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COLONIAL EXPERIENCE ANDMUSLIM EDUCATIONAL REFORMS:

A COMPARISON OF THE ALIGARH ANDTHE MUHAMMADIYAH MüVEMENTS

By Ruswan

A thesis submitted tothe Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research

in partial fulfilment of the requirementsfor the degree ofMaster of Arts

Institute of Islamic StudiesMcGill University

Montreal

July 1997©Ruswan

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AuthorTitle

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AB8TRACT

: Ruswan: Colonial Experience and Muslim Educational Refonns: A Comparison

of the Aligarh and Muhammadiyah MovementsDepartment : Institute ofIslamic StudiesDegree : Master of Arts

This thesis is a comparative study of the educational reforms initiated by the

Alîgarh and Muhammadiyah movements in India and Indonesia respectively. It covers

tbree main points: A4mad Khan's and A4mad Da1}.lan's educational philosophy; the

educational system of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (MAGe) and

Muhammadiyah schools; and the impact of the educational reforms of the two

movements to Muslim education in general in the two countries. As will be explained

in this thesis, A4mad Khan and A4mad Da.l).lan were deeply concemed with economic

and social problems faced by the Muslims due to colonial policies. Both scholars came

to the conviction that education was one of the most important ways to solve those

problems. The two scholars, therefore, each contrived to design a new system of

education for Muslims, which would produce graduates capable of meeting the new

demands of the changing socio-political context while retaining their faith. Their ideas

were eventually realized in the establishment of the MAGe and the Muhammadiyah

schools, respectively. Even though these two institutions were unable to satisfy aH

Muslim aspirations, they succeeded in making Muslims in India and Indonesia aware of

the need for pragmatic education, which was to contribute to the empowennent of

Muslims in the colonial era.

ii

• Auteur : Ruswan

RÉsUMÉ

Titre due mémoire: Expérience coloniale et réformes de l'enseignement musulman:

une comparaison entre les mouvements Alîgarh et Muhammadiyah

Département

Diplôme

: Institut des Études Islamiques

: Maîtrise ès Arts

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-------------------------------------------------------------------------------Ce mémoire est une analyse comparative des réformes de l'éducation entreprises

par le collège d'Aligarh ainsi que les mouvements Muhammadiyah en Inde et en

Indonésie. La recherche insistera sur trois points; c'est-à-dire les philosophies d'A.1}mad

Khan et d'A.1}mad Dal].Hin concernant l'éducation; les systèmes d'éducation du

Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (MAOe) et des écoles Muhammadiyah; enfin,

l'impact des réformes de l'éducation de ces mouvements sur l'éducation musulmane en

général dans les deux pays. fi sera démontré dans ce mémoire qu' A4mad Khan ainsi que

A.1}mad Da4lan étaient profondément préoccupés par les problèmes économiques et

sociaux. qu'affrontaient les musulmans suite aux. politiques coloniales. Les deux érudits

furent convaincus que l'éducation était l'un des plus importants moyens pour résoudre

ces problèmes. fis ont alors, chacun de leur côté, tenté de créer un nouveau système

d'éducation pour les musulmans, pouvant former des gradués capables d'affronter les

nouvelles exigences d'un contexte socio-politique en pleine transformation tout en

conservant leur foi. Leurs idéaux furent éventuellement réalisées par les fondations du

MAOe et des écoles Muhammadiyah. Malgré que ces deux institutions furent incapables

de satisfaire toutes les aspirations musulmanes, elles ont toutefois réussi à sensibiliser les

musulmans en Inde et en Indonésie de la nécessité d'une éducation pragmatique, qui

devait contribuer à la prise de conscience par les musulmans de leur pouvoir durant l'ère

coloniale.

iii

• NOTE ON TRANSLITERATlüN

In this thesis, the system of Arabic transliteration follows that of the Institute

of Islamic Studies, McGill University. Indonesian terms are written according to the

Ejaan Bara Bahasa Indonesia (1972), but personal names and the titles of books and

articles are rendered according to the original spellings.

~ =th

•

\ = a

'-' = b

ü =t

Ë =j

t=kh

.j=d

~ = db

...) = r

Short vowels:

.J = z ..b. = t J =q .J =w

u.u =s ..b = ~ ~ =k ~ =h

~=sh,

J = 1 c.;f=Yt= -

c..>-O = ~ t=gh f"'=m

u-ô = ~ ~=f Ù =0

- = a, fatq.a,

Long vowels:

c.s \ = a, alifïalifmaq~üra,

- = i, kasra,

'=? =1, ya'

~

_ = u, q,amma

•

The ta' marbfi.ta (~) is omitted in pause fOTIn and transliterated as "af' in

conjlIDctional fonu; examples: nadwa and Nadwat al-'Ulama'. In the case of tashdJdthe

letter is doubled; example: Islamiyya. AITf or hamza is transliterated as an elevated

comma in all positions except when it occurs at the beginning of a word; examples:

Culama' and arkin.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Having completed this thesis l weuld like te take the opportunity te express my

gratitude te Professor Sajida S. Alvi, my academic as weIl as thesis supervisor. She has

devoted much ef her time to helping me impreve my research abilities. During the

writing ofthis thesis, Dr. Alvi provided me with invaluable criticism and suggesti~ns

which helped me understand the subject more deeply, and without which this thesis

might never have seen the light of day.

My gratitude is also due to Dr. A. Üner Turgay, the Director of the Institute of

Islamic Studies, McGill University. He has contributed greatly to the successful

completion ofboth my course of study and this thesis. l would like te express my deep

gratitude to the Director of Indonesia-Canada Islamic Higher Education Project, an of

the Project's staff: and CillA (Canadian International Development Agency), who

provided financial as weIl as tecbnical support, without which my study at this Institute

would not have been possible.

l would like also to thank aIl the staff of the Islamic Studies Library, Salwa

Ferahian, Wayne St. Thomas, Adam Gacek, Steve Millier, Alan Guenther, and many

others, for their help in locating sources for my thesis, and for assisting me throughout

my stay at the Institute. l would also like to thank the editors, Steve Millier and Reem

Meshal, who have helped me in using accurate terms, citations, and in many other

technical matters during the writing of this thesis.

l would like also to express my deepest gratitude to my mother, Sumidah, who

has devoted her life to me, and my two brothers and one sister. She alone reared me and

has provided me with material and spiritual support while l have been at school and

university. To my father, who died when l was only fifteen days old--may God bless

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him. l am thankful to my brothers and sister for aH the help they have given to me, help

which has enabled me to finish my studies overseas.

l would like to thank my wife, Nurul Khotimah, S.Ag., who patiently gave birth

to my son, Ghilman Dharmawan, and has taken care ofhim during my absence. Without

her sacrifice my period ofstudy at the Institute ofIslamic Studies would not have been

possible.

Last but not least, l would like to thank every one who has contributed to the

accomplishment ofmy thesis. For those acknowledged above and those not mentioned

by name l ask God's blessings and may He give them His best Reward.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT iiRÉsUMÉ _...................... iiiNOTE ON TRANSLITERATION ivACKN"OWLEDGEMENT vTABLE OF CONTENTS viiIN'TRODUCTION 1

Chapter 1: MUSLIM EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN INDIA: THE ALIGARHMOVEMENT Il

A. Traditional Education of Indian Muslims and ColonialEducational Policy Prior to the Foundation ofMuhammadanAnglo-Oriental College Il

B. Sayyid Al].mad Khan '" 21C. Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (MAOC) 31D. The MAO College's Impact on Muslim Education in India 42

Chapter 2: MUSLIM EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN INDONESIA:THE MUHAMNfADIYAH MOVEMENT 53

A. Traditional Education and Dutch Educational Policy:An Overview 53

B. Al].mad Dal)J.an: The Founder ofMuhammadiyah 63C. Muhammadiyah Schools 73D. The Impact of the Muhammadiyah Educational RefonTIs on

Muslim Education 85

Chapter 3: THE IMPACT OF THE COLONIAL EXPERIENCE ON MUSLIMEDUCATIONALREFORMS: ACOMPARISONOF ALIGARHANI) TfIE MUHANf1.1ADIYAlI 92

A. Educational Philosophies of A1)mad Khan and Alpnad Da1}.lan .... 92B. Educational Systems of the MAGC and lvIuhammadiyah

Schools 100C. Impact of the Educational Refonns of Aligarh and

the Muhammadiyah on Muslim Education in India and Indonesia........................................................................................................ 115

CONCLUSION 125GLOSSARY 133BIBLIOGRAPHY '" ., 138

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INTRODUCTION

This study examines the educational refonns initiated by both the Alîgarh' and

the MuhaInmadiyah movements in India and Indonesia, as one of the by-products of the

colonial encounter. It focuses on the formative period of the Muhammadan Anglo-

Oriental College (1877-1898) at Alîgarh and the Muhammadiyah schools (1911-1923)

in Java. It is argued that the educational refonns promulgated by the two movements

stemmed from the conviction that existing Muslim traditional institutions were

incapable of meeting the changing needs of a Muslim society living under colonial mIe.

The British and the Dutch, who pursued theîr imperial interests at the expense of the

colonized, left Muslims with Uttle choice but to adjust their activities to the nonns of

the colonizers. A1]mad Khan (1817-1898) and A1]mad Da1].lan (1868-1923) were thus

inclined ta rethink Muslim traditions, including education, with a view to deciding what

was to be salvaged and what was to be discarded. One of the consequences of this

introspective and self-criticaljourney was extensive educational reforms.

Traditional Muslim education in both fudia and Indonesia was conducted on the

basis of the conservative view which conceived of Islam as a unit of moral and spiritual

guidance revealed by Gad to Muhammad and translnitted from one generation to the

next. This view chose not to recognize the fact that Islam had always been in contact

with foreign civilizations and had, in tum, been transfonned by them. This traditionalist

view ofIslam also propagated more reactionary sentiments among Muslims who viewed

1Aligarh is the name of a town in Northern India. Later, A1}.mad Khan's (1917-1898)refonn movement \Vas identified as the Aligarh movement. This identification is usually appliedto the graduates of the college and their characteristic reformist and modernist ideas. In thisthesis, the term will be extended to include the initial committee set up by Al].mad Khan toestablish the college.

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any new developments under colonial rule as un-Islamic. The traditionalists did not

recognize that Islamic leaming itself was a product of a historical dialectic by which

Islam interacted with foreign traditions. They had little cognizance of the fact that their

Muslim predecessors had, creatively, adopted foreign traditions to improve their social

and economic position.

Education among Muslims in pre-colonial India and Indonesia was marked by its

emphasis on the teaching of religion. The typical curriculum included the traditional

(manqüliit) and rational (ma Cqüliit) sciences developed in the medieval periode

Concerned as it was with the preservation of Islamic traditions, education was.

characterized by memorization. The Qur~anbecame the subject ofstudy par excellence.

From an early age, students were trained in the skilled recitation ofthe Holy Book. Next,

they"would memorize the verses of the Qur'an, albeit with little attention paid to their

meaning. Reciting Qur'arlic verses became a routine activity as it was deemed ta be a

form of "ibiida (worship) which would ultimately bring Divine reward. Even though

economic concems were not entirely ignored, they were secondary to religious ones.

In India, traditional education was able to survive from one generation to the

next only with the support of the govemment and private individuals. AImost aU the

emperors in the Subcontinent \vere known to have promoted the establishment of

mosques and madrasas. They aise donated Land and money to the financing ofeducation.

Private individuals also contributed voluntary donations in the fonn of waqfland or

money. In Indonesia, the cuJama' pLayed an important role in the establishment of

traditional institutions. GeneraLly, theywere men ofmeans who \vere concemed with the

propagation of Islam. The culamii' established mosques and pesantrens (boarding

schools) to serve as primary and advanced institutions oflearning, respectively.

The presence ofthe British and the Duteh, however, brought many new problems

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for Muslims in the fonn of policies which proved difficult to follow. The British

government in India, for example, replaced Persian with English as the official language.

Unfamiliar with the language of the new rulers, Muslitns found thelnselves ill-prepared

for admission into government service. Similarly, the Dutch govemment in Indonesia

required a working knowiedge of the Roman script of its civil servants. Here too,

Muslinls \vere put at a disadvantage since their schools employed the Arabic script in

their instruction.

As the British and the Dutch were primarily interested in trade, education was

of marginal concem to them. This is not to suggest that they initiated no educational

programs. However, these programs were hardly commensurate \vith the economic

benefit they derived from the colonized countries. Worse, in the case of the Dutch in

Indonesia, a basic elementary education was reserved for Europeans, indigenous

Christians and the children of aristocrats. In India, it was not until1835 that the British

government promulgated a program for public education. The Dutch were to follo\v the

British example at a much later date. It \vas only at the beginning of the t\ventieth

century, following the declaration of the "Ethical Policy," that the colonial govemment

in Indonesia established the first public schools.

British and Dutch educational programs provided few benefits for Muslims; they

raised, instead, a number of dilemmas. In India, the government's disinterest in the

people's aspirations for religious instruction engendered frustration. Government

funding for English education simply did not include any provision for religious

instruction. In the first instance, this policy made Muslims reluctant to attend

government schools. At the same time, traditional institutions suffered from want of

financial resources. In Indonesia, the situation was not much different. The Dutch

government paid no heed to traditional education, nor did it accommodate elements of

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the traditional system in its educational prograIn. Instead it imposed a ne\v system

designed for the promotion and preservation of colonialism. Until the establishment of

the Muhammadiyah in 1912, government schools were still exc1usively run for the afore­

mentioned classes. Here too, religious instruction was entirely omitted.

The refonns conducted by the Alîgarh and Muhammadiyah movements offered

relevant solutions to the problems facing Muslim education. Both A1].mad Khan and

A1].mad Dal}lan \vere keenly aware of the fact that Muslims could not retain their

traditional model ofeducation. Modifications and adjustments \vere necessary in light

of the new developments engendered by the colonial presence. Moreover, the two

scholars contrived ta realize their vision by calling on people to establish new

institutions to help Muslims both to improve their economic status and to appease their

demand for religious instruction.

Though sharing the same goals, the Aligarh and Muhammadiyah reforms often

took different fonns. This is attributable to the varied backgrounds of the respective

founders, the socio-religious conditions prevalent in either country, and the nature of

colonialism in each. A1].mad Khan was a government civil servant and well acquainted

\vith Englishmen. From them he became acquainted with Western thought and observed

Western civilization first hand during his trip to London. This combined experience

convinced him that the only way to improve the economic and social status ofMuslims

\vas through the adoption ofWestern sciences in Muslim institutions. He thus called on

his contemporaries to establish an institution of higher learning. His dream was realized

in the forro of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (MAGe), founded in 1877 in

Alîgarh. This college received support from government, individual Englishmen, and

Muslim and Hindu elites. In an effort to bring the Muslims and the British together, the

MAGe recruited lecturers and staff from among the English. Its students, who came

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from across India, included Muslims and non-Muslims. The college could not serve the

majority of Muslims as the fees it charged exceeded the means ofmost of the Muslim

population. However, for those who could afford to attend the provision of residential

housing, the college fostered character building and comradery between students, a

factor which helped shape the future leadership of the Indian MusliIns.

Al].mad Da1).lan, the founder of the Muhammadiyah, was a pious man. His

education had been entirely traditional. He went on pilgrimage to Mecca t\vice and

stayed there to continue his studies. He became a khatlb (preacher) in the masque of the

Yogyakarta Sultanate as weIl as a batiktrader. He was also a member ofBudi Utomo,2

where he met with Dutch-educated scholars. Such activities heightened his awareness

of the need for the religious and economic improvement of Muslim society. Thus, he

believed that Muslims had to be conversant in modem sciences while at the same time

retaining their religious identity.

A1}mad Dal].lan pursued his dream by establishing a school in 1911, a year before

the Muhammadiyah was established as a mass organization. With the financial support

ofthe members of the Muhammadiyah, those ofBudi Utomo and the government, other

Muhammadiyah schools were built in subsequent years. The Muhammadiyah schools

adopted the government curriculum for modem sciences and applied new methods to the

teaching of religion. Within this system of education, the Muhammadiyah was able to

equip its students with the knowledge and skills necessary to secure employment while

at the same time ensuring that they remained devoted Muslims.

Through their efforts at reform, both the Aligarh and Muhammadiyah

movements sought to rectify the weaknesses of the previous system of education by

2Budi Utomo (High Endeavor) was a cultural association founded in Java in 1908, whichwas seminal in providing intellectual direction for Indonesian Nationalism.

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discarding its unnecessary elements and adopting ne\v ones from the West. These efforts

did, ofcourse, bear fruit.

****

White much work has been done on both the Aligarh and the Muhammadiyah,

this thesis is the first comparative study of the educational reforms introduced by the

two institutions. The secondary works on Aligarh can be divided into at least two

categories: one on the Aligarh Inovement as a whole and on Aligarh as an educational

institution, such as Jain's The A1igarh Movement: Its Odgin and development, 1858-1906

( 1965), Bhatnagar's History ofthe MA.O. College Aligarh (1969), Moin's The Aligarh

Movement: Origin and Early History (1976), Lelyveld's Aligarh's first Generation: Muslim

Solidarity in British India (1978), and Ahsan's "Education, Culture and Westemization, Sir

Syed and the M.A.O. College" (1988); and the other on the founder of the movement, such

as Baljon's, The Refonns andReligious Ideas ofSir SayyidA1}.madKhiin (1949), Muhammad's

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan: A Political Biography (1969), Ahmad Dar's Religious Thought of

Sayyid AhmadKhan (1971), Graham's The Lire and Work ofSir Syed AhmadKhan (1974),

:rvfalik's Sir SayyidAhmadKhan andMuslim Modemization in India andPakistan (1980), and

Azizalam's "Sayyid Al]mad Khan and the 'Ularna': A Study in Socio-political Context" ( 1992).

Likewise, we filld works on the Muhammadiyah as a whole, such as Mukti Ali's "The

Muhammadiyah Movement: A Bibliographical Introduction" (1957), Alfian's "Islamic

Modernism in Indonesian Polities: The Muharnrnadiyah Movement during the Duteil Colonial

Period, 1912-1942" (1969) and Muhammadiyah: The Politjcal Be.haviorofa Muslim Modemist

Organization underDutch Colonialism (1989), and Jainuri's "The Muhammadiyah Moveluent

in Twentieth Century Indonesia: A Socio-religious Study" (1992) and "The formation of

MlÙ}amrnadiyah's Ideo1ogy, 1912-1942" (1997). We aIse find works on the founder of the

Muhammadiyah, such as Salam's KH. A.hmadDahlan: Tjita-tjita dan Perdjoangannja (1962),

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and Mulkhan's Wansan Intelektual KR. AhnJad Dahlan dan Amal Usaha Muhammadiyah

(1990), and those on the Muhammadiyah educational program, such as Wirjosukarto's

Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengadjaran Islam (1962), and Arifin's Gagasan Pembaharuan

Muhammadiyah (1987). There have aiso been comparative studies of Alîgarh as well as

the Muhammadiyah in conjunction with other movements, such as McDonough's T/1e

Authority ofthe Past: A Study ofThree Musfim Modemists (1970) and Muslim Ethics and

Modemity: A Comparative Study ofthe Ethical Thought ofSir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and

Mawlana Maududi (1984), Yahya's "The Impact ofCo10nial Experience on the Religious and

Social Thought of Sir Sayyid Al].mad Khan and Ahmad Hassan: A Comparisonn (1994), and

Shabir's "The Educational Reform of the Muhammadiyah Movement in Indonesia: A

Reflection of1tluhammad Abduh's Influence" (1991).

Muslich Shabir's work, for example, is a comparative study of the ideas and

educational programs of the Muhammadiyah movement and those of MlÙ].ammad

'Abduh (1849-1905). The author argues in his thesis that Islamic reformism emerged

as a response to the decLine of Muslim power. Further, he explains that this decline was

a consequence of Muslim "intellectual anarchy" and the closure of the gate of ijtihiïd

(independent judgement). In conclusion Shabir asserts that the Muhammadiyah

reforms "bear the unmistakable stamp of'Abduh's influence on Muslim reformers in

Indonesia in general."3

Shabir of course detects many similarities bet\veen the two scholars. However,

to conclude that ~adDa1]lan was influenced by MlÙ].ammad 'Abduh does not explain

why other scholars who never had contact with 'Abduh, such as ~ad Khan, had

similar ideas. Further study is needed to analyse the social and political context of the

3Muslich Shabir, UThe Educationa1 Reform of the Muhammadiyah Movement inIndonesia: A Reflection of Muhammad Abduh's Influence," M.A. Thesis, University of Utab,1991,91.

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lives and intellectual makeup of scholars who developed siInilar ideas. Since A1].mad

Khan and A1].mad Dal).lan lived in the colonial era, an examination of how the two

scholars reacted to the colonial policies by \vorking to improve the economic as \veU

social status ofMuslims would be ofgreat use. The focus ofsuch a study would not be

to fmd out "who influenced whom" but rather "why those scholars thought and acted in

certain ways."

The other example is provided by Agusni Yahya's comparative study of the

religious and social thought ofA1].mad Khan and Ahmad Hassan (1887-1958).4 He points

out that both scholars' religious and social thought were conditioned by British and

Dutch rule respectively. His thesis contributes to an understanding of how the two

scholars responded to colonialism in India and Indonesia, their respective countries.

However, it does not focus on the analysis of the ideas and programs of the t\VO scholars

in the field of education, except in so far as these were related to the social thought of

both Alpnad Khan and Ahmad Hassan.

*****

This comparative study of the most important educational reform movements in

India and Indonesia is divided into three chapters. Chapters one and two discuss the

Alîgarh and Muhammadiyah movements separately. Each chapter comprises four

sections which focus consecutively on: traditional education and British and Dutch

4Ahmad Hassan was a Singapore-born Muslim scholar who gave the Persis [persatuanIslam] (Islamic Association) its modernist and fundamentalist tone. He became a minister ofreligious affairs for the Negara Pasundan during the era of the Federal States of Indonesia [RIS](1949-1950).

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educational policies; the lives and educational philosophies ofA1)mad Khan and Al)mad

Da1J,lan; the establishment, development and educational systelns of the MAGe and

Muhammadiyah schools; and the impact ofthe educational reforms of the two systems

on Muslim education.

Chapter three is devoted to an analysis of the similarities and differences in the

impact ofthe colonial experience on Muslim educational reforms in India and Indonesia.

The fust section ofthis chapter compares the educational philosophies of A1}.mad Klüin

and A1}.mad Da1].làn, while the second compares the educational system of the MAGe

and Muhammadiyah schools. The last section measures and compares the impact of the

educational reforms promoted by the two movements on Muslim education in India and

Indonesia.

****

Sources: This thesis relies heavily on secondary sources. This is due ta the

writer's inability to read \vorks in Urdu on the Aligarh moverrlent. Fortunately, however,

a great many of the primary sources have been translated inta English such as Hali's

Hayat-i-Javed5 and the translation of A1).mad Khan's speeches and essays.6 Sa far as the

Muhammadiyah is concemed, there are few primary sources on the movement due to the

fact that A1)mad Dal].lan himselfwas not a writer. His teachings were transmitted for the

most part orally. Thus, this thesis advances the works ofhis disciples and sorne earlier

sAltafHusain Hali, Hayat-i-Javed(Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1979).

6Shan Muhammad (ed.), Writings and Speeches ofSir Syed Ahmad Khan (Bombay:Nachiketa Publications Limited, 1972); Shan Muhammad (ed.), The A]igarh MovenJent: BasicDocument: 1864-1898, 3 volumes (New Delhi Meenakshi Prakashan, 1978).

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documents of the movement such as Versfag Moehammadijah di Hindia Timul and

Suja"s Muhammadiyah dan Pendirinya.8

****

In this thesis, it is argued that Al}lllad Khan's experience of British colonialis·m

in India, and Al].m.ad Dal}lan's experience of Dutch colonialism in Indonesia, made each

of them conscious of the necessity of a system of practical education which could

improve the economic as weIl as social status of Muslims. Their ideas on education

found expression in the establishment of t\VO distinct institutions, the MAOe and the

Muhammadiyah schools. The distinction between these institutions was due to the

differences in life experience of their founders, the diverging socio-political and

religious conditions prevailing in their respective homelands, and the level of

educational development that had already occurred in the two countries. The influence

ofthese two institutions was immense in terms of the involvement oftheir graduates in

the national development of India and Indonesia.

7 Versfag Moehammadijah di Hindia Timur (Januari-Desenlber 1923) [Yogyakarta:Pengoeroes Besar "Moehammadijah," 1924].

gH. Suja', Muhammadiyah dan Pendirinya (Yogyakarta: Majlis Pustaka, 1989).

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CHAPTERIMUSLIM EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN INDIA:

THE ALIGARH MOVE:MENT

The idea of establishing an educational institution for Indian Muslirns was

conceived in an era marked by a deterioration of the status of Muslims in India under

British colonialism. 1t was envisioned as a means of rectifying the weaknesses of . a

traditional Muslim education and of filling gaps in the new system of education

introduced by the colonial government. The former did not offer instruction in Western

sciences, which were important if Muslims were to stay abreast of new developn1ents,

while the latter failed to provide religious instruction, which was also important if

Muslims were to maintain their identity. The founding of the Muhammadan Anglo­

Oriental College (MAOe) was a part of the pioneering efforts of A1)mad Khan, a Muslim

thinker who was also a British loyalist. As an educator, he was a progressive thinker who

understood the link between education and progress. The Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental

College (MAOC) was a realization of A1].mad Khàn's vision for educational reform. The

college did not simply represent his ideals; rather, it was a product of an interaction

between bis vision and various interests which were embodied in the establishment of the

college.

A Traditional Education ofIndian Muslims and Colonial Educational Policy Prior to theFoundation ofMuhammadan Anglo-Oriental College

Traditional Muslim education has been offered in the subcontinent since Islam's

earliest presence in the region. This is due to the fact that Islam enjoins the pursuit of

knowledge as a religious duty upon Muslims. Thus, wherever they were, Muslims were

obliged to cultivate knowledge, either as students, teachers, or as sponsors of learning

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institutions. As such, education for Muslims was both a means and an end in itself. As a

means, education was geared to provide Muslims with knowledge and, as an end,

education was considered a necessary feature ofdaily living. In addition, while traditional

education was oriented to the study of religion, \vorldLy concems were not entirely

ignored. l Secular topics were studied almost as a complement to religious concerns. The

philosophy behind this approach held that people could not attain perfection in religious

life without fulfilling the mundane duties of daily life.

1. The Maktab, Madrasa andKhanqafJ

Prior to the Colonial era, Muslim education in India \vas centred around maktabs,

mosques, khiïnqa1Js, madrasas and private houses for an infonnal transmission of

knowledge.2 Makta173 were for primary education. Traditionally, a child was sent to a

maktab after he/she had attained an age of four years, four months and four days, usually

after circumcision in the case ofboys.3 At this school, students \vere taught the Arabie

alphabet \vith correct pronllllciation, punctuation and harakas (vocalization).4 After that,

IOne important centre ofeducation, which was dedicated to the development of arts andcrafts, was called the kar1dJana. This was a kind oftechnical school which was extended throughthe system of apprenticeship, where boys were often apprenticed ta artisans in exchange forinstruction in a particular art 'Jr craft. S.M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India: Being an InquiIyinto the State ofEducation during the Muslim Period ofIndian History (1000-1800) [Delhi:Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1973], 12-13. Cited from Intemationa1 Gazetteeroflndia, vol. 4,436.

2Ku1dip Kaur, Madrasa Education in India: A SurveyofIts Past andPresent (Chandigarh:Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development, 1990), 7-12.

3p.N. Chopra, Society and Culture during the Mugha1 Age (Delhi: Agam Prakashan,1988), 132.

4Neelam Chaudhary, Socio-Economic History of Mughal India (Delhi: DiscoveryPublishing House, 1987), 72-73.

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they learned Qur'anic recitation.5

The madrasa was considered a centre ofhigher learning. The curricula varied from

one madrasa to another. The madrasa of Farangl Ma4aU in Lucknow, founded in 1693

during the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb's reign (1658-1707), for example, taught ~art;

(inflection), naf.lw(syntax), man.tiq (logic), 1}iJana (ethics), ~lisab (mathematics), balagha

(language), fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), kalam (theology), u~ül al-fiqll (the basics of

Islamic jurisprudence), tafslr(Qur'anic exegesis) and 1}adJth (Mul).ammad's tradition).6In

addition, sorne madrasaswere well-known for their specializations, including, for instance,

the Farangl Maq.all madrasa famed for its instruction in fiqh and u~ül al-fiqh.7 The

madrasa of Shah Wall Allâh (1702-1762) was famous for its teaching of l;adlth.8

The medium of instruction in the madrasas 'Nas Persian, \vhich \vas sometimes

combined with Hindawi. Madrasas at a higher level usually prescribed texts in Arabie. The

Persian language was, however, predominant, and students \vere expected to master it

before graduating from intermediate classes. A command ofthe Arabic texts was required

from those \vho opted for the specialised pursuits of either traditional (manqüJat) or

rational (ma~qülat) sciences; the specialists of the former were known as '"ulama'while

5Chopra, Society and Culture, 132.

6The original name ofthis madrasawas Dar al-'Ulüm. Farangi Mal)all was the name ofthe house in which the madrasa was built. It is reported that Aurangzeb granted the house toNi~am al-Dln SihaLvi to operate a madrasa. Kuldip Kaur, Madrasa Education in India, 52.

7Ziaul Raque, "Muslim Religious Education in Iodo-Pakistan," Islamic Studies, 14 (1975):277-278.

8The original name ofthis madrasa was Madrasa Ra1}.lmiyya after the name of its fotll1der,Shah'Abd al-Ra1}lm (father of Shah WaIT Allah). It was a1so known as Delhi madrasa as it waslocated at Delhi, and as the Madrasa of Shah WaIT Allah. At the beginning this madrasaemphasized the teaching of kalam (theology) but this policy changed after Shah Wail Allah leftfor Madina to study 1}adith. According to Kaur, "His return gave impetus to the study of 1}adithin India. n He also noted that the establishment ofDar al-'UlÜID Deoband followed the pattern ofthis madrasa. Kaur, Madrasa Education in India, 45, 109, 180.

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those of the latter were known as fuçfalii'and damshmands.9

An appraisaL ofthe examination system in madrasas reveals that it was conducted

with few fonnalities or attempts at standardization. There were no time limits for the

compLetion ofan examination, and only a few examinations were even given. The teacher-

in-charge would monitor the examination of his class himseLf and promote successful

students to the next Leve!. Apart from sanads or certificates) stipends or scholarships,

in Çams (prizes) and tamghas (medaIs) were awarded to the most brilliant graduating

students in proportion to their merit. la

A khanqah was an institution ofresidential training and teaching for $üflS.11 It was

usuallyattached ta a shrine (dargah) and a masque. 12 It did not offer fonnal education and

was dedicated to adults. The subject matter taught varied frOln one khinqih to another,

depending on the needs ofdisciples, the preferences ofmasters) and the orientation of the

sufi order. 13 Ho'\vever, similarities among the different k1Jiinqâhs could still be found. Nasr

states, "[The khiinqBh was] to provide a place for transmission of the highest form of

knowledge, namely Divine knowledge (al-ma Çrifa or Çirfin) ...." 14 Hence, he continued,

9Moonis Raza (ed.), lfigher Education in India: Retrospect and Prospect (New Delhi:Association of Indian Universities, 1991),20.

lOJaffar, Education in Muslim India, 25.

llMarcia K. Hennansen, "Khanqah," in John. L. Esposito (ed.), OxfordEncyclopedia ofModem Islam, vol. 2. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995),415.

12Jolms Pederson, "Masdjid," in E. van Donzel et. al. (ed.), Encyclopedia ofIslam, vol. 4(Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978), 358.

13Chaudhary, Socio-Economic HistoryofMughal India, 72.

14Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Traditional Islam in the Modem lVorld (New York: Kegan PaulInternational, 1994), 127-128.

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"[It] also became the centre ofmoral training on the highest leveLn'5

The system oftraditionai education survived from one generation to the next due

ta imperia1 and private support for the advancement of learning. N. Law explains the

system of patronage and provides a detailed account of the development of education

from the reign ofMa1}mud ofGhaznl (998-1030) to the reign ofShah'Nam (1759-1806)

of the Mughal dynasty. According to him, the fate of Muslim education \vas, ta a large

extent, dependent upon the goodwill of the government. 16

In the pre-Mughai period, notes Law, FIrüz Shah (1351-1388) of the Tughiaq

dynasty made invaluable contributions to the advancement of Muslim learning. It is

reported that, ofhis three palaces, one was devoted ta the reception ofdistinguished men

oflearning and nobility. Ftriiz aiso made generous donations in the form of pensions and

gifts ta the learned and religious. It was dtuing his reign that a regular stipend \vas made

for public education. The ruler, moreover,obliged learned men residing in different parts

ofhis empire to disseminate their knowledge among the people. In addition, a number of

madras~mosques and residences were built to house pupils and instructors. Firüz Shah

made education more accessible by providing stipends and scholarships to students from

disadvantaged backgrounds, such as the poor, orphans and slaves.17

The Mughal emperor Akbar (1556-1605) greatIy contributed to the deveLopment

ofMuslim educational institutions. He established the 'Ibidatkhana, where peopLe from

different professions, religions and creeds gathered to discuss various branches ofleaming,

especially religion. Akbar was aiso reported to have sponsored the translation of the

lSIbid., 128.

16Narendra Nath Law, Promotion ofLeaming in India during MuhamJ11adan Rule (byMuhammadans) (Varanasi: Prithivi Prakashan, 1916 rep. 1985), xlvi-xlvii.

'7Ibid., 47-65.

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Mahibhirati 8 into Persian. Moreover, he buitt mosques and madrasas in Fatehpur Silai,

Agra and Delhi. In Akbar's time private teaching, as a supplement to post-madrasa

leaming, also developed. 19

2. British Educational Policy

The system oftraditional Muslim education flourished until the arrivaI of the East

India Company and its educationa1 agenda. It is worth mentioning that while British

education policy changed from time to time, it did not change its nature as a colonial

policy. In this respect, the changes were not geared to the interests of the colonized

Indians but to those of the colonizers. It was not until 1813 that the government paid

more attention to the advancement of the education of the indigenous peoples. The

colonial imperative of trading and collecting as much wealth as possible and transferring

it to the home country did not encourage any activity which did not yield financial

benefit. In this period the Company established only two schools, one for Muslims and the

other for Hindus. Madrasa 'AIiyah at Calcutta was founded in 1781 with the support of

the Company. This madrasa was designed to produce graduates for work in government

service as judges in courts.20 At the same time, the Company sponsored a Sanskrit school

18According to B.S. Miller, Mahabharata was "the greatest Sanskrit epic of war,composed between 400 BCE and 400 CE.... The work has its stylistic and mythological roots inthe Rig Veda and its narrative sources are probably oral tales ofa tribal war fought in the Punjabearly in the flfst millenium BCE. As the tradition was taken over by professional story tellers andintellectuals, many sorts of legend, myths and speculative thought, such as the Baghavad Gita,were added.... Like the Ralnayana, the Mahabharata has deeply influenced the religious andculturallife of the whole Indian Subcontinent and much of rest of South and Southeast Asia."Barbara Stoler Miller, "Mahabharata," in Aislie T. Embree (ed.), Encyclopedia ofAsian History,vol. 2 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1988),459-460.

19Law, Promotion ofLeaming in India, 139-172.

2°Zafar Imam (ed.), Muslims in India (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1975),204.

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for Hindus.21

One of the reasons for British ambivalence towards education was their fear that

the education of the indigenous peoples would engender in them an awareness of their

rights and consequently threaten British rule.22 This prospect worried the British who

wished to exploit the Indians and keep them in ignorance oftheir plight. This fear \vas

justified as agitators for Indian independence did indeed hail from the educated classes.

This so called "non-ïnterference policy" changed in 1813 when the government

issued a charter asserting that Il ••• a SUffi of not less than one lac of rupees in .each year

shaH be set apart and applied to the revival and improvement of literature and the

encouragement of the learned natives of India and for the introduction and promotion of

a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories in India." 23

Once appIied, this charter fai1ed ta satisfy Muslims since the SUffi allotted was only spent

on the prom~tionofSanskrit learning as stipulated by the board ofdirectors.24 This policy

betrayed the government's insincerity in the application of the charter, since there was a

tendency ta prefer Hindus rather than promote equal treatment. On March 7, 1835, the

Govemor General, Lord Bentinck, issued another resolution which anguished Muslims

even further. It even contradicted the thrust ofthe previous charter. The resolution stated

,"... that aIl the funds appropriated for the purpose of education would be best employed

21Mohammad Akhlaq Ahmad, Traditional Education among Muslims (New Delhi: B.R.Publishing Corporation, 1985), 146.

22Ibid., 145.

nB.D. Bhatt and J.C. Aggarwal (eds.), EducationaIDocuments in India (/813-1968) [NewDelhi: Arya Book Depot, 1969], 1.

24Syed Masroor Ali Akhtar Hashmi, Muslim Response to Westem Education (A StudyofFour Pioneer Institutions) [New Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers, 1989],3.

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on English education alone."25

This resolution and other British educational measures provided ample evidence

of the government's efforts to disadvantage indigenous peoples, especially Muslims.

Indians, instead ofreceiving support to develop their O\vn education and culture, had to

confonn to the ideals of a culture which \vas alien to them.26 In Chaube's words:

There was no rOOIn for the spirit ofself-reliance in this system. Most oftheBritish rulers thought that the education which inculcated the spirit ofself­reliance wouid create in the Indian the feeling of independence and libertyand they tingled with awe with the very thought. Their abject was to keepIndia in their clutches in order to destroy its accwnulated glory, to plunderits wealth and thus ta show offto other countries of the \vorld their ownglory and prosperity.27

It is true that, in 1854 the British government issued a new despatch suggesting that it

spend more money on popular education, open schools in every district, and improve

indigenous schools.28 In practice, however, the colonial authorities in India did not foUow

this guideline. In S.N. Mukerji's words:

But the pitY is that the Government of India did not act upon thesuggestions and recommendations of the Despatch fully and sorne glaringdefects of the present educational system arose from the total or partialdisregard ofmany instructions of the Despatch. For example, the principleof general education of the poor for whom the Despatch was speciallydesigned was disregarded for the sake ofhigher education and Governmentdid not change its policy when it was reminded ofits pledge in 1858 by a

2SB.D. Bhatt and J.C. Aggarwal (edS.), Educational Documents, 4. B.D. Basu, History ofEducation in India under the Rule ofthe East India Company(Calcutta: The Modern ReviewOffice, n.d.), 122.

26The British Government might have learned from its experience ofsuppressing the Irishlanguage by imposing English in order to avoid the rise of nationalism in the Ireland. Basu,History ofEducation in India, 98.

27S.P. Chaube, A HistoryofEducation in India (Allahabad: Ram Narain La1 Beni Madho,1965),624.

2SB.D. Bhatt and J.C. Aggarwal (eds.), EducationaJ Documents, 6-7.

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man like Duff with his usuai bluntness. Cultivation of Indian languages,the use of the mother-tongue as the medium of instruction at the school­age, institution of university professorship ...were postponed for a longtime.29

Even worse, in its eagemess to impose English education, the govemment did not hesitate

to build rival institutions where indigenous ones had thrived. Consequently, the~e

indigenous schools were either closed or absorbed into the new system.30

3. MuslimResponse to the Colonial Policies

British educational policies \vere regarded by Muslim leaders as a threat to the

integrity oftheir religion and culture. English education was not seen as merely being a

medium for the transference of kno\vledge but as a vehicle for the Christianization of

Indian Muslims.3l This suspicion was not without grounds in light ofthis statement made

by Sir Charles Trevelyan, a member of a commission of inquiry inta education:

...the primary design of the Government scheme of education is to advance theprogress ofcivilization in India by the diffusion of useful knowledge, as the phraseis generally understood. The design ofthe Missionary institutions is to convert theNatives to Christianity. The two objects are distinct, but they are by no meansopposed to one another.32

As a consequence of their aversion ta these institutions, Muslims were left far

behind Hindus in the field ofEnglish education, a situation \vhich eventually limited their

29S.N. Mukerji, History ofEducation in India (Modem Period) [Delhi: Acharya BookDepot Baroda, 1966], 120.

30Ibid., 134.

3tTahseen, Education andModemisation~66.

32Hashmi, Muslim Response, 25-26.

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opportunities for government employment.33 This is not to imply that if Muslims had

received an English education they would have automatically gotten these jobs. The facts

suggest that the exclusion of Muslims from Govenunent service \vas not a mere

consequence oftheir educational deficiencies. As Hashmi says, "... even when qualified

for Government employ, they are studiously kept out ofit by govemment notifications.l'34

Muslims, who were now behind the Hindus in tenus of having an English

education, aiso lost their traditional system ofeducation as the Governnlent confiscated

tax-free lands. This measure \vas the result of the East India Company's financial

difficulties with respect to shareholders' payments in England. To compensate for the

shortfall the Company boosted its revenue by confiscating the tax-free lands on which

many primary schools and sorne institutions ofhigher learning \vere situated. To stem this

action, the legal deed-holders of these lands \vere obIiged to submit proper

documentation, which in most cases had either been lost or eaten by termites.35

After the Mutiny of 1857, which witnessed the destruction ofmosques and schoois

and the intensification of British suspicions towards I\1uslims, sorne Çulama' began

promoting the revitalization of Muslim institutions. In 1867, an educational institution

knO\vn as Dar al-'Ulüm was founded in Deoband in the Saharanpur district by Maulana

MlÙ)ammad Qasim Nanautavi.36 Other similar institutions were also established, namely,

Dar al- 'UlÜIn Dariya at Muradabad and Miftâl:l al- 'UlÜIn at Saharanpur. These institutions

33Bashir Ahmad Dar, ReHgious Thought ofSayyid Ahmad Khan (Lahore: Institute ofIsLanlic Culture, 1971), 69. Amalendu De, Islam in Modem India (Calcutta: Maya Prakashan,1982), 11. Aparna Basu, The Growth ofEducation andPoliticalDevelopment in huiia, 1898-1920(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1974), 150-151.

34Hashrni, Muslim Response, 23.

3sJawaharal Nehru, Discovery ofIndia (London: Meridian Books Ltd., 1960),296-297.

36AmaLendu De, Islam in Modem India, 13.

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certainly made valuable contributions to the preservation of Muslim culture. However,

their founders were far more concerned with the past glories of Islam than with the

contemporary needs of Indian Muslims. What Muslims needed was the knowledge and

skills to compete politically and intellectually \vith their non-Muslim counterparts. Daral- 'Ulüm Deoband, for example, excluded the teaching of English from the syllabus;37

something which \vas vital for graduates interested in Govemment emploYlnent, or for

anyone who \vanted ta be kept apprised ofnew developments with respect to science and

technology. Thus the revitalization of the Muslim community remained unrealized.

B. SayyidAlpnadKhan

A1}mad Khan played a chief raIe in the founding of the Muhammadan Anglo­

Oriental College in 1875. He \vas the one who not only realized that Indian Muslims were

injeopardy but aIso made every effort to bring them out ofthat situation. The college was

a monument ta Alpnad Khanls ideas on educational reform, and served to inspire other

Indian Muslims. In the end, he could not accornplish aH his objectives, but his pioneering

work in Muslim educational reform is undeniable.

1. Biographical Sketch

1.1. Family and Educational Background

Al].mad Khan was born in Delhi on the 17th of October, 1817, to a family many

ofwhose members held prominent positions in the Mughal administration.38 Their status

37Ahmad, Traditiona] Education, 152-153.

38He is said to be a descendant off!:ussayn, the grandson of the Prophet Mul].ammad. Hisancestors had lived in Herat in Afghanistan before they migrated to Delhi in the reign ofShiihjahan (1627-1658). A1}rnad Khanls maternaI grand-father, Khwaja Faiid al-Dln, was

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pennitted Al].mad Khan to observe the life of the imperial family, an experience which

eventually shaped his response ta the decline of the Empire and to the presence of the

British govemment. He found the Emperor ta be morally deficient, even though his

courtiers praised him in prodigal tenns in arder to obtain more benefits. Cock fighting,

nightingale and hawk taming and pigeon flying were the Emperors favourite sports. It was

in such an environment that A1}mad Khan grew up and had the opportunities ta observe

"the pomp and splendour" of the 1ast Mughal COurt.39

As a child, A1].mad Khan was trained in a traditional educational institution in

Delhi, where religious studies had expanded enormously. He comnlenced his leaming with

Shah Ghu1am 'AIl, a Naqshabandi Sufi Shaykh.40 A1].mad Khân a1so studied with Shah

'Abd al-'Azlz (d. 1823), a prominent religious scholar in the city. This basic education

familiarized him with Arabie, Persian, Urdu, mathematics, and lagic. When he was

eighteen, A1].mad Khan had the apportunity to study with Mïrza Asad Allah Khan GhaIib

(d. 1869) and Shaykh Ibrah1m Zauq (1854), the two great Urdu poets, from whom A1}mad

Khan acquired his poetic style. He also studied with other teachers such as I:Ialàm Ghulam

Haidar Khan, his family physician.41 In SUffi, AQmad Khan was a learned man in a variety

ofbranches oftraditional education, which was to serve him weIl in his religious as well

appointed Prime Minister by Emperor Akbar II. His father, Sayyid Muttaql, was so influentialthat he is said to have been the only person allowed to sit in the Ernperor's presence. G.f.I.Graham, The Lifë and Work ofSir SyedAhmedKhan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1974),1 and 4; Shan Muhammad, Sir Syed AhmadKhan: A Political Biography (Meerut: MeenakshiPrakashan, 1969), 42 and 49.

39Muhammad, Sir Syed AhmadKhan, 44.

40A1)mad Khan's parents were devotees of Shah Ghulam 'AIT. This explains, in part,A1)mad Khan's very close relationship \Vith the latter. Ibid., 44-45.

41 A1}mad Khan's mother must also be accredited for his education. She was the one towhom he would repeat the day's lessons. J.M.S. Baljon IR, The Reforms andReligious Ideas ofSir SayyidAhmadKhan (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1949), 3; Muhammad, Sir Syed AhmadKhan, 46.

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as educational refonn programs in the years to come.

1.2. Alpnad Khan and the British

Al).mad Khan's involvement in the British colonial adlninistration began \vith his

joining the Criminal Department as a saristlladâr(recorder) in Delhi in 1838. His careèr

meant that he had to move from place to place. In 1839, Al).mad Khan was appointed as

na'jb munshi, (assistant secretary) working for the COlnmissioner, Robert Hamilton, in

Agra. Only two years later he was transferred to Mainpuri as a mlU1~if(lower-leveljudge)

in 1842 before moving to Fatehpur Silffi after one year.42 He was posted to Bijnor in

1857, the year ofthe Mutiny.43 Al).mad Khan's ïnvolvement in the colonial administration

was, from the British vantage point, an indicator ofhis reliability. For Al}mad Khan, the

British government was an inevitable authority from which he had ta derive advantages.

1.3. Alpnad Khan's Literary Career

Al}.mad Khan's career as an administrator in the British government did not

interrupt his literary activity. His talents in this field became apparent when he wrote

Jam-e-Jam~ in which he elucidated the history of forty-three kings from Timur down ta

Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last of the Mughal emperors ofIndia. He also wrote a sUlmnary

of the rules and regulations prescribed in the civil courts. A1).mad Khan authored a few

pamphlets dealing with prophetie miracles. Atharaf-$anadJet his monulnental work, is

42In the same year, A1)mad Khan was awarded the title of Javvad-ud-Daula &Anf-i Jangby Bahadur Shah Zatàr, an indication ofhis continuing contact with the Mughal family.

43Baljon, The Refbnns andIdeas, 5; Lelyveld, Aiigarh'sFirst Generation, 58; Muhammad,Sir SyedAhmadKhan, 46-48; Hafeez Malik, "Sayyid Al].mad Khan," in Esposito (ed.), OxfOrdEncyclopedia7 vol. l, 57-58.

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an account of the archaeological history of the ruins of Delhi. It was this last work which

earned him prominence among European scholars.

The Mutiny of 1857 marked a turning point in A1].mad Khfu1's literary career. In

the wake of this event, he spent most of the rest of his life in trying to bring Indian

MusLims and the British government doser and to eliminate suspicions between them.

Tovlards that end, Al].mad Khan wrote 'Asbib-i-Bagbavat-i-Hind which provides an

account of the causes ofthe Mutiny. A1].mad Khan employed t\VO different approaches to

the Muslims and the Government. To the Muslims, he argued that their attitude towards

Western lmowledge had unfortunately aggravated their backwardness. He argued that

Muslims were wrong to be suspicious of this knowledge since their predecessors had also

acquired necessary knowledge without suspecting the source. A.Qmad Khan maintained

that the backwardness of Indian Muslims was due to their conservatisme Regarding the

British government, Al].mad Khan tried ta convince it that the Mutiny was not a Muslim-

planned revoIt, but merely a sporadic and uncoordinated uprising bl' the disaffected Indian

masses against the government policies.44

1.4. Alpnad Khan's Quest for a Muslim Educational System

The Mutiny of 1857 and its aftennath was a calamitl' for Muslims in India. The

relationship between Muslims and the British had been beset by prejudices, and the

Mutiny only made them worse. A1].mad Khan's solution was to try to restare harman}'

between the two communities. At the same time, he also contrived to give Muslims

greater self-confidence as a basis for rebuilding a strong community under British rule.

44Altaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Javed, translated by K.H. Qadiri and David J. Matthew(Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1979), 61-62; Muhammad, Sir Syed AhmadKhan, 51.

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One of the key elements in this plan was education. Al].mad Khan said:

1 have invariably come to the conclusion that the absence of thecommunity offeeling bet\veen the t\VO races, was due to the absence of thecommunity of ideas and the commtmity ofinterests. And, gentlemen, 1feltequally certain that sa long as this state of things continued, theMussalmans of India could make no progress under the English rule. Itthen appeared ta me that nothing could remove these obstacles to progressbut education:~5

Al].mad Khan's intention therefore was to establish an institution which \vould implement

his ideas and which eventually made him a pioneer ofMuslim educational refonn in India.

A1}mad Khan's preoccupation with the promotion of Indian Muslim education

received a boast with the founding of the Scientific Society at Ghazipur on January 9,

1864.46 This institution undertook the translation of English works into Urdu, making

them accessible ta Indian Muslims. A1}mad K1Œn felt that Muslims must master history,

natural philosophy and political ecanomy, as these tmee branches of learning were

necessary vehicles ofprogress. Al].mad Khan's move to Aligarh did not render the Society

inactive; in fact, it resulted in the founding ofthe Aligarh Institute Gazette which became

a voice for the expression of Indians' concerns to the govemment and, in turn, introduced

Muslims to the English system of administration.47

On Aprillst, 1869, with bis t\VO sons, Sayyid Iiamld and Sayyid Ma1}mud, Al)mad

Khan left for Britain. A.1)mad Khan's interest in British education was fostered by this trip.

In Britain, he had the opportunity to become acquainted with Western civilization and to

45A1}mad Khan, "Speech at the Feunding of the Angle-Oriental College," in ShanMuhammad (ed.), Writings and Speeches of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (Bombay: NachiketaPublications Limited, 1972), 129.

46The Society was not Al]mad Khan's first effort to realize his educational ideas. L'1 1859,he founded a Persian madrasa in Muradabad. HaB, Hayat-i-Javed, 58.

47Muhammad, Sir Syed AhmadKhan, 51-52.

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reflect on the condition ofIndian Muslims. In his letter to Raja Jai Kishan Das Bahadur,

A1].mad Khan wrote, "The natives of India, high and low, merchants and petty

shopkeepers, educated and illiterate, when contrasted with the English in education,

manners and uprightness, are ... as a dirty animal is to an able and handsome man."48

Alpnad Khan visited Cambridge and Oxford Universities, as well as private preparatory

schools including Eton and Harrow where he observed the British system of education

that he would take as a model for his Mohammadan Anglo-Oriental College.49

A1)rnad Khan's visit to England enabled him to engage in intellectual dialogue with

Western scholars both on Islamic studies and Indian problems. There, he also wrote A

Series ofEssays on tlle Life ofMohammad (1870) in Urdu in reply to Sir William Muir's

Lifè ofMahome~ later published and widely read in India. Moreover, A1}.mad Khan had

a dialogue with Sir John William Kaye on the problems concerning Indians. After a

seventeen-month stay in England, Alpnad Khan returned to India with a new blue-print

for the development of Indian Muslims under British rule.50

2. Alpnad Khan's Educational Thought

Our outline ofAhmad Khan's familial, educational and occupational background

should help us understand his approach to dealing with religious as weIl as educational

issues. A1}mad Khan lived in an imperial atmosphere, studied with traditionalist 'ulama:!

and finally worked under the colonial government. Undoubtedly, these experiences

4Rlbid., 52.

4~afeezMalik, "Sayyid Al].mad Khan," in Esposito Ced.), The OxfordEncyclopedio:! vol.1, 58.

SOHali, Hayat-i-Javet:4 119. Muhammad, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan:! 53. Wilfred CantwellSmith, Modem Islam in India (Lahore: Ripon Printing Press, 1947),9.

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rnoulded his attitude and thoughts. As far as his educational ideas were concemed, they

were marked by religious liberalism, a consequence of the encounter between his

traditional background and his experiences under the colonial rule. Al).mad Khilll's

educational ideas are summarized in his staternent:

The purpose ofeducation has always been to enable a man to develop hisintellectual powers to the full so that he may grasp the significance of anysituation that arises, that he may know the difference between right andwrong and gain the ability to contemplate the divine mysteries of nature.Education should strengthen his character, help him to look after himselfand concentrate on the life to come.51

Al).mad Khan's educational ideas, fust of aIl, reflect his religious thought. He

believed that Islam was a progressive religion. He argued that the interpretation of

Islamic doctrines was constrained to time and place. What was everlasting in Islam was

the basic ethic, while its outward characteristics were subject to change according to the

needs oftime and place. It was, thus, unreasonable for Muslims to maintain any tradition

which was no longer compatible with the lTIodem setting. In McDonough's opinion,

"Sayyid Ahmad Khan did not think of cultural systems as fixed entities. He rather

envisaged them as processes. He thought that the European societies in the preceding two

centuries had undergone many phases of social transformation."52 She goes on to state:

"He [Al)mad Khan] recognized that justification ofbeliefs and practices \vas necessary and

also that no justification could be final, since the reasons given were always potentially

capable of being proved wrong by other persons, or by future generations."53

51Hali, Hayat-i-Javed, 59.

52Sheila McDonough, Musfim Ethics andModemity: A Conlparative Studyofthe Et1JicafThought ofSayyidAhmad Khan andMawlana Maududi(Waterloo: \Vilfrid Laurier UniversityPress, 1984), 30.

53Ibid., 32.

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Hence, argued A1}mad Khan, the objective of education is to foster ne\v ideas

rather than to transfer or maintain oid ones. There was Little need for Muslims to preserve

oid traditions \vhich were no longer relevant to their needs. For him, Muslims had the

right to detennine the kind of education they needed, as their predecessors had done in

past ages. As such, whenever he met with the founding committee of Aligarh, he insisœd

that religious instruction should emphasize the comprehension ofbasic principles and the

study ofscriptural, as distinct from scholastic, texts. A1}mad Khan considered philosophy,

logic and the natural sciences of classic Islamic learning, as irrelevant.54 He also criticized

the prevalent Islamic practices, beliefs and scholarship of Indian Muslims \vho imitated

the traditions of their ancestors without regard for their compatibility, or lack thereof,

with contemporary conditions. According to A1)mad Khan, "Whatever our ancestors \vere

they were, we are not. They were the inventors of severa1 complicated sciences while we

cannot even understand thern. We should be sorry for ourselves instead ofbeing proud of

our ancestors."55

Al].mad Khan differentiated between two kinds of education, ta 'Hm (intellectual

training) and tarbiya(mora1 training). The former was aimed at equipping students with

the knowledge and skills to fmd an occupation, while the latter \vas aimed at cu1tivating

a student's inner qualities of character. In the pursuit of a good education, A1)mad Khanadvocated the establishment of a total institution where students \vould be freed from the

influence ofordinary life and trained in an intensely ordered environment. He argued that

"not only book leaming, but the moral influence of a planned social environment would

S4David Lelyyeld, Aligarh's First Generation (princeton: Princeton University Press,1978), 130.

SSSmith, Modem Islam in India, 14; Saeeda Iqbal, Islamic Rationalism in theSubcontinent (Lahore: Islamic Book Service, 1984), 202.

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be needed to raise up a ne\v generation. 1f He further argued that unless boys are kept at a

distance from home ... they will always remain ignorant, \vorthless, and exposed to all

sorts of evils.56

Aqmad Khan believed that education was the instrulnent for human salvation in

this world just as religion was an instrument for salvation in the hereafter. As such,

education represented an unavoidable necessity for every human being. Failure in this

field would lead to failure in life and vice versa. Aqmad Khan said:

There are two things, gentlemen, for upholding the position. ofMohammedans--one ofthis world and one of the next. For salvation in thenext there is no anxiety ifwe believe that "there is no [god] but God andMohammed is the Prophet ofGod." But we have to give attention to thetroubles of this sad world; and although we have but few days to spend init, yet its affairs should be set straight.57

Al)mad Khan. \vas constantly criticizing Muslims in India for not paying enough attention

to education. Indeed he was aware that education had long been an inseparable part of

Indian Muslim society but Aqmad Khan thought that it was not enough to raise Muslims

from their miserable condition.

In keeping with the above opinion, A4mad Khan argued that education had to

equip Muslims with a knowledge ofnaturallaw because this \vorld is ruled by that law.

Understanding the law would mean understanding the key to manage the world.

Furthennore, this law was created by God, just as religion was. In VoLl's words: "His

[Al].mad Khao's] general approach to integrating modem scientific thought with IsLam is

stated in his axiom that nature, which is the work of God, is identical with the Qur'an,

S6Both quotations are cited in Lelyveld, Aligarh's First Generation, 128-129.

51Al]mad Khan, "On Education," in Shan Muhammad, Ced.), Writings andSpeeches, 197.

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\vhich is the word of God. 1158 A1}mad Khan criticized his opponents who were afraid of

natural sciences as though they were un-IsiaInic. He always insisted that "Muslims could

do anything and that nothing human is foreign to Islam."59

Accordingly, Alpnad Khan did not see any benefit in objecting to or distinguishing

Western from Islamic sciences, since this differentiation was historically baseless. I-Ie

argued that, when Muslims were in power, they excelled in various sciences. At that time,

Muslims thought that sciences, both religious and secular, \vere aU in Hne with the Islamic

spirit. At the time, Europe was still in the Dark Ages. Nevertheless, Europe did not

hesitate to appropriate the lmowledge acquired by Muslims. No\v that the Europeans

excelled in the sciences, reasoned A1}mad Khan, it was Europe's tum to repay its debt to

Muslims.60

Alpnad Khan aiso paid attention to the moral nature and character-building aspects

of education. Here he reflects on the experience of his predecessors \vho had paid great

attention to trus subject.

My desire is not only to spread education among Muhammedans, but tospread two other things. The first of these is training in character. In theoid days our boys of good family used to read at home with a manner,while they received a good general training in character and rnanners fromthe society of their parents and the eiders of the family, who were patternsofexcellence in these matters .... Hence, unless we give the children of ournation along with education a training in character adapted to the times,

58JoOO Obert Voll, [sIan]." Continuity and Change in the Modem ~Vorld(NewYork:Syracuse University Press, 1994), 112; Iqbal, Islamic Rationalism, 159; S.K. Bhatnagar, Historyof the MA.O. College AIigarh (New Delhi: Asia Publishing House, 1969), 5; AQ.mad Khan'sconception ofnaturallaw was similar to that of the two Hindu reformers, Davindra and KeshabChandra Sen, an indication that Al].mad Khan adopted Western thought. Dar, Religious ThoughtofSayyidAhmadKhan, 29-30.

S9McDonough, M uslim Ethics andlv[odemit~24.

~ab M. Malik, 'The Development ofMuslim Educational Thought (700-1900)." Ph. D.Dissertation, University of Kansas, 1968, 101.

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we cannot reap those advantages which we desire.61

C. Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (MAce)

The establishment of the college was the realization of A1}mad Khan's vision of

an institution which would help to modemize the Indian Muslim cornmunity under

colonial role. The MAOe was not, however, fully representative ofAÇ.mad Khan's ideals.

It was rather a product of the juxtaposition of A1]mad Khan's ideals with reality. The

process which ended in the establishment of the college was marked by many

compromises as to curriculum and organization. None ofthis, however, was enough to

discourage him from realizing his dream.

The Mutiny of 1857, and the resultant British-Muslim suspicion, spurred AQ.mad

Khan in his efforts. He also realized the importance that modem education would have in

any attempt to uplift the Muslims. Nevertheless he did not have a clear idea of the kind

of education to promote amongst Muslims until after his visit to England in 1870, an

experience which provided him with various alternatives.

1. The Establishment of a Founding Committee

On his return ta India, A1)mad Khau's ideas on educational reform crystallized. A

committee was established to organize an "essay contest" on the reason why Muslims had

rejected English education. From these essays, the committee derived a number ofreasons

which were made known to the government as well as Muslims. The govemment was

indicted for mistakes in organizing the schools and omitting religious instruction. In

addition to this, govemment schools were criticized for not allowing Muslim students ta

61Al]mad Khan, "On Education," in Shan Muhammad (ed.), Writings and Speeches~200.

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perfonn religious rites such as the five daily prayers. Additionally, Muslim students felt

humiliated by their Hindu and Christian teachers. Also, sorne books, which betrayed an

anti-Islamic bias had been introduced into the syllabus. Muslim nobles were also criticized

for rejecting govemment schools because oftheir role as venues ofeducation for people

froin the lower classes, and for preferring to educate their children at home. The common

Muslims, on the other hand, \vere ignorant of the benefits of English education due to a

lack ofexposure to English people.62 After elucidating these reasons, at the last meeting

of the committee on April 15th, 1872, the delegates resolved to establish an institution

which would rectify the \veaknesses of both government and traditional Muslim

education.

In the following month, the original committee transfonned itself into the

Ml.Ù].ammadan Anglo-Oriental College Fund Committee, which survived in Legal control

of the college and its assets until 1889. The original mernbers of this committee were

t\venty-six, eighteen of whom were govemment officiaIs or representatives of princely

states. The rest were wealthy zamindars (landlords) from the Aligarh and the Benares

districts. In July, a dozen more members were eLected to the committee, including five

from Ghazipur and the Navab ofPahasu (near Aligarh), who was also Prime Minister of

Jaipur. In accordance with the rules enunciated at the outset, aU were Muslims and

membership \vas life-Iong.

1.1. Preparation for the Foundîng ofthe College

This committee was mandated to arrive at decisions pertaining to recruitment, the

62"Mahomedan Education," in Shan Muhammad (ed.), The Aligarh Movement, vol. 2(New Delhi: Meenakshi Prakashan, 1978), 462-463. Cited from The Pioneer, 8 January 1877;Graham, The Life and Wor.k; 160-161.

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curriculum, the milieu and the authority of the college. As one might assume, the

committee often faced difficult decisions as its members came from different backgrounds

and had different visions. The committee came to its most critical decisions with respect

to the discussions on curriculum. The members ofthe committee seemed aware ofthe fact

that this issue was an important one since it would detennine the institution's future

direction. Each apparently wanted the college to reflect his own vision. The discussion

revolved around the kind of religious education that was to be provided and who was to

be in charge of its instruction. In Hne with his religious refonnist aspirations, A1].mad

Khan wanted religious education to emphasize comprehension ofbasic principles and the

study of scriptural, as opposed to schoLastic texts.63 This idea was refuted by orthodox

opponents such as 'Ail Bakhsh and Chiragh 'Ali, Sunnl and Shi'i '"ulama'respectively.

Encountering such opposition, "Not only did he [Al].mad Khan] withdraw unconditionally

from the Committees which managed theological teaching in the CoUege, but he

scrupulously avoided religious discussion with students and teachers. ,,5-;

Another decision was taken with respect to the coUege's student body; it would

serve Muslims. The assumption behind the whole project \vas that there existed a

definable entity, the Muslims of India, and that they were lagging behind non-Muslims

in acquiring an English-style education. Furthennore, the committee was in favour of the

institution gearing itselfto the educational needs ofMuslim noble families. This idea was

clearly different from the previous intention of AlJmad Khan to provide an education for

aU classes (jama'"a), including the lowest (' avam-un-nas). AlJmad Khan had no choice but

to accept and, eventually support, the argument of the committee.

63Lelyveld, Aligarh's First Generation, 130.

64Ibid., 134; Bhatnagar, Historyofthe MA.O. CoIIege,31.

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1.2. The FOlIDding ofthe College

Due to financiai problems, the founding of the College was aimost aborted. This

situation led Saml' Allah, the secretary of the sub-committee, in 1873, to convince other

members of the committee that a "branch college" of the proposed institution be

established. He argued that people would not donate money until they had seen the

college founded. This proposaI was rejected by Al).mad Khan but accepted by the other

members of the committee. They apparently agreed that the most important thing for

Muslims was to receive an English-style education within a religiously acceptable

atmosphere.65 This school commenced its first class on June 1, 1875, applying the

government curriculum and operating under the direction of Henry George Impey, a

graduate of Oxford University, as a headmaster. The so-called Muhammadan Anglo-

Oriental College was finally established two years Iater when, on January 8, 1877, the

foundation stone of the college \vas laid by Lord Lytton, the Viceroy and Govemor

General ofIndia.66 At the public dinner in honour ofthe foundation ofthe college, Al).mad

Khan said, "...gentlemen, there is one thing which 1 admit sincerely, and without any

hesitation, and that is, that the College ofwhich the foundation-stone has been laid today,

has been for many years the main object ofmy life.,,67

2. The System ofEducation of the M.A.O. College

From our earlier discussion on traditionai education, it is clear that traditional

6SHali, Hayat-i-Javed, 143-144; Lelyveld, Aligarll's First Generation, 142.

66Hali, Hayat-i-Javed, 146-147; Hashrni, Muslim Response, 87.

67Aqmad Khan, "Speech at the Founding of the Anglo-Oriental College," in ShanMuhammad (ed.), Writings and Speeches, 128.

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education was at least at that time almost exclusively religion-oriented. Such an education

\vas designed to produce religious scholars characterized by a profound knowledge of the

religious sciences and by their devotion to religious doctrines. The Muhammadan Anglo-

Oriental College, on the other hand, aimed at producing educated Indian Muslims familiar

\vith the issues of the modern era under colonial ruie. As such, the coLlege did not neglect

religious sciences, but made them only one part of the college's curriculum.

2.1. Programs of Study

The college, needless to say, did not offer elementary education, as A1).mad Khansought to produce future leaders for the Muslim community. AQmad Khan must have

realized that the govemment had already opened a number of institutions of higher

Iearning, which would have been enough to accommodate Muslim students had they

applied for admission. However, for many reasons, the number of Muslims \vith degrees

which qualified them for entry at this level of education \Vas less than that of other

religious groups. Before the Education Commission, 1882, Al].mad Kh.an stated: "1 can

only say that the measures have produced no material effect upon high education among

Muhammadans, or upon their social and moral condition."68

The Mohammadan Anglo-Oriental College had two departments: English and

Oriental. In the English department subjects were taught in the English language, while

Arabic or Persian was taken as the second language. In the Oriental department, literature

and history were taught in Arabie and Persian, while geography, mathematics, arts and

68Al].mad Khan, "Sir Syed and the Education Commission," in Shan Muhammad Ced.),Writings and Speeches~ 98.

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sciences were taught in Urdu. In this department, English fonned the second language.69

By 1880, only the English department remained.70 Too fe\v students had enrolled in the

Oriental department. Al).mad Khan himself was not enthusiastic about promoting this

department. He argued: "An oriental faculty can do no good, can secure no advantage to

the public... It will ooly \vaste the time of those who may unfortunately fall into 'its

snare."71

In the English department, students \vere prepared for the intermediate, B.A.,

B.Sc., M.A., M.Sc., D.Sc., and L.L.B. examinations of the universities of Allahabad and

Calcutta with which the CoHege was affiliated. Classes taught in English focused on

politics, economics, philosophy, history, mathematics, chemistry and physics. After the

closing of the Oriental studies department, the first period of each day's work was

devoted to lectures on theology. Attendance at these lectures was enforced by regulations

as strict as those pertaining to other classes in the College.72

2.2. Religious Education and Character Building

The college had to acconunodate the aspirations ofSunnis and Shi'is by àevising

a committee for each of the two groups regarding religious education. The coLlege

required Muslim students to pray five times a day and fast the month 'of Ramaq.an.

Students were also involved in religious festivities such as the celebration of the Prophet's

69"Report of the Progress of Education in the M.A.O. College (For the Year 1877)," inShan Muhammad Ced.), The Aiigarb Movement, vol. 2,482.

70Asghar Ali Engineer, Indian Muslims: A Studyofthe MinodtyProblem in India (Delhi:Ajanta Publications, 1985), 33-34.

71Jain, The Aligarh Movement, 42.

72Ibid., 58.

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birthday and the 7dfestivaIs.73 AlI of the academic and religious instruction was geared

ta providing students with a sense of Muslim identity, something \vhich had deteriorated

under British ruie. Alpnad Khan himself viewed religious instruction as an essential

character builder. What he did not want was for the emphasis on religious sciences ta

come at the expense ofscientific knowledge. MlÙ).ammad 'AIT Jinnah (1876-1948) said:

"He [Al]mad Khan] wanted his people ta become admired and respected by other nations,

not because of their religious zeal, but because of their knowledge, wisdom, and material

and moral advancement.74

Al}mad Klüin's experiences in Britain undoubtedly influenced the MAOC's

attention ta the character-building of its students. In addition to academic subjects,

Aligarh offered sports such as horse riding, shooting, s\vimming, and other social

activities. These activities were tailored to mould the students into a single, cohesive

community. A1}.mad Khan wanted them to be strong Muslims in the mouid of Indian

Muslims ofprevious generations white encouraging them to be players, debaters, speakers

and adventurous Muslims. AlI these programs were aimed at character building, a feature

of English educational institutions which A1}.mad Khan found most usefuL75

In Hne with the whole program of producing future Muslim leaders, the college

was equipped with dormitory-style accommodations, where hostel authorities provided

aH fumiture, even bedding and servants, 50 that students did not need ta bring anything

from home. This residential system enabled authorities to monitor and isolate the

student's daily activities from outside influences which might impede their studies. In

73David Lelyveld, "Disenchantment at Aligarh: Islam and the Realm of the Secular inLate Nineteenth Century India," Die Welt des Islams, 22 (1984): 98-99.

74Malik, "The Development of Muslim Educational Thought," 106.

7SHashmi, Muslim Re:>ponse, 35; Muhammad, Sir SyedAhmadKhan, 68.

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addition, these accommodations provided students \vith the opportunity to foster college

life. The accommodations were, furthermore, designed to free students from outside

negative influences which would be an obstacle to the achievement of the college's goal

to produce future leaders.76

2.3. Elitism at the College

The MAOe was marked by elitism in the recruitment of students. This college

offered an expensive education which only the children of the upper classes and nobility

could enjoy.77 In spite ofthis criticism, however, the administration argued that education

would be more valuable if it \vere expensive.78 Furthermore, A1).mad Khan's design to

create future leaders of the community could only be realized if the Muslim aristocracy

sent their sons to the college. Attention had to be devoted to the education of the sons of

rich and respected MusIims; through them, he argued, the whole community \vould

eventually be educated.79

This elitism, as we have noticed aIready, \vas not in keeping with the original idea

of the college. The founding committee claimed to speak in the name of aIl the Muslims

of India, but advocated programs geared to the needs of a considerably narrower group:

the north Indian Muslims, literate in Urdu, who fonned the reservoir of rvfusIim

intelligentsia and government servants. GeographicaIly, this group was spread over a huge

area, though not so huge as aIl oflndia. The proposed institution was also to transcend

76Muhammad, Sir SyedAhmadKhan, 67-68.

77S. Abid Husain, The Destinyoflndian Muslims(London; Asia Publishing House, 1965),234.

7gJain, The Aligarh Movement, 56-57.

79Ibid., 55-56.

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sectarian exclusivity to include both Sunnis and Shi'is among its students. Yet, \vhen

concrete plans for the college were formulated, the notion of accessibility fell by the

wayside. There was never any thought given to the education ofwomen, for example. The

MAGC \vas the domain of the ashrit; or men of the respectable classes.

2.4. Non-Muslim Students

A4mad Khan wanted to rnake the MAOC an educational centre for Muslims in

India in order to help them to pursue their education according to their o\vn needs and the

demands of the times without outside interference. But he felt that the college had to be

accommodating in the admission of students, accepting non-Muslim students as well,

even though it contradicted previous plans for providing an appropriate education for

Muslims. The rationale was that the authorities could not refuse admission to Hindu

students since they had made donations ofmoney to the institution.Bo The students of the

coUege came from N.W. Frontier Province, Punjab; Madras, Mysore and Hyderabad in the

south; Patna, Chittagong and Rangoon in the east; and Gujerat in the west.81

2.5. The Govemment and the College

2.5.1. Lecturers and Staff

As mentioned above, one of AQmad Khllil's ailns in founding the MACC, was the

elimination of social estrangement between Muslims and the British. This agenda was

also rnanifested in the college organization. It was apparent, first of a11, in the recruitment

8°Hali, Hayat-i-Javed, 148. Jain, The Aligarh Movement, 5I.

8lJain, The Aligarh Movement, 52.

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patterns of the MAOC Iecturers and staff. The lecturers and staff working at Aligarh

consisted of Muslims as well as non-Muslims. Following his change of heart \vith regard

ta vemacular education in 1883, Al}mad Khan recruited Mu1).ammad ShibIi Nu'manl of

Azamgarh and Theodore Beek of the Universities of London and Cambridge. They were

followed by the arrivaI ofmore Englishmen Le. Harold Cox, Walter Raleigh, T.W. Arnold

and Theodore Morison.82

2.5.2. Financial Profile

The ïnvolvement of the government in the MAOC's affairs was also apparent in

its financial profile. From the beginning A1].mad Khan wanted ta have an independent

institution which, unIike Deoband, would coyer non-Islamic subjects. However,

difficulties arose \vhich forced mm ta accept the reality that such an institution would be

impossible for the time being. First, the committee could not meet the financial demands

of running a coLlege. The committee had planned to collect donations of one million

rupees but by 1873 this target was far from being achieved. Even by 1876 only one-fifth

was in the committee1s hands.83 Consequently, there was little choice but to accept

financial support from the govemment, \vith the consequence that the institution was

constrained to follo\v the guidelines of the govemment. Second, the government had no

interest in allowing the private institution ta function autonomously. Initially, the

committee was to retain independence in financial matters. Ho\vever, it saon became

clear that it would be futile to try to build a good institution when its graduates \vere

unacceptable to the government. Ta quote Lelyveld:

82Lelyveld, A]igarh's First Generation~ 213. Ikram, Modem Musiim India, 37.

83Lelyveld, Aligarh'5 First Generation, 141.

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In thus overcoming British official opposition, however, Aligarh movedmore securely into the orbit of the British educationaL system. The resuLtof this official encouragement was to extinguish Sayyid Aq.mad Khan'srole as a politicaL dissenter, and ultimate1y the aspiration of makingAligarh into a genuinely independent centre of learning.84

The result of the above confusion was the acceptance of financial support from the

govemment, individual Muslims, non-MusLims and other institutions, an action which,

to sorne extent, reduced the independence of the college. The openness of the MAGe

eventually Led to the charge that the institution had become subservient to the British85

and diminished its reputation.86 Aligarh's officiaIs, however, were constrained to accept

help from any corner in the interests of the college's survival. Many distinguished

Englishmen were reported to have made handsome personal donations to the college,

including a gift ofRs. 10,000 by Lord Northbrook, the Viceