never used in the spoken language but is

also quite rare in the written Ianguage, and even then only "in alcune

varietà particolarmente accurate" (19%: 63).

2. Concluding Comments

Dating back to the first written g r m a r s , it would appear that

most grammanans did not know how to classi@ the past anterior.

Consequently, most of them surrzfnarily dismissed it as a synonyrn of

the simple preterite. Others simply ignored it, or asserted that it did

not follow any d e s . Others still mentioned its name or gave it a

name ("preterito definito" and so forth) but did not Say how it was

used.

Before the 19th century, very few grammarians seemed

concerned with this tense or with assigning a nile to its usage. By

the 19th century, the past anterior was seen almost exclusively as a

tense of anteriorit-; only a few grammarians mention its postenority

aspect (Rodin6 and Gherardini, for instance).

Paria seems to be the first to mention the question of

irnmediateness in connection with the past anterior: "azione

intieramente passata, owero azione awenuta repentinamente e

compiuta tutto ad un tratto: Corn' EBBE ci3 DETïO, spir6; O Non

prima EBBE ci6 DETTO, che spirù; Alzata alquanto la lanterna,

EBBER VEDUTO il cattivello dlAndreuccio" (1û44: 7 1) . This is also

Fomaciari's opinion: "Si adopera bensi regolannente nelle

proposizioni tempordi subordinate, per indicare un'azione accessoria

92

che ne precede immediatamente unfaltra principale, significata col

passato remoto" (188 1: 180-1).

As we have seen, the name given to the past anterior underwent

many changes: "passato cornposto, trapassato perfetto, trapassato

definito, preterito perfetto," and so forth. The following is a list of al1

the different names assigned by various grammarians to this verbal

form throughout the centuries (I excluded the 20th century, since by

that time the past anterior had fïnally become the "trapassato

remoto"). From this chronological list it appears that the first

grammarian to use the term "trapassato remoto" was the Piedmontese

purist Michele Ponza:

"Secondo perfetto" : "Passato lT:

" PeTfe tto " : "Passato passato" : " Preterito perfetto detenninato nello 'mperfetto indeterminato" : "Passato": "Preterito perfetto" :

"Trapassato perfetto" : "Perfe tto" : "Trapassato perfetto " :

"Passato composto" : "Perfetto compostotf : "Passato cornposto": II

"Passato anteriore": "Trapassato determinato" : II

"Passato rimoto cornposto": "Trapassato definito" : "Trapassato secondo" : "Passato rimoto cornposto":

Corso (1549) Dolce (1558) Sansovino (1562) Castelvetro (1 563)

Salviati (1576?) Ruscelli (1581) Pergamini (1 637; first edition 16 13) Buommattei ( 1643)

Soave (1808) Ambrosoli (1829) Masmfini (1830) Caieffi (1832) Ponza (1834) Vanzon (1834) Paria (1844) Gherardini (1 847) Puoti (1847) Cauro(1849) Rodin0 (1856) Trenta (1 872)

"Trapassato defini to" : 'i": "Perfetto indefinito" :

Moise (1878) Fomaciari (1881) Franciosini(l8 86)

The Past Anterior in French

1. Old French

2. Modern French

1. Old French

Armbruster, who researched the functions of estre in Old

French prose, contends that the past anterior was 'hot at dl used in

the earliest texts [....ln (1981: 387). She M e r rernarks the following

(ibid.: 387):

"[ ...] fut appears in propositions which may be judged as logically anterior past by the general sense context. We are aware of the growing tendency toward greater specificity in the expression of temporal relationships because of a marked increase in the occurrence of eut esté in the text of Froissart 42 (actually, beginning with Joinville 431."

The aspectual function of this tense in Old French consisted in

expressing "the attainment in the stage of completion of an action in

the past" (Blanc, 1964: 118), with an emphasis on its terminal point

(Le. not on its duration). This agrees with Foulet's assessrnent (1925:

205) of the past anterior: this tense was used in 12th and 13th century

verse and prose texts when the action in the subordinate clause had

ciearly ended before the beginning of the action in the principal

clause.

Squartini (1994-5: 130) maintains that the past anterior

indicated immediate completion as well as anteriorisr without any

implication of immediate completion.

42 Jean Froissart (1337-1404 c.) wrote historical chronicles, Chroniques, covenng the period 1327-1400.

43 Jean de Joinville (1225- 13 17) was a chronicler who participated in Saint Louis' Crusade in Egypt; he wrote La vie de saint Louis in 1309.

In Old French, the past anterior was used in principal clauses

like its Italian counterpart. It also could be used in conjunction with

or in direct opposition to the imperfect tense (Martin 1971: 371):

"....moult petit esploit ot fait et faisoit le duc de Lencastre en France. ... (Christine de Pisan 44,207)"

Imbs as well notes a few occurrences of the past anterior with

the imperfect tense in Old French texts fkom the 12th and 13th

centuries examined by Matschke, and in Joinville, such as the

following (1956: 345):

"quant li roysfu demourez en tere, pour un home a armes que il avoit en sa compaignie, cil dtAcre en avoient bien trente, quant la ville fu prise."

It should be remarked, however, that according to De Felice

(1957-58: 48), differences exist in the use of this tense in Old French

and Old Italian. A main difference lies in the fact that the use of the

past anterior in principal clauses was more restricted in Old French

than in Old Italian. De Felice notes that in the older texts, for

instance, the past anterior was more confined than its Italian

counterpart to temporal clauses introduced by the conjunctions cum

and quant. It is only at a later date that its usage was extended to

non-temporal clauses and also to principal ones. This concurs with

Blanc's observation (1964: 118) that both the past anterior and the

pluperfect became employed more and more as a result of the

44 Christine de Pisan (1363 c.-1429 c.) wrote dl of her poetry between 1399 and 1415. She is known mainly for her Ballades.

increased use of the simple preterite as a narrative tense and of the

imperfect tense as a tense of background description.

Only since La vie de Saint Alexis 45 c m the past anterior be

found in other types of dependent clauses, for instance relative and

causal. Then, beginning with the Chanson de Roland 46 and the

quatre Livre des Reis 47, this tense was used also, albeit rarely

according to De Felice, in principal clauses.

Another difference between the two ancient languages is that

the mere presence of the past anterior gave no sense of rapidity to an

action, in De Felicefs opinion, unlike what we have seen in Old

Italian, in principal clauses. He (1957-58: 50) contends that the

characteristic of immediateness was achieved in Old French by the

compound preterite ("passé indéfini") for a completed action. This

statement disagrees with what Martin and Wilmet (1980: 92) maintain

when comparing the functions of the pluperfect to those of the past

anterior; in their view, the past anterior did give a sense of rapidity to

the action in a principal clause.

From the very beginning, the past anterior had to compte with

other tenses, in particu1a.r the pluperfect, even when used in temporal

clauses with a sense of anteriority. In the oldest texts, other temes--

such as the simple preterite, the compound preterite and the

45 This intensely drarnatic hagiographie poem, from the first haif of the 12th century, belongs to the literary tradition of northem France.

46 Preserved in a 12th century manuscript (the original manuscript, from the second half of the 1 lth century, was lost), this epic poem, the most ancient chanson de geste, in part based on historic events, celebrates the Iife of Roland, a heroic knight in the service of Charlemagne (9th century).

47 Hagiographie and religious text from the 12th century .

pluperfect-were used interchangeably with the past anterior. De

Felice (1957-58: 50) concludes that there is no discernible, consistent

grammatical opposition between the past anterior and the other

narrative tenses, especially the simple pretente (see dso Armbmster

1981: 380n and 386).

The past anterior was used almost exclusively in a perfective

context (De Felice 1957-58: 50) which is one of the limitations for its

Italian correspondent as well. It did not, however, regularly describe

only accomplished actions, unlike what occurred in the 14th century,

when it increasingly became relegated to specific syntactic contexts.

As Martin (1971: 368) notes, the past anterior in Old French did

not always express the notion of anteriority of an action already set

in the past. He and Muller examined La Mort le Roi Artu ( h t half of

the 13th century) in which the past anterior expressed anteriority

only in 7.64% of occurrences. The same occurred in Middle French,

where the expression of anteriority occurred with the pluperfect.

Imbs (1956: 347) observes that anteriority was expressed in Old

French with a compound tense; posteriority relied instead on a strict

correspondence between compound and simple tenses.

Martin m e r remarks that the past anterior was not employed

exclusively in temporal clauses, but could be found in relative and

other non-temporal clauses as well. Anglade (1918: 204) asserts that

the past anterior was fkequently employed in relative clauses instead

of the pluperfect which was rare in Old French (this usage

disappeared by the 16th century, with the pluperfect replacing the

past anterior). This can be seen in some of the following instances:

Subordinate relative clauses:

"Or revendrai al pedra ed a la medra Ed a la spuse qued il out es~usethe."

&a vie de Saint Alexis: 97, par. 211

"Sovent le virent e le pedre e le medra, E la pulcele quet il out espusede:"

mid.: 104, par. 481

"Entre le do1 del pedra e de la medre Vint la pulcele que il out es~usede:"

[Ibid.: 1 17, par. 941

"et li cevax qui ot senti Les esperons l'en porta par mi le presse, se se lance tres entre mi ses anemis."

[Aucassin et Nicolette, X, : 10, par. 101 48

Principal clauses:

"Li reis Marsilie out son cunseill finét, Sion apelat Clarin de Balaguét,"

[Chanson de Roland, 1: 62-62]

"Li empereres out sa raisun fenie."

"Li rois O grant compaignie de chevaliers fu montez en la plus mestre tor de la vile por veoir le tomoiement."

Mort le Roi Ami: 12,341

Subordinate relative clause following a ~ r inc i~a l clause with an

"Marsilie vient par mi une valee Od sa grant ostque il out asernblee: [...lu

Dbid., 1: 144% 14501

48 Written in the Picardian dialect of northem France, this story, written in prose and verse, belongs to the first haif of the 13th century.

Subordinate temporal clause:

"Et quant il l ' a ensemble mise, si l'apela la Mort le Roi Ami." Mort le Roi Ami: 3,7]

Subordinate relative clause and principal clause:

"Li cuens .G. reperoit de berser d'une forest ou a gant piece esté; pris ot .ii. cers de prime gresse assez, .iii. muls d'Espaigne et chargiez et trossez; .iiii. saietes ot li bers au costé; [...]"

Charroi de NAmes, 1: 17-2 11 49

Subordinate temmral and relative clauses:

"Après qu'il eust esté expert Et qu'il fist revellation De l'argent qu'il ot recouvert De Gabellus [. . .] "

meceuil de farces françaises inédites du XVe siècle, XXXI: 407-4151

The usage of verbal tenses in Old French generally fo1Iowed

less rigid rules than in Modern French. The past anterior appeared

with the same fiequency as the simple preterite, and, in the 13th

century, seems to have possessed the same meaning as the

pluperfect, except that it was more fiequently found in association

with temporal conjunctions, and in fact appeared to be used more

extensively than the pluperfect which had a later development

(Hasenohr 1990: 18 1 ; see also Foulet 1925: 204).

A confirmation of that cornes fiom Buridant's (1992: 664) study.

He observes that there is a very low usage of the past anterior in the

chanson de geste Ami et Amile (12th-13th centuries), 3.1% of cases;

49 An anonymous chanson de geste preserved in various editions from the 13th and 14th centuries.

however, that is not a completely insignincant number, when

compared to the percentages of the imperfect tense, 1.7%, and of the

pluperfect, 0.5%.

After the 13th century, a distinction could be made between the

two verb tenses: the past anterior tended to express the

accomplishrnent of an action, as opposed to the pluperfect which

emphasized the anterionty of an action in the subordhate clause.

This is already apparent in the past anterior 1 pluperfect analysis of La Mort Le Roi Ami done by Martin and Muller (1964: 228), who

conclude that the past anterior expresses main1 y concomitant

accomplishment and the pluperfect anterior accomplishment.

In their view, the choice between the two tenses was not wholly

detennined by any rigourous syntactic law, the opposite of what

occurs in Modem French where the syntactic context is the

determining factor (see also Martin 1971: 374); d e r , what is

important is the syntactic structure of the clause. The temporal

clause is the preferred context for the past anterior, for instance, and

the relative clause that for the pluperfect (1964: 222). Martin and

Muller corne up with four correlative factors which influence the

choice between the past anterior and the pluperfect (ibid.: 228):

1. "-la variété de l'aspect accompli (aspect du morphème)"

The first category refers to accomplished / anterior action. The past

anterior tends to belong to the former, the pluperfect to the latter.

2. "-la nature aspectuelle du sémantème"

As for the aspectual nature of the clause, the past anterior is most

fiequently f o n d in a perfective context, as opposed to the pluperfect

which prefers an imperfective context.

3. "-la nature grammaticale de la proposition"

Here they observed that the past anterior can most often be found in

subordinate temporal clauses, compared to the pluperfect which is

used in other types of clauses.

4. "-le temps de la proposition principale"

As I have mentioned, the simple preterite in the principal clause will

more fiequently be used with the past anterior in the subordinate

clause.

The concentration of the past anterior in specinc contexts

indicates its larger degree of specialisation compared to the

pluperfect (ibid.: 23 1). The replacement of the past anterior by the

pluperfect in its function of anteriority seems to have occurred by the

end of the 14th century, according to Martin (1971: 374):

"Dès la fin du XIVe siècle, le PA marque pour l'expression de l'accompli une propension si forte que son emploi tend à se limiter à des cadres syntaxiques qui l'appuient dans cette fonction. Ailleurs, il signifie une antériorité si proche qu'on n'est pas éloigné de l'accompli. [...] la contrainte la plus forte est dans la tendance du PA à marquer I'accompli et celle du PQP à signifier i'antén~rité.~' 50

The past anterior started to become more restricted to

subordinate clauses in Middle French (beginning of the 14th century

until the end of the 15th century), until it vimially disappeared in the

16th century. It is interesting to note that in more or less the same

period the compound preterite entered a phase of decline, as noted

by Buridant (1992: 648):

50 PA = past anterior; PQP = pluperfect.

"Avec la fin des chansons de geste - du moins sous leur forme classique -, le passé composé subit une éclipse. Ce n'est que plus tard, à partir du XVe siècle, après une période de déclin, dans les textes littéraires du moins, que le passé composé recevrait la valeur de perfectum historicum, valeur réservée à cette époque exclusivement au passé simple."

This raises some potentially challenging questions. These two events

are connected by t h e ; is this merely a coincidence or are there

linguistic implications as well? This might constitute a productive

area of research.

2. Modem French

"Le passé antérieur exprime un fait isolé qui a précédé immédiatement ou à un moment précis un autre fait passé: c'est un 'passé du passé.' Il se trouve généralement dans des propositions subordonnées, après une conjonction de temps: quand, lorsque, dès que, aussitôt que, après que, etc. et est en relation, dans la principale, avec un passé simple, parfois avec un présent historique, ou un imparfait, ou un passé composé, ou un plus-que-parfait." (Grevisse 1969: 675)

The past anterior is rarely used in written, Modem French. 1

noted, however, that Clédat used a past anterior in a subordinate,

temporal clause in his article "En marge des grammaires" (1926-27:

"Dès que le latin populaire, dans 'habeo scnptas litteras', eut assimilé habeo scriptas à scripsi, et qu'à côté d'habui on eut aussi habeo habutum, et, à côté de fui, habeo statum ou (par analogie avec natus sum, mortuus sum) sum status, les éléments de nos divers tens composés et surcomposés se sont trouvés dégagés, et le roman a pu les utiliser dès les début, en variant le tens de l'auxiliare,

pour marquer nettement Les différents rapports temporels des actions d'une même frase."

Grevisse (1%9: 675) observes that this tense may be employed in

principal clauses to express the rapid conclusion of a completed

action but only if it is joined with temporal conjunctions such as

bientôt, à peine as in the following example taken fiom the fables of

La Fontaine:

"Compère le renard se mit un jour en frais, Et retint à diner commère la cigogne. Le régal fut petit et sans beaucoup d'apprêts; Le galant, pour toute besogne, Avait un brouet clair; il vivait chichement Ce brouet fut par lui servi sur une assiette: La Cigogne au long bec n'en put attraper miette, Et le drôle eut lapé le tout en un moment."

L181

Imbs (1960: 122) observes that the velocity of the action

expressed by eut lapé is emphasized by the temporal expression en

un moment, and that it contrasts sharply with the pu t in the preceding

verse. Such an emphasis would not have been possible had the

author merely used the simple preterite.

It should be noted that one c m discover the past anterior in

principal clauses without its king associated with a temporal

conjunction or the notion of rapidity, as in the following example

used by Rohrer (1982: 324): "A neuf heures du matin, Arsène eut

vendu ses deux taurillons. (M. Aymé, La Vouivre, p. 107)." What is

crucial here is that, as Wilmet (1983: 289) comrnents, the action

manifested by the past anterior be fully completed.

The past anterior is completely absent fiom spoken French.

The gévaudana is dialect in southem France, however, has

maintained this verbal form. Camproux describes the Gévaudan as a

"pays de montagnes qui semble soustrait en partie aux infiuences

extérieures" (Essai du géo hie linmiistiaue du Gévaudan, n.d: 10).

He also speaks of "parlers gévaudanais" rather than "patois" (ibid.:

12).

In the gévaudanais dialect, the past anterior can still be used in

principal clauses, which is an impossibility in standard spoken

French (Camproux 195 8: 39):

"'&uet tout maniat quond arribession': 'il se trouva avoir tout mangé lorsque nous arrivâmes.' Cet exemple offre encore un emploi assez proche de celui du passé antérieur français mais 'il eut tout mangé quand nous arrivâmes' serait déjà assez étrange pour une oreille française, au lieu de 'quand nous arrivâmes (mieux: quand nous sommes arrivés) il avait tout mangé.'"

There is quite a debate among French linguists as to the

temporal function of this verb tense. Some, like Grevisse, maintain

that it's a "passé du passé" (1969: 674-75). This is the more

traditional approach (see also Vising 1938-39: 242). In this

interpretation, the past anterior expresses exclusively the anteriority

of an action already set in the past. This function would be

confirmed by the name of the tense itself.

Sten agrees as well with the notion that the past anterior is a

"passé du passé" (1952: 213); since, however, there already exists in

French a tense expressing anteriority in the past (the pluperfect), he

insists that the past anterior must be submitted to certain restrictions

(ibid.: 214):

"Avec le passé antérieur on insiste sur le fait que Ifune des actions est compl8tement terminée avant que l'autre commence. [...] dans sa qualité de forme composée le passé antérieur est une sorte de passé simple."

There is another group of linguists who daim instead that there

is no anteriority whatsoever expressed in the past anterior. The action

expressed by the past anterior in a subordinate clause, in their view,

is actually posterior, not anterior, to the action in the principal clause

expressed in the simple preterite. As a result, some have proposed

that the name of this tense be changed: Rohrer suggests "passé

postérieur. " Rohrer argues that, as the simple preterite, the past anterior

denotes an event which, far h m king anterior, is in fact "posterior

to the last reference point in the text" (1982: 322) and adduces as an

example the following from Voltaire's Candide, where the past

anterior marks a posterior action with respect to the simple preterite

s 'évanouit (ibid.: 326):

" ( 12) 'Cunégonde s'évanouit; elle fut swdetée par madame la baronne dès qu'elle fut revenue à elle-même.' The sentence 'Cunégonde s'évanouit' introduces an event e. The next sentence consists of a main clause and a subordinate temporal clause; they both introduce new events. But both events are posterior to e. That fut revenue is interpreted as anterior to fut soufnetée is due to the meaning of the conjunction dés aue."

The French past tense expressing anteriority, according to

Rohrer, is actually the pluperfect, not the past anterior. It should be

observed that Bertinetto questions Rohrer's thesis (1987: 351-2):

"[ ...] although the temporal relation between the PA and the tense of the main clause is not necessarily a relation of anteriority, it must be recalled that the semantic ( in fact, aspectual) structure of the PA indudes a relation of anteriority (namely, of 'strict' anteriority, so to speak) between the ET and the RT. [...] Mhenever the semantic structure of the PA is met, this tense can be in a relation of anteriority with respect to the tense used in the imrnediately preceding sentence. The reason why this was not perceived by Rohrer is merely that these conditions are very seldom met. Rohrer is certainly right in stating that the pluperfect is more flexible in its temporal behavior than the PA; however, this does not demonstrate that the PA should be taken as a tense involving posteriority." 51

The fact that the past anterior is used together with such

"temporal co~ectives" is not a chance occurrence, in Bertïnetto's

view, but is required by the "semantic structure of this terne" (1987:

342). He shows that even in subordinate temporal clauses, the use of

the past anterior is subject to restrictions. For instance, one could not

use the past anterior in the folIowing (ibid.: 345): "Ne1 preciso istante

in cui Giacomo *fu venuto in possesso dell'eredità, ci fu chi scopri di

averlo sempre amato." Berthetto argues that the main funchion of the

51 PA = passé anrénew. RT is the moment of reference, which immediately follows the ET, or event tirne. Consider the following, h m Bertinetto (1986: 470): "Dopo che ebbe girato tutto il rnondo, decise di tornare al suo paesello." Here ebbe gîrato constitutes the RT, and decise the ET. "In ultirna d s i . il meccaLLismo di nferimento temporale implicato dal TPS [trapassato remoto] comporta semplicemente ItidentificaPone di un [Ru che si colloca dopo il mn (Bemnetto 1986: 474).

past anterior cannot therefore be to denote a "purely temporal

relation between two events," and concludes as follows (1987: 359):

"As to its temporal properties, the PA can establish both a relation of anteriority and something very close to a relation of posteriority with respect to the tense of the main clause, although the former situation is by far the most fiequent one. [...] The temporal properties are, however, strictly conditioned by the specific temporal connectives used in the context, whereas the aspectual properties are proper to the semantic structure of this tense, as is shown in paaicuiar by the constraints conceming the selection of verbal predicates. The aspectual properties, in other words, influence and restrain the temporal ones, more than the reverse."

For Martin (19'7 1: 1 16-7), the past anterior in Modem French is

incompatible with the idea of anteriority (which was one of its main

characteristics in Old French). His position is that the past anterior is

associated instead with the notion of completeness of an action, and

this aspectual characteristic would explain the reason why its usage

is limited today to temporal clauses which more readily express

accomplishment.

He and Wilmet (1980: 80) see the past anterior as an

accomplished simple preterite. The characteristic of antenority

which the past anterior had possessed in Old French has been taken

on by the pluperfect.

Imbs seems to have an intermediate position in this debate. He

asserts that the past anterior does not necessady express the idea of

mtenonty in the past, but can also express the posteriority of the

main action (lm: 123):

"[ ....] le passé ant6rieur exprime aussi l'antériorité dans une subordonnée introduite par une conjonction ou locution conjonctive de temps [....] 'Quand le prince eutfini son siège de Kehl" --vous avez la mine d'un trappiste, dit-il à Julien' [Stendhal] .... ou bien la postériorité de l'action principale, et il peut s'agir alors de la posténarité pure et simple (après que) 'Après qu'il eut bien constaté qu'au fond de cette situation il y avait ce jeune homme .... il regarda en lui-même et il y vit un spectre, la Haine' W. Hugo]. .. . ou de la postériorité immédiate '...à peine eut4 été seul deux jours de suite que quitter la France et Mathilde lui parut un supplice pire que la mort' [Stendhal]"

The usage of the past antenor, according to Imbs (1960: 122), has not

changed since the times of La Fontaine: it is employed to indicate the

extreme rapidity of an action, in combination also with temporal

expressions such as en un moment, en un instant, vite and so foah.

Similarly, according to Wagner and Pinchon, the past anterior needs

to be in comection with adverbs indicating irnrnediacy (1962: 354):

'Ti sert notamment à évoquer un procès dont le déroulement, très rapide, est parvenu à son terme presque aussitot que commencé. Ce sont des déterminants (adverbes ou compléments circonstanciel) qui soulignent ce déroulement rapide: bientôt, en un instant, tôt, vite, etc. "

The Spanish Preterito Anterior (Ante-Pretérito)

1. Old Spanish

2. Modem Spanish

1. Old S@sh

If little has k e n written regarding the diachronie, syntactic

evolution of this past tense in French and in Italian, there appears to

be even less research with regard to Spanish. Only a few scholars

mention the use of this verbal form and give some exampies; It is

pertinent to note that these derive mostly if not entirely from poetic

tex&. Poetic examples can sometimes lead to erroneous conclusions

since they are susceptible to rhyme exigencies. Any conclusions

based on poetic texts must undergo a car& eualuatio~

Menendez Pidal States that in the Cantar de Mio Cid (1140 c.),

the past anterior sometimes is a synonym of the simple pretente for

reasons of assonance, as in the following example (1954: 356, S 164,

3):

"Martin Antolinez, el Bmgalés conplido, a mio Çid e dos SOS abastales de pan e de vino; non 10 conpra, ca ü se to avie consigo; de todo conducho bien les ouo bastidos." ['les bastio']

[v. 681

There could be an added element of meaning in the verse containhg

the past anterior. The verbal periphrasis might be interpreted as "had

[them] supplied" in which the auxiliary form would retain its original

meaning of possession (see Chapter One).

Menendez Pidal comments that this usage of the past anterior

was the same as that in the Romances 52, as the following example

52 The Romances are narrative compositions in verse, composed before the 16th century .

shows: "don Rodrigo que lo supo ta1 respuesta lo hubo dado ... el

papa desque 10 oyera ta1 respuesta le hubo dado."

He mentions other instances of the past anterior in the Cantar

de mio Cid such as the ensuùig:

"Quando est0 fecho ouo, a cab0 de tres seclmanas, De Castiella venido es Minaya [...lm

[v. 9151

Andres-Suiirez dedicates several pages to the past anterior in

Old Spanish and remarks that, like the pluperfect, in Medieval texts it

could express (1994: 200):

"1. la prontitud con que se ejecuta una accidn. La presencia de adverbios O de locuciones adverbiales (ayna, en poca d'ora, etc.) refuerzan la idea de rapide2 con la que se ejecuta m a accih [....] 2. También podia funcionar como variante estilistica del perfecto simple, sin idea de anterioridad alguna."

In its latter function, the past anterior expressed merely the ending of

the verbal action. The examples, she says, of the past anterior used in

this context are innumerable, to the point where she asserts that it

must have been its most cornmon function, as in the following

example, in principal clause:

"El diablo en est0 de balde no's estido, ovo un mal consejo aina bastecido;[.. . .] " rtraniO'] -

vida de Santo Domingo de Silos: 61,164 b] 53

53 Written by Gonzalo de Berceo (first half of the 13th century), this is an hagiographie text based on Latin sources.

In relative clauses:

"Si esta moça fuese de carrera toIGda, con estos sus adobos que la fazen bellida, casaria mi fija, la que hobe parida."

Libre de Apolonio: 143,370 dl 54

TEL.-Ya sabes 10 que de Panneno te oue dicho. Quexaseme que a m ver no le quieres." [ lo que te dijet]

pragicomedia de Calixto v Melibea: 143,3]

Alvar, who edited the Libro de Apolonio, notes that the pst

anterior--which he designates with the term "copretérito" or

"pluscuamperfecto inmediaton (1976: 4 19)--cdd also accentnate the

immediateness of an anterior, accomplished action and adduces the

following examples:

"Desque hobieron fecho su duelo aguisado, tom6 e n Apolonio, el su huéspet hokdo; [. ...]. "

Kibro de Aplonio: 338 a]

"Cuando toda la hobe la Sbera andada, paguéme d'esta nave, [. . . .] . "

[Ibid.: 474 a]

He also mentions that the value of the pst anterior could be

that of a "perfecto absoluto" (1976: 419), as in the following:

"Dar uos 10 he aconpra pero de buen mercado Como valié en tir0 do10 houe comprado [....IN

[Ibid.: 87b]

54 Dating to the fmt half of the 13th centmy, this is a version of a Latin or French text about the well known 8th century legend of the Greek king Apolonius.

Yllera (1980: 277) depicts the past anterior as a synonym of the

simple preterite in the Cantar de mio Cid. She does mention the

possibility that, at least in the beginning, the past anterior and the

simple preterite were not wholly synonymous (1980: 278):

"Los ejemplos mas numerosos corresponden al antepretérito. Es posible que, al menos en un principio, las dos formas no sean totalmente equîvalentes: la forma cornpuesta intensifica la expresi6n, a la par que conserva cierto resto de su valor originario."

The past anterior in ancient Spanish texts (Andres-Suarez 1994:

201) could indicate as well the immediate anteriority of a past action

in relation to another past action; this was reinforced by the presence

of temporal adverbs such as des que.

It also could be, however, used without any idea of immediacy,

and in this sense could easily be substituted by a pluperfect, as in the

following example: "Desen vin0 a Troya La mal aventurada, / la que

sus parientes ovieron assolada; [...]" pl libro de Alixandre: 320, 322

b] 55. Here, as Andres-Suarez points out, the action expressed by the

past anterior, that is the distniction of the city of Troy, does not

contain any sense of immediacy. She translates the sentence as

follows: "Después fue a Troya, la desgraciada, / la que sus abuelos

habian asolado" (1994: 202). This example appears to codkm that

haber had not yet been completely grammaticalized and that it still

retained its original meaning of possession.

55 First half of the 1 3th century .

She notes the frequency in usage of this tense in "las obras

cultas del mester de clerecia" 56 (1994: 201), and adds as well that

originally this tense signified tuve amado, that is the auxiliary verb

retained (see Chapter One) its original meaning of possession, and

ody later took on the meaning hube amado (1994: 220).

In the Romancero vieio, both the pluperfect and the past

anterior could indicate the immediateness with which an action was

carried out--this immediateness had an aspectual rather than a

temporal nature (Szertics 1%7: 176-7).

2. Modem S~anish

Bello (1841) gives a relatively extensive description of the

functions of this tense. He observes that the use of the past anterior

by itself denotes the notion of rapidity in an action, whereas the use

of the simple preterite in the same context would need to be in

correlation with temporal conjunctions such as luego que. He gives

the following example (ed. 1970 : 223): "642. Luego que amanecid,

sali," and "cuando hubo manecido, sali." The two clauses are

equivalent; the only difference lies in the fact that the immediate

succession indicated in the h t clause by luego que is expressed in

the second clause merely by the past anterior.

He also remarks that this tense can give an intensity to the

action which is less apparent with the simple preterite. The

56 Towards the middle of the 13th century, these were poetic texts which used the Alexandrine; the authors were of clericai extraction and the subject matter was more learned compared to the jester-like tradition, such as the Razon de amor (1205 c.).

expressions hubo nacido, hube creuio and hubo superado are

shown as examples of the characteristic of expressivity of the past

"643. [...] Hubo nacido esta usado en lugar de na&; pero con cierta diferencia mas facil de sentir que de explicar. Yo diria que hubo nacido hace ver el nacimiento como inmediatamente anterior al momento que se designa; nacid, como coexistente con el; de que se sigue que la primera forma representa la accih como mas acabada y perfecta, y tiene algo de mas expresivo. 644. Hay circunstancias varias en que el ante-pretérito, usado sin el requisito que se expresa en la regla, daria una fuena particu1a.r al verbo. 'Casi hube creido que su conducta era franca y led; pero al fin se quit6 la m&cara'. 'Encontr6 muchas y graves dificultades en su empresa, pero a fuena de constancia las hubo superado todas'. Crei y superd dirian sustancialmente 10 mismo; pero tal vez con menos encarecimiento. "

In a note, Bello further states that "En los tiempos anticlasicos hube

cantado era com~~~l'simo en lugar de canté [...IV (1972: 470).

Alarchos Llorach comments on the aspectual differences

between the past antenor and the simple preterite. In accordance

with Jens Holt, he differentiates between "aspecto flexional" and

"aspecto sintagrnfitico" (1% 1: 122), which distinguish the simple fiom

the compound verbal foms. While the former refers to the "término

real del proceso," the latter characterizes the "término Wtual del

proceso" (ibid.: 122-23):

"Un hecho es que, cuando existen ambas categorias de aspectos, se producen fncciones, por las cuales se tienden a eliminar unidades lingüisticas de contenido muy proximo. El10 explica que hoy dia hube cantado apenas se use, puesto que ya canté indica aspecto positivo (el término) con idénticos morfemas de modo y tiempo."

According to Vargas-Biuh, of the ten verbal tenses in the

indicative mood, nine have retained their original vigour, whereas

one--the past anterior (t'pretérito perfecto" or "pretérito anterior")-is

in a phase of decline, particularly in the spoken language, "por ser

éste menos exigente en la delimitaci6n de los tiempos" (1953: 412).

In his view, the past anterior expresses an action which occmed

imrnediately before another action also set in the past.

According to the Real Academia Espafiola's Esbozo de m a

nueva madtica de la lemua espaiiola (1973), the past anterior is

used very rarely, solely in the literary language, and then only in

subordinate temporal clauses preceded by temporal locutions such as

luego que, cuando. This grammm (see also Porto Dapena 1989: 107)

remarks that the clifference between the past anterior and the

pluperfect rests on the former's trait of immediate anteriority of the

action îhat is not possessed by the latter. The Real Academia

Espafiola defines the past anterior as follows (1973: 470):

"a) Denota acci6n pasada inmediatamente anterior a otra también pasada; v.gr.: Apenas hubo oido est0 el moro, cuando con una increible presteza se arrojd de cabeza en la mar (Cervantes, Quijote, 1, 41); Cuando hubieron terminado de refrse, exarninaron mi situacion personal (A. Cancela, Tres relatos porteiios: Una semana de holgorio, cap. MV). [ .... ]

b) Coincide con el pluscuamperfecto en denotar un pasado del pasado. Se diferencian, sin embargo, en que en el pluscuamperfecto la anterioridad puede ser mediata, mientras que el pretérito anterior expresa solo anterioridad inmediata. Como también el pluseuarnperfecto y el perfecto simple pueden unirse a las locuciones antedichas (después que, luego que, etc.), las cuales por si solas indican sucesi611 inmediata, estos dos

tiempos han eliminado al pretérito anterior del habla usual. Solo la lengua literaria Io conserva d s O menos."

Andres-Suiirez (1994: 200) writes that the past anterior is very

similar to the pluperfect. Like her colleagues, she too identifies

"imrnediate anteriority" as this tensefs main function, as does Alonso

(1973: 172).

The "immediatemss" question is discussed by Porto Dapena

who observes that it represents the only variance between the two

tenses. He examines two sentences similar to those employed by

Bello (1989: 71):

1. Sali cuando hubo amanecido

2. Sali cuando habia amanecido.

He concludes that the difference between the two clauses can be

neutralized if the pluperfect is accompanied by a marker of

immediateness: "Sali inmediatamente después de que habia

arnanecido." In his opinion, the past anterior belongs to the Literary

language, and is gradudy disappearing.

Togeby (1953: 111) dismisses this tense which appears

exclusively in subordhate, temporal clauses and is used extremely

rarely in Spanish, even more so than in French.

Slawomirski addresses the difference between the pluperfect

and the past anterior, concluding that they can be distinguished only

in te- of their Akh'onsart (1983: 1 12-3):

"[ ...] hubia cantado es a hubo cantado, como p. ej. estaba cantando a cantaba, O estuy cantando a canto."

Conclnding Observations

1. Decline of the Past Anterior in Italian

2. Redundancy Theory

3. Simplification of Italian Syntax

4. Decline of the Past Anterior in French

5. Decline of the Past Anterior in Spanish

6. Conclusion

1. Decline of the Past Anterior in Italian

Begiming with 15th century Italian, there is strong evidence of

a steady decline in the usage of the past anterior in principal clauses

(it is pertinent to note that the same happened in French, albeit

perhaps somewhat sooner). From the 16th century onwards, the pst

anterior is an extremely rare occurrence in that context. Ambrosini

ascnbes uiis decline to a syntactic reorganization ( 1960-6 1: 20-2 1):

"[ ....] dal '400 in pi--, ove nella proposizione principale per un riassetto sintattico ben netto, si assiste al dileguo dell'uso del trapassato remoto in proposizione principale, [..*IN

Bertinetto, whose position is that the past anterior disappeared

completely fiom principal clauses in the 16th century--as we have

seen, however, this is not strictly the case-feels that this elimination

was linked to the process of canonization of grammatical forms. This

process, which followed the lemed Tuscan model, had ended by the

first half of the 16th century (1986: 481):

"il tramonto del TPS, corne forma indipendente, è soprattutto legato al generale ridimensionamento della valenza aspemiale di compiutezza nell'italiano moderno, com'è attestato in particolare dallo slittamento del Perfetto Composto verso 1' accezione aoristica. Questo graduale processo di sfaldamento pub aver fatto si che il TPS restasse troppo esposto alla concorrem di altri Tempi. Corne nota Stussi [1%0-611, la sfumatura che separava il TPS da1 PPF era fin dall'inizio troppo esigua, afnnché il sistema verbale potesse tollerare la compresenza di queste due forme anche in proposizione indipendente. " 57

- -

S7TPS = past anterior; PPF = pluperfect. Errata corrige: Stussi was referrïng to the simple preterite, not the phiperfect.

He m e r makes the meanin@ point (1986: 449; 454) that in

Old Italian the pluperfect was extremely rare in principal clauses.

With the passage of t h e , however, this tense became increasingly

used in that environment. He suggests that this rnight be Linked to

the progressive, dwindling importance of the simple preterite, an

hypothesis, he says, which needs verification. As he suggests, the

advancement of the pluperfect is probably linked as well to the

progressive demise of the past anterior in principal clauses.

In Old Italian, as Bertinetto (1986: 481) remarks, the p s t anterior and the pluperfect were in opposition mainly because of the

former's characteristic of immediate completion. He contends that

the past anterior has not been eliminated by the pluperfect but still

exists in Modem Italian only because it still possesses the notion of

"terminativity" in temporal clauses. This perhaps is an overly

restricted view of the survival of this verbal tense.

Rohlfs (1969: 50) remilrks that the difference between the past

anterior and the pluperfect is vimially the same as that between the

simple preterite and the imperfect tense. The pluperfect descnbes the

effect of an action or a situation and is thus suited for description; the

past anterior depicts the moment in which an action occurs and is

more readily used in narration.

This theory, while generally accepted by Bertinetto, has

limitations. Bertinetto contends that in Modem Italian only telic

verbs can readily be conjugated in the past anterior. He lists a senes

of examples with stative verbs among which is: "*Quand0 Ugo ebbe

avuto sete durante la notte, gli restb per tutto il giorno ma terribile

arsura" (1986: 475). The fact that in most cases, as in the previous

one, the pluperfect can substitute the past anterior cannot be

explained, in Bertinetto's view, solely with Rohif's description versus

narration theory. He claims that this phenomenon must be ascribed

to the specific aspectual properties of the past anterior tied to its

internal restrictions. In other words, the pluperfect is a more generic

tense than the past anterior.

Another plausible explanation is offered by Stussi 58 who

suggests that the past anterior and the simple preterite were too close

in meaning-and in fact, fiequently could be interchanged. There

was a clearer oppostion between the simple preterite and the

imperfect tense. As it represented a redundant aspectual variant, the

past anterior was doomed (1%0-6 1 : 127):

"Per il Due-Trecento si pu6 dunque considerare saldamente acquisi ta una triplice gradazione nell'uso dei tempi storici: imperfet'vità (Imperfetto), perfettività (Passato remoto), compimento immediato (Trapassato remoto). Ecco perd che ne1 Quattrocento questa ultima possibilità espressiva si ottunde e il trapassato remoto resta, per lo più, soltanto quale tempo dell'anteriorità nelle subordinate. Corne questo awenga, credo si possa spiegare considerando il logomento cui il trapassato remoto andava soggetto di fionte alla più marcata opposizione esistente tra imperfetto e passato remoto: troppo sottile era la sfumanira che 10 separava da quest'ultimo e scontata la sua eliminazione in caso di

- -

58 When I asked Stussi (ASLI conference, May 29-30, 1997) to comment on the reasons for the decline in usage of this verbal form, he responded jocdarly: "Non me ne occupo più, quel mio interessamento è stato un peccato di gioventù."

equipollenza aspettiva, corne variante sovrabbondante nell'espressione delItaspetto [. .. .] . "

The "redundancy" theory would seem to be c o a e d by even

a superficial reading of the Tristano Riccardiano (13th century).

Consider the following sentence: "ma dappoi ch'egli vide che non vi

potea andare, disse a Govemale [...lu (1991: 88). The past anterior

could easily substinite the simple preterite in this instance, without

substantially modwng the meaning of the sentence: "ma dappoi

ch'egli ebbe veduto che non vi potea andare, disse a Govemale [...]"

There are many instances of this kind in the Tristano Riccardiano

and other texts as well.

Boccaccio himself uses the simple preterite in contexts in

which the past anterior would be perfectly acceptable. The following

are examples of the simple preterite preceded by the temporal

conjunction poi che:

"1 giovani si credettero primieramente essere beffati, ma p i che vider0 che da dovero parlava la donna, rispuosero lietamente sé essere apparecchiati; [. . .] . "

pecameron: 261

"Ma poi che in piii anni niuno effetto seguir si vide alla speranza avuta, li tre hte l l i non solamente la credenza perderono ma, volendo coloro che aver doveano essere pagati, furono subitamente p s i ; [. . .] "

mid.: 1111

" [...]; La nona cosa, la qua1 disse considerar si volea, era quel10 che l'autor sentisse per la considerazione avuta, poi che alquanto la paura gli ces&; [...]"

~ s ~ o s i z i o n i soma la Comedia di Dante: Canto 1: 72, par. 8 7

"[...]; ma, poi che le Bccheze e' costumi asiatici v'entrarono, [...], di mestiere arte diveme, essendone, secondo che alcuni credono, inventore uno il quale fu appellato Apicio; [...]

@id., Canto 6: 368-9, par. 151

" [...]; ma, p i che vide Virgilio aver parlato invano e sema alcun effetto, quasi come vinto, t o m e in volta, invili l'suture, temendo non gli convenisse tomare indietro."

[Ibid., Canto 9: 47 1, par. 31

"Ma poi che a quella, come io estimava, non segui cos1 tosto l'effetto, un poco ripreso ardire, con la voce che mi fu data dissi: [....]"

[Cornedia delle ninfe fiorentine. Ameto: 1 16J

Note similar clauses in which Boccaccio uses instead the past

anterior:

"[ ...]; ma quel10 che I'ira gli apparecchiava detto l'ebbe, rimontato a cavallo a Trapani se ne venne [...]"

[Decameron: 4971

"E poi che cosi detto ebbe, cantando ma laude di san Lorenzo, aperse la cassetta e mostrb i carboni; li quali poJ che alquanto la stolta I moltitudine ebbe con ammirzizione - reverentemente guardati, con grandissima calca tutti s'appressarono a &te Cipolla [. . .] "

"[ ...] : né poté ella, poi che veduto l'ebbe, appena dire 'Domine, aiutami!' che il lupo le si fu awentato alla gola, e presala forte la comincib a portar via come se stata fosse un piccolo agnelletto. "

[Ibid.: 8251

"Ma p i che con loro in piacevoli ragionamenti entrata fu, [. . .], essa piacevolmente donde fossero e dove andassero gli domando;"

[Ibid.: 9261

"E pi che alquanto tempo ebbe udito sotto Arcelao, per divenire pienamente esperto degl'intrinseci effetti della natua, in più parti del mondo gli amrnaestramenti de' più savi andb cercando, [.. .] " - -

Esposizioni sopra la Comedia di Dante, Canto 4: 234, par. 2561

"Esso, poi che più anni ebbe udito Socrate, secondo che Agustino raconta nel IIII Della cinà di Dei, navicb in Egitto e quivi aprese cib che per gli Egiziaci si poteva rnos trare, "

[Ibid.: 239, par. 2781

"Di che questo medesimo, tiratosi in bocca uno sputo ben grasso, ne1 mezzo della fionte da capo gliele sput0; il quale sputo poi che Diogene ebbe forbito, disse: [...]"

[Tbid.: 243-44, par. 29'71

" [....]; Ia quale, poi che ebbe posta fine aIIe sue note, dopo lungo spazio, cotale in sé si mosse quale colui che da profondo sonno è a vigilia subito rivocato, [....]"

[Cornedia delle ninfe fiorentine. Ameto: 151

"[ ....]; e poi che tutto fu del peso stordimento uscito, quivi, sanza niente parlare a quelle, si pose sopra l'erbe a sedere; [....] " [

"E p i che la sopravenuta polvere ebbe con chiarissime acque da1 suo viso cacciata, carkatasi quella sopra i forti omeri, con essa venne dinanzi alla ninfa."

Wd.: 21-21

"E poi che io con più intento riguardo l'ebbi mirato, piacque agli occhi miei la sua bellezza e, sospinta dalla Santa dèa di cui qui, corne posto avemo, ora ragioniamo, con voce assai soave il cominciai a rivocare in ferma terra. "

[Ibid.: 691

"Li quali p i che tutti gIi ebbi con ritenente mernoria compresi, bassati gli occhi, @à più non potendoli rimirare, riguardai i verdi prati, [....IN

[Ibid.: 821

"Poi che elli ebbe cosi detto, rimirandorni fiso, si tacque." mid.: 871

Boccaccio also uses the past anterior and the simple preterîte in the

same clause:

"E a da lei insieme col prenze partit0 si fu e ebbe spazio di poter pensare, sec0 stesso estimava il prenze sopra ogni-dtro félice, si bella cosa avendo al suo piacere: [....]"

pecameron: 1691

"Ameto, poi che de' cani gli fus& la paura e l'angelica voce ebbe ricorninciata la bella canzone, con timido passo a quelle si fece vicino; [....lm

[Cornedia delle ninfe fiorentine. Ameto: 151

"Della quale, poi che il greco furore d'ogni cosa arsibile ebbe le sue fiamme pasciute, e l'dte rocche, con dispendio grandissirno tirate inverso il cielo, toccarono il piano con le loro sommità, [....], uscirono giovani chnati ad ettemo exilio."

mid.: 841

In Bindino da Travale's Cronaca 59, we find the followhg

simple preterites preceded by da pai che:

59 The 5 (Bindino315-1416) was written under dictation by Giovanni and in part also by Mariano di Bindino, sons of Bindino da Travale. The writing of the chronicle took place at the beginning of the 15th century and is extremely accurate in the recounting of events of the period beginning in the year 1315. The document is a good testimonial of the language of the period between the 14th and 15th centuries and even reveais what was probably the pronunciation of the language at that time.

"Da mi che fecie fine Cieccholino al suo dire, si seghui 10 re Vinzillau, sechondo che pone Bindino anticho travalese. "

Cronaca di Bindino da Travale: 2031

"Da ~ o i che 10 re Anzilaus intrb nella legha ch01 chomuno di Siena e ch01 chomuno di Firenze, doppo sua morte rimase a la reina Giovanna sua sorella."

pbid.: 2931

"Da m i ch'e' signiori sepRono che '1 comuno di Siena v'era drento, ischrissono i signiori a' chapitani sanesi, [...] "

[Ibid.: 334-51

"Da m i - che femio il suo dire, si fe' riverenzia a la brigata. "

mid.: 3481

Note that the same author uses the past anterior as well with da poi

che, as in the ensuing instances:

"Da mi ch' e' sanesi cho la balzana ebbono ischorsa Firenze, istrade, vie e ponti, si se ne andarono cho la balzana a piei del palagio, diciendo: [....IV

Cronaca di Bindino da Travale: 31

"Da m i che fue entrato chon onore, e' Fiorentini gli mandarano uno inbasciadore, aveva nome Giovanni."

"Da ~ o i che 10 re Vincilau ebbe dimorato otto di da Chuna in chuà, il re prese uno chomo in sul levare del sole, il quale i raggi suoi saettava per challe e pendici e su pe' cholli dei monti. "

Did.: 441

"Da ~ o i ch'ebbono ~ensato quello, che avevano a fare, dilibarono chon tutto il canpo forte et annato chavalcare."

[Ibid.: 671

It would seem that Savie as well subscribes to the redundancy

theory. He contends that the past anterior, used in order to underline

the end of an action, is merely an extension of the simple preterite

and that the only reason why today it is employed mostly in

temporal clauses is not due to its temporal nature but to its position.

In his opinion, in southern ltaly the past anterior st i l l survives

because the simple preterite is seen and used as an aorist (1972: 226):

"La sua rarissima applicazione odiema non è d'accord0 soltanto col lento ma sempre più evidente spegnersi del passato remoto (un processo già temiinato ne1 Settentrione), ma è legato, direi, piuttosto coll'intenzione dei grammatici di vedere ne1 passato remoto un remoto. Quanto al Mezzogiorno, il cosiddetto passato remoto non è tale; è per 10 più un aoristo, e percib pub segnare un'azione aweratasi ne1 momento temporale del narratore, p.e.: 'Stamuttina mi alzai alle cinque'. In questa applicazione, sostituendo il passato remoto, il trapassato remoto continua a vivere ne1 Sud. Dunque, il trapassato remoto rappresenta solo un passato remoto sottolineato per devare meglio la fine dell'azione."

This is confirmed by Rohlfs Eindings in southem M y , with the

exception of the region of Calabria. While Rohlfs (1969: 51) States

that today the past anterior is substituted by the pluperfect, he notes

as well that it is used as a substitute for the simple preterite in

southem Italy. In this sense, he feels that the past anterior acts almost

as a reinforcement of the past action (ibid.: 5 1):

"[ ...] salentino la megghiu zitella iu ebbi amata, jeu sta donna I'ibbi amata primu 'amai,' napoletano fi 'n terra essa cascata 'cadde ' [...]. "

While Ambrosini and Ageno seem to believe that the= is a nile

goveming the use of the past anterior in Old Italian, 1 am not at all

convinced that that is the case. 1 have found too many examples,

within the work of the same author, that seem to point to the

interchangeability of the pst anterior with iîs closest relative, the

simple preterite.

3. Simplification of Italian Syntax

Herczeg's analysis of temporal clauses in 14th century Italian

fiterature might shed some fiuther light on the question of the decline

in usage of the past anterior in succeeding centuries. He contends

that temporal clauses grew in complexity beginning in the early 13th

century with the increased usage of new, chronologically more

precise linguistic structures. This tendency occurred in Old French

as well. Armbruster (1981: 387) notes that there is a "growing

tendency toward greater specificity in the expression of temporal

relationships [. ..]. " Herczeg's analysis appears to confirm the sirnplicity in style of

13th century prose as well as the restrictions regarding the

expression of chronological events. Simultaneity and posteriority are

the main temporal determinants, marked by the conjunctions

qwndo, poi che, di poi che and so forth 60.

60 A signifiant aside is that Boccaccio, according to Herczeg, was an innovator in the field of temporal constructions; in many cases, as with terminative conjunctions, Boccaccio abandoned old forms and either invented new ones or rn-ed the meaning of existing forms. He frequentiy placed an adverb in h m of certain conjunctions, in particular quando, thus amplifjmg their meaning, as in the case of se non quando ....

Herczeg notes in particular the presence of the past anterior in

temporal clauses which underline the posteriority of the principal

action. Clauses employing the past anterior became more nurnerous

by the end of the 13th century and beginning of the 14th century,

without, he says, ever becoming popular (1961: 104):

"Da notare lfuso del trapassato remoto nella proposizione temporale in casi in cui si è voluto mettere in risalto la posteriorità dell'azione della principale. Mentre ne1 Romanzo di Tristano troviamo un solo esempio con il trapassato remoto, es9 saranno più numerosi alla fine del Duecento e all'inizio del Trecento, sema diventare popolari. "

The increasing complexity in the expression

structures might also c o d k n the redundancy theory

of temporal

regarding the

decline in usage of the past anterior in principal clauses.

Simone (1996: 63) reports that spoken Modem Italian is

undergoing a process of simplification, similar to what has already

occurred in French and Spanish. This process concems verbal tenses

as well--his position is that the spoken language has an enormous

influence on the development and fiîure of Iîalian.

He adduces this example: in French and Spanish, the

conditional is used only in one form, the present, whereas in Italian

there exist still two forms. For instance, in French one must Say "Il

dit qu'il viendrait" and in Spanish "Dijo que viniera." In Italian for

many centuries there was an oscillation between "Disse che

verrebbe" (used by Manzoni, as Simone notes) and "Disse che

sarebbe venuto." The latter is the accepted, albeit more complicated,

form in contemporary Standard Italian.

Simone also comnients on the expanded usage of the imperfect

tense and, consequently, of the pluperfect (1996: 65-66):

"L'imperfetto, [....], trova molto consolidato il su0 d o soprattutto corne forma di 'trasposizione' in clausole dipendenti, ed espande largamente le sue funzioni, fino a diventare una delle forme verbali più versatili e kche dell'italiano. [....] Il processo di espansione Wonale dell'imperfetto non è perb modemo, né limitaîo allfitaliano. A riprova dell'idea di 'costanza dell'antico' nell'organizzazione dell'italiano, è possibile trovanie esempi numerosi da Dante fino a Manzoni [....]."

He then adds (19%: 67):

"[ ...] le lingue romanze si possono dire funziondmente [....] dominate ddl'imperfetto, che prende una gamma di funnoni sempre più ampia, e, ne1 concedere sempre più spazio a questa forma, l'italiano non fa che uniformami al tipo romanzo."

The process of simplification of verbal tenses (Italian has five

tenses to express actions and states set in the past) coupled with the

expansion of the imperfect tense and of the pluperfect in Modern

Italian offers a plausible explmation for the increasing restrictions in

usage of the past anterior.

In a personal communication to me (May 29-30, 1997, ASLI

Conference), Serianni underlined the modern tendency towards the

simplification of Italian syntax. He noted as well that at one time the

past anterior was taught in Italian schools because the study of

grafnrnar was based on the abstract, not on real usage in everyday

communication, whereas today the fact that this verbal form is used

rarely in the spoken language has determined its steady decline.

4. Decline of the Past Anterior in French

As for the cause of the reduction in usage of the p s t anterior in

Modem French, one possibile answer cornes from Martin (1971: 368)

who asserts that the French language, in accordance with the current

Romance tendency, emphasizes temporal oppositions and does not

favor aspectual distinctions. This might explain why a verb fonn

such as the past anterior, whose h c t i o n is mostly aspectual, entered

a period of decline.

Similarly to what was suggested in the previous section by

Bertinetto for the pluperfect in Italian, Marein and Wilmet claim that,

among other things, the vigorous expansion of the pluperfect

relegated the past anterior to principal clauses denoting the rapidity

of the action (1980: 92):

"Sur la lancée de l'imparfait, le plus-que-parfait a progressivement relégué le passe antérieur dans les subordonnées temporelles et dans les indépendantes contenant une notation de rapidité, où les deux tiroirs s'opposent comme un imparfait accompli à un passé simple accompli. Cette évolution se dessine dès l'ancien français, mais elle est loin d'avoir abouti au XVe siècle. "

This is comected to the fact that, as what probably happened

with in Italian, there were not enough differences between the past

anterior and the other verbal tenses which essentially replaced it,

particularly the pluperfect; consequently, its usage became

increasingly restricted to subordhate temporal clauses.

In spoken French, it should be noted that the past antenor has

k e n replaced by the "passé surcomposé" 61, a verb form with two

auxiliaries (see Foulet 1925: 204). Martin and Wilmet point out that

this verbal form appeared in Old French "avec la valeur théorique

d'un passé composé accompli ou d'un antérieur de passé composé"

(1980: 81). This form benefited fiom the expansion both of the

compound preterite and the pluperfect. Rohlfs states that this

periphrasis, with the meaning of a pluperfect, can be found as well in

some northern Italian dialects, such as that of the city of Cuneo, in

Piedmont: "quand l'a avü consumd tüt" (1968: 49).

Cornu remarks that there exists as well a "passé antérieur

surcomposé," which can be found in those idioms which have

preserved the past anterior and the simple preterite, that is, those of

the "langue d'oc" and of the western region of the "langue d'oil."

This form (see also MartidWilmet 1980: 83) is attested in Middle

French as well(1953: 23 1):

"Et, bientost après que lesdiz Bourguignons orent esté ainsi arrivez audit lieu de Saint-Denis, partie d'euh s'en alerent devant le pont de Saint-Cloud pour le cuider avoir.. .(Chronique scandaleuse, 56) "

5. Decline of the Past Anterior in S~anish

Cerny mentions that this marked tense expresses immediate

anteriority in the past, and notes its relentless disappearance "as a

result of its limited use and the fact that it has become redundant"

(1970: 789).

Holtus's article (1 983) includes an excellent bibliography on the passé surcomposé.

Gili y Gaya (1961: 163), noting Bello's simple preterite / past

anterior examples (see Chapter Seven), ascribes as well to the

"redundancy theory" as a reason for the progressive demise of this

tense which can readily be substituted by other past tenses,

particularl y the pluperfect, in combination wi th temporal adverbs.

Bull as well asserts that the past anterior is rare and redundant

"It has always been redundant systematically and it is now a potential fkee variant of either habia cantado or canto. In the few examples encountered in the corpus, it is restricted to representing the middle member of a sequence of three events. It is dways preceded by a conjunction which determines the time or order relationship of its referent either to the preceding or following event."

M. Criado del Val contends that this tense has disappeared from

spoken Modem Castilian, and is a very rare occurrence in the written

"La causa principal de la rareza extrema de este tiempo hay que buscarla en la poca utilidad de su funci6n. Su significado es demasiado concret0 y exige unas circunstancias tan especiales que en muy raras ocasiones se encuentra la oportunidad de su empleo."

Vargas-Bar& also adduces the extreme rigidity in this tense's

function as a further reason for its decline in everyday usage (1953:

"Debido a su extremada rigidez y a que 'se codea,' por decirlo asi, con el momento del recuerdo, ha desaparecido casi por completo del lenguaje familiar, que no se fija en tan sutiles distinciones, siendo remplazado por el pretérito punctual, O por el pluscuamperfecto

iterativo en relacih con un imperfecto. Se mantiene precariamente por tradicih en el lenguaje literario, aunque poco O nada en el drama moderno."

Similarly, after a brief examination of the reasons why the past

anterior lost the battle with other verbal tenses, Slawomirski (1983:

117) concludes that its function of denoting immediateness was

exceedingly concrete and specific to guarantee its survivaf when

compared to the more generic functions of the pluperfect. It is not at

al1 sqrising, in his view, that its functions in the modern, spoken

language can readily be supplanted by the simple preterite and the

pluperfec t.

He believes that the disappearance of the past anterior fkom

spoken, Modem Spanish is due to the very limited boundaries which

constrict its usage and the fact that it is so close in meaning to the

pluperfect (1983: 117):

"Creemos que no hay ninguna diferencia categorial entre habia cantado y hube cantado. Arnbas formas entran en la mismas correlaciones con canté (tiempo) y cantaba (anterioridad), siendo la Aktionsart 10 unico en que difieren entre si. No es, pues, de extra5a.r que ma de las formas (hube cantado) haya desaparecido del lenguaje vivo. "

6. Conclusion

This study has raised many questions. In Chapter Four, the

salient inconsistencies of one of Ambrosini's theones were noted and

challenged. It is clear that more data are needed in order to find a

definite solution to the question of the usage and the decline of this

verbal form in Italian, French and Spanish. It is obvious, however,

that the decline of the past anterior in all three languages has

followed a similar path. By the 16th century, the past anterior had

become mostly a superfluous and frequently redundant form.

It has survived, mainly in literature, only because of its utility

within very restricted, temporal contexts, and even then it can most

often be substituted by other verbal expressions. Consider the

ensuing, taken from Manzoni's I promessi smsi: "E, sentito chlebbe

accostare i battenti e scorrere il paletto, tomb a rannicchiarsi nel suo

cantuccio." (Chapter 21: 479) This could be rewritten "E, dopo aver

sentito accostare i batten ti... " etc. One must note, however, that in the

former example there is a nuance of suddenness which is lost in the

latter form.

In the following circumstance, however, the past anterior

cannot be supplanted without undermining the rapidity of the action:

"Appena Ludovico ebbe ~otu to raccogliere i suoi pensieri, chiamato

un f'rate confessore, lo pregb che cercasse della vedova di Cristoforo,

[....I" (I promessi sposi, Chapter 4: 87). The action would obviously

be slowed down should this clause be changed to "Dopo aver

raccolto i suoi pensieri, Ludovico, chiamato un frate confessore, [...I." There is enough textual evidence to show that the past anterior

was not used exclusively in popular Italian literature in the 13th and

14th centuries, as Arnbrosini and others have felt, but was present,

albeit perhaps more sparingly, in learned and historical works as

well. As this account has shown, Compagni, Villani and other

chroniclers used this tense, which would have been impossible

according to Ambrosini's theory.

The pardel courses followed by this verb form in Italian and

French and, to a lesser degree, Spanish, have been noted by a few

scholars; there has not yet ken, however, any thorough, comparative

analysis of this phenornenon. This study has attempted to

demonstrate that a historïcal investigation of this tense would be

useful in examining hypotheses which have been advanced

concerning the place of the past antenor in each language separately.

Such an examination could also eliminate the misunderstandings

with which the critical scholarship has k e n fraught. A thorough,

comparative analysis could give a new perspective on the origin, the

development and especially the decline of this tense, and could help

place its fimctions and usages in the context of the history of

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--- . "Le sorti del preterito ne1 Bembo e in dû5 cinquecentisti." Linma Nostra, 28 (1967): 19-22.

--- . "Preterito simple y compuesto en el espaol hablado." Linguistica, 6 (1964): 87-89.

--- . "Pretérito simple y compuesto en los primeros textos castellanos." AC- del XI Con-mso de Lin-mCstica Y FiloloPja Romanicas, 4 (1%8): 1891-1901.

Slawomirski, Jerzy. "La posici6n del aspect0 en el sistema verbal espaiiol. " Revista es~aiiola de lin-~'stica, 13 (1983): 91- 12 1.

Smith, John Charles. "Actudization Reanalyzed: Evidence from the Romance Compound Past Tenses." Georgetown Universior Round Table on Languages and Lingïistics, Washington D.C., 1988: 3 10-325.

Squartini, Mario. On the Grarnniitticalization Path of some Romance Languaczes. Pisa: Tesi di perfezionamento in linguistica

generale, Scuola Nonnate Superiore (relatore Prof. Pier Marco Bertinetto), 1994-95.

Sten, H. Les t e m ~ s du verbe fini (indicatif) en fianpis moderne. Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1952.

Stussi, M e d o . "Imperfetto e passato remoto neila prova volgare del Quattrocento." LTtalia Dialettale, (Nuova Serie, I), 24 (1960-61): 125-133.

Sutherland, D.R. "On the Use of Tenses in Old and Middle French." Studies in French Language and Medieval Literawe Presented to Mildred Pope. Manchester: University of Manchester Press (1939): 329-337.

Szertics, Joseph. Tie v verbo en el Romancero Viejo. Madrid: Gredos, 1967.

TekavEiC, Pavao. Gramrnatica storica dell'italiano (morfosintassi). Bologna: Il Mulino, 1980.

--- . "Saggio di un'analisi del sistema verbale italiano." Lin-eaa e Stile n. 1 (1970): 1-23. -9

Thibault, André. "Le pretérito et l'antepresente en espagnol dans la langue journalistique." Langues et Lin-isti~ue, 13 (1987): 289-320.

Togeby, Knud. Mode. asmct et te 01. Copenhagen: i kommission hos Ejnar Munksgaard, 1953.

--- . "Le sort du plusque-pdait latin dans les langues romanes." Cahiers Ferdinand de Srtussure, 23 (1966): 175-1 84.

Trabalza, Ciro. Storia della m a t i c a italiana. Bologna: A d d o Fomi, 1963.

Vairel, H. "La valeur de l'opposition Wectum/Pedectum en latin. " Revue des Études Latines, 56 (1978): 380-412.

Vanelli, Lam. "La concordanza dei Tempi." Grande mammatica italiana di consultazione. Renzi, Lorenzo and Salvi, Giampaolo, eds. Bologna: Il Mdino, 1991.

Vargas-Bar& h i a l . "Los tiempos del indicative. " Hi spania, 36, n.4 (1953): 412-419.

Vising, Johan. "Observations su les rapports de temps dans certaines phrases temporelles françaises comparées aux phrases analogues italiennes, espagnoles, portugaises, latines." Stuclia Neo~hiloloeica, 19 (1% 8-39): 237-250.

Wagner, R. L. and Pinchon, J. Grammaire du francais classiaue et moderne. Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1962.

Weinrich, Harald. Estructura y funcion de los tiempos en el lenguaie. Madrid: Gredos, 1968.

---. Le temps. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973.

Wilr.net, Marc. "Antériorité et postériorité: réflexions sur le passé antérieur." Revue de Linmiistiaue Romane, X X X W , n. 147-8 (1973): 274-291.

-- . Le système de l'indicatif en moyen francais. Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1970.

Worthington, Martha G. "The Compound Past Tense in Old French Narrative Poerns. " Romance Philology, 19 (1966): 397-417.

Yllera, Alicia. Sintaxis historica del verbo espaiiol: las perifrasis medievales. S. Cruz de Tenerife: INû-Reproducciones, 1980.

De Berceo, Gonzalo. La vida de Santo Domingo de Silos. Ed. Bnan Dutton. London: Tamesis Books Lirnited, 1978.

--. El libro de Alixandre. Ed. Dana M u r Nelson. Madrid: Gredos, 1979.

La Chanson de Roland. Ed. Cesare Segre. Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1989.

Monaci, Emesto. Crestomazia italiana dei DM secoli. Ed. Felice Arnese. Roma/NapoLiPVittà di CasîeUo: Società editnce Dante Alighieri, 1955.

Alighieri, Dante. La Divina Commedia. Ed. Giorgio Petrocchi. Verona: Mondadori, 1975.

Anonimo romano. Cronica. Ed. Giuseppe Porta. Milano: Adelphi. 1979.

Anonimo riminese. Cronichetta dei Malatesti. Faenza: Vincenzo Marabini e Figlio, 1846.

Aucassin et Nicolette (chantefable du Xme siècle& Ed. Mario Roques. Paris: Librairie ancienne Édouard Champion, 1925.

Boccaccio, Giovanni. Ameto. Comedia delle ninfe fiorentine. Ed. Antonio Enzo Quaglio. Firenze: Sansoni, 1963.

---O Decameron. Ed. Vittore Branca. Firenze: Le Monnier: 1965. (text used while conducting research in M y , not for the citations in this study)

---. Elegia di Madoma Fiammetta. Ed. Franca Ageno. Parigi: 1954.

---O Tutte le oDere di Giovanni Boccaccio. Ed. Vittore Branca. Milano: Mondadon, 1976. Selected texts: "Decarneron, Filocolo, Filostrato, Corbaccio, Trattatello in laude di Dante, Consolatoria a Pino de'Rossi, Teseida, Esposizioni sopra la Comedia di Dante."

Cavalca, Domenico. Vite de' santi mdri. Ed. Bartolommeo Sono. Trieste: Del Llyod Austriaco, 1858.

Cornpagni, Dino. Cronica. Ed. Gino Luzzato. Torino: Einaudi, 1978.

Cronaca d'Orvieto (dd 1342 al 1363). Ed. Giulio Antimaco. Milano: Daelli e C., 1545. (ristampa anastatica--Bologna: Amaldo Forni, 1975).

Cronaca di Partenom. Ed. Antonio Almura. Napoli: Società Editrice Napoletana, 1974.

Cronichette antiche di va scrittori del buon secolo della linma toscana. Firenze: 1733.

Cronisti del Trecento. Ed. Roberto Palmarocchi. Milano/Roma: Rizzoli, 1935. Selected Texts: Velluti, Donato. La C d c a domestica; Anonimo Fiorentino. Diario; Marchio~e di Coppo di Stefano Bonaiuti. Cronica fiorentina; Malaspini Ricordano e Giacotto. Cronica; Anonimo. Stone pistoiesi.

La Cronaca di Bindino da Travale (1315-1416). Ed. Vittuno Lusini. Tip.Arciv.Edit.S.Bernardmo, 1900.

1 fioretti di san Francesca, Ed. Guido Davico Bonino. Torino: Einaudi, 1968.

La leegenda - di SantfAlessio (due inediti volgarizzamenti del Trecento). Ed. Paolo GolineIli. Siena: CantagalIi, 1987.

La mort Le Roi Ami (roman du W l e siècle). Ed. Jean Frappier. Paris: Librairie E. Droz, 1956.

Libro de A~olonio. Ed. Manuel Alvar. Valencia: Fundacion Juan March y Editonal Castalia, 1976.

Fra Niccolb da Poggibonsi. Libro d'oltIsunare. Ed. Alberto Bacchi della Lega. Bologna: Gaetano RomagnoIi, 188 1.

Il Novellino. Ed. Guido Favati. Genova: Fratelli Bozzi, 1970.

La Drosa del Duecento. Eds. Cesare Segre and Mario Marti. Milano-Napoli: Riccardo Ricciardi, 1959.

La vie de Saint Alexis (texte du Manuscrit de Hildesheimh Ed. Chnstopher Storey. Paris: Librairie E. Droz, 1968.

"La ieggenda di S. Brandano, la visione di Tantolo; il Purgatorio di S. Patrizio; la visione di S. Paolo." Amiche leggende e tradizioni che illustrano la Divina Commedia. Ed. P. Villari. Bologna: Forni, 1979 (ristampa anastatica dell'edizione di Pisa, 1865)

Le Charroi de Nimes. Ed. G. De Poerck and R Van Deyck and R. Zwaenepoel. Saint-Aqrrilin-de-Pacy: Librairie-Editions À4allier, 1970.

Nuovi testi fiorentini del Dugento. Ed Amgo Castellain. Firenze: Sansoni, 1952.

Petrarca, Francesca. Canzoniere. Trionfi. Rime varie. Eds. Carlo Muscetta and Daniele Ponchiroli. Torino: Giufio Einaudi, 1958.

Pieri, Paolino. Cronica (dd'anno 1080 fino all'anno 1305). (Ristampa anastatica deHfedizione originale-Rom: Giovanni Zempel, 1455). Roma: Multigrafica Editrice, 1755.

Pitti, Buonaccorso. Cronica. Bologna: Romagnuoli dall 'Acqua, 1905.

Poeti del Duecento. Ed. Gianfraflco Contini. MilanoMapoli: Riccardo Ricciardi, 1960.

Polo, Marco. Milione (versione toscana del Trezento). Ed V. B er-tolucci Pizzomsso. Milano: Adelphi, 1975.

Prosatori minori del Trecento. Scrittori di rdigione. Ed Don Giuseppe De Luca. MilanofNapoli: RIcciardi, 1954.

Pucci, Antonio. Libro di varie storie. Ed. Atberto Varvaro. Palermo: Atti dalla Accademia di Scienze, Lettere e Arti di Palenno, v. XVI, 1957.

Sacchetti, Franco. La battadia delle belle donne. LE lettere. Sposizioni di Van&. Ed. Alberto Chiari. Bari: Latena, 1938.

---. Il Trecentonovelle. Ed. Emilio Faccioli. Torino: Gidio Einaudi, 1970.

Sercambi, Giovanni. Le Croniche. Ed. Giovanni Bongi. Fonti per la Storia d'Italia, v. 19-21. Lucca: Tipografia Giusti, 1û92.

---O Novelle. Ed. Giovanni Sinicropi. Firenze: Casa Editnce Le Lettere, 1995.

Testi fiorentini del Dugent0 e dei rim mi del T~ecento. Ed &do Schiafnni. Firenze: Sansoni, 1954.

Tristano Riccardiano. Ed. E.G. Parodi. Parnia: Pratiche, 1991.

Santa. Parma: Pietro Fiaccadori, 1 8 6 .

Villani, Giovanni. Nuova Crmica. FA Giuseppe Porta. Panna: Fmdazione Pietro Bembo/Ugo Gusmda Editore, 1991.

Vita di San Petronio. Ed Maria Corti, Bologna: Commissione per i testi di lingua, 1962.

Novella del Grasso Lepîiuolo. Redazione dei Codice Palatino 200. Firenze: Accadernia della Crusca, 1968.

Novelle del Ouattrocmto. Eds* Ginseppe Ferrero and Maria Luisa Doglio. Torino: Unione Tipografico-Editrice Torinese, 19'75.

Recueil de farces francaises inédites du XVe siècle. Ed. Gustave C Cohen. Cambridge: The Medieval Academy of Amerka, 1949.

Ariosto, Ludovico. Orlando Fiinoso. Eds. Smtorre Debenededetti and Cesare Segre. Bologna: Commissione per i Testi di Lingua, 1960.

Cellini, Benvenuto. Vita. Ed. Carlo C o d é . Milano: Mondadori, 1991.

Guicciardini, Francesca. S t o ~ d'Italia. Eci Silvana Seidel Menchi. Torino: Einaudi, 1971.

La Tragicomedia de Calixto v Melibea. La Celestina. Eds. M. Criado del Val and G. D. Trotter. Madrid: Consejo superior de investigaciones cientificas, 1965.

l lnuamx Sarpi, Paulo. Opere. Mitno-Napoli: Ricciardi, 1969.

Trattatisti e narratori del Seicento. Ed. Ezio -Raimondi. Milano- Napoli: Ricciardi, 1960.

llMwamu Alfieri, Vittorio. Vita. Ed. Giulio Cattaneo. Milano: Garzanti, 1977.

Manzoni, Alessandro. Fermo e Lucia. 1 rome es si swsi. Ed, Lanfranc0 Caretti. Torino: Einaudi, 197 1.

Nievo, Ippolito. Le confessioni d' un Itafimo. Scritti vari. Ed.. Folco Portinari. Milano: Mursia, 1%9.

---. Le confessioni d' un Italiano. Ed Emilio Cecchi. Torino: Einaudi, 1956.

Verga, Giovanni. I Malavo-. Ed. Marzio Pieri. Milano: TEA, 1990.

Benni, Stefano. La compapïa dei celestini. Milano: Feltnnelli, 1995.

Buzzati, Dino. Il deserto dei tartari. Milano: Mondadori, 1970.

Calvino, Italo. Il barone rampante. Milano: Mondadori, 1990.

---. 1 racconti. Torino: Giulio Einaudi, 1990.

---. Il visconte dimezzato. Milano: Mondadori, 1993.

D'Amico, Silvio. Le finestre di piazza Navona. Milano: Mondadori, 1962.

Eco, Umberto. Il nome deila rosa. Milano: Bompiani, 1980.

Fenoglio, Beppe. Un giorno di fuoco. Torino: Einaudi, 1988.

Lampedusa, Giuseppe Tomasi. Il gattopardo. Ed. Giorgio Bassani. Milano: Feltrinelli, l %O.

Morante, Elsa. Lo scialle andaluso. Torino: Einaudi, 1985.

Moravia, Alberto. Gli indifferenti. Milano: Garzanti, 1976.

Pansa, Giampaolo. Siamo stat i cos3 felici. Milano: Sperling & Kupfer, 1995.

Pavese, Cesare. Feria d'a~osto. Milano: Mondadori, 1975.

---. La luna e i fdb. Milano: Mondadori, 1975.

---. Paesi tuoi. Milano: Mondadori, 1979.

Racconti italiani contemporanei. Ed. Lia Fenici Piazza. Milano: Mondadori, 1990.

Tabucchi, Antonio. Il @oc0 del rovescio. Milano: Feltrindli, 1991.

---O Piazza d'Italia. Milano: FeltRnelli, 19%.

Tozzi, Federico. Tre croci. Milano: Rizzoli, 1982.

Letteratura Italiana Zanichelli (CD-ROM dei testi della letteratura italiana). Ed. Pasquale S toppelli ed Eugenio Picchi.

Selected texts (out of five hundred):

Dante, Vita nuova. Convivio. Sacchetti, Trecentonovelle. L.B. Alberti, Libn della famigfia. Degli Arienti, Novelle prretane. Masuccio Salemitano, Novellino. Machiavelli, Principe. Mandraaola. Istorie fiorentine,

Discorso sulla lingua. Guicciardini, S toria d'Italia. Castiglione, Il Libro del cortegiano.

Aretino, Dialoeo. Rrtgionamento. Vasari, Vite h d . Torrentho). Bruno, Il candelaio. Sarpi, Istoria del Concilio tridentino. Galilei, Dialogo soma i due massimi sistemi. Vico, Vita scntta da se medesirno. Parini, Dialogo soma kt nobilîà. Giorno tedition 1 and II). Cuoco, -O sulla rivoluzione napoletana del 1799. Foscolo, Ultime lettere di Jacopo Ortis. Manzoni, Fermo e Lucia, I ssi sposi. Storia della colonna

infame. Leopardi, O~erette morali, Zibaldone. Nievo, Confessioni di un itaEiâno, Collodi, Pinocchio. Verga, Malavo dia, Mastro don Gesualdo. Fogazzaro, Piccolo mondo modemo. Daniele Cortis. Svevo, La coscienza di Zeno.

Faidit, Hugues and Vidal de Besaudun, Raymond. Grammaires proveqales. Ed. F. Guessard. Genève: Slatkine reprints, 1973.

Alberti, Leon Battista. "Gmmmtica dena lingua toscans." Opere volgari, v. III. Ed. Cecil Grayson. Bari: Laterza, 1973. (p. 175-93).

Acharisio da Cento, Alberto. Vocabolario. Grammatica. et O r t . k i ~ h i a de la Linpua Volgare, 1543.

Atheneo Carlino, Marco Antonio. Grammatica vol gar. Napoli: Giannes Sultzbach, 1533.

Bembo, Pietro. Prose della voiear linma. Ed. Carlo Dionisotti- Casdone. Torino: Unione Tipografico-Editrice Torinese, 193 1.

Castelvetro, Lodovico. Giunta fatta al ragionamento dedi articoli et de verbi di messer Pietro Bembo. Modona: 1563.

Corso, Rinaldo. Fondamenti del ~arlar thoscano. Venezia: Comin da Trino, 1549.

Dolce, Lodovico. I auattro libri delle osservationi. Venezia: Gabriel Giolito de' Ferrari, 1558.

Fominio, Giovanni Francesco. Delle regole della vol gar mmmatica. Ed. Mario Pozzi.

Giambullari, Pierhcesco. Reeole della lingua fiorentina. Ed. Ilana Bonorni. Firenze: Accademia della Cmsca, 1986.

Ruscelli, Girolamo. Cornmentarii della l in-a italiana. Venezia: Damian Zenaro, 158 1.

Salviati, Leonardo. Regole della toscana favella. Ed. Anna Antonini Renieri. Firenze: Accademia della Cmsca, 199 1.

Sansovino, Francesco. Le osservationi della l i n - volgare di diversi huornini illustri. Venetia: 1562.

Trissino, Giovan Giorgio. Scritti lin-istici. Ed. Alberto CasteIvecchi. Roma: Salemo, 1986.

Buommattei, Benedetto. Della lin-- toscana. Firenze: Francesco Ricciardo, 1723.

Pergamini, Giacomo. Trattato della l in-a . Napoli: Felice Carlo Mosca, 1637.

Bosolini Padovano, Stagano. Midolla letteraria della linma italiana. Roma: Ottavio Puccinelli, 1750.

Corticelli, Salvatore. Regole ed osservazioni della lingua toscana. Bologna: Lelio della Volpe, 1745.

Gigli, Girolamo. Lezioni di lingua toscana. Venezia: Giovambattista Pasquali, 1736.

Manni, Domenico. Lezioni di linpa toscana. Firenze: Pietro Gaetano Viviani, 1737.

Soave, Francesco. Grarnatica ragionata della linmia italiana. Venezia: Gaetano Martini, 1808.

Ambrosoli, Francesco. Grammatica della linma italiana. Milano: Antonio Fontana, 1 829.

Caleffi, G. Gramatica della lingua italiana. Firenze: Tipografia della Speranza, 1832.

Cauro, Andrea. Corso di gammatica ra onata e pratica della lingua italiana. Napoli: Francesco Del Vecchio, 1849.

Fomaciari, Raffaello. Sintassi italiana dell'uso modemo. Firenze: Sansoni, 1974.

Franciosini, Lorenzo. Grammatica spapnuola ed italiana. Geneva: Leonardo Chouët ed Socio,1886.

Gherardini, Pierfrancesco. Regole della lingua fiorentina. Ed. Ilaria Bonomi. Firenze: Accademia della Cmsca, 1986.

Mastrofini, Marco. Teoria e ~rosmtto O sia dizionario cntico de' verbi italiani coniugati. Milano: Giovanni Silvestri, 1830.

Moise, Giovanni. Grammatica della lingua italiana. Firenze: Tipografia del Vocabolario, 1878.

Paria, Giuseppe. Grammatica della lingua italiana. Torino: Giacinto Marietti, 1 844.

Penza, Michele. Della -grammatica della linma i taliana. Torino: Gaetano Balbino, 1834.

Puoti, Basilio. Regole elementari della linma italiana. Livomo: Vincenzo Mansi, 1847.

Rodinb, Leopoldo. Grammatica novissima della lingua italiana. Napoli: Trani, 1856.

Trenta,.M. I primi elementi deih gmmmatica italiana. Firenze: FeIice Paggi, 1872.

Vanzon, Carlo. Grammatica ragionata della lingua italiana. L i v o m Luigi Angeloni, 1834.

Battaglia S. and Pemicone V. La -gmmmatica italiana. Torino: Loescher, 1980.

Dardano, Maurino and Trifone, Pietro. Grammatica italiana. Bologna: Zanichelli, 1989.

Lepschy, Anna L a m and Lepschy, Giulio. La linpua italiana. Milano: Bompiani, 1986.

Levi, Eugenio and Dosi, Antonietta. 1 dubbi della granmatica. Milano: TEA Pratica, 199 1.

Migliorini, Bruno. Grammatica italiana, Firenze: Le Monnier, 1950.

Morandi, L. and Cappuccini, G. Grammatica italiana. Città di Castello: Paravia, 19 14.

Petrocchi, Policarpo. Grammatica della linma italiana. Milano: Fratelli Treves, 1904.

Predieri, Giovanni. Grarnmatica della lingui italiana Firenze: Barbèra, 1911.

Regula, M. and Jemej, J. Grammatica italiana descrittiva. Bem: Zweite Adage, 1975.

Remi Lorenzo and Sdvi Giampaolo. Grande mammatica italiana di consultazione. Bologna: Il Mulino, 199 1.

Serianni, Luca. Grammatica itaIiana. Torino: UTET, 1989.

Trabalza, Ciro and Allodoli, Ettore. La mmmatica degl'italiani. Firenze: Le Monnier, 1934.

Vanelli, Laura and Salvi, Giampaolo. Grammatica essenziale di riferimento della linma italiana. Firenze: Le Monnier, 1992.

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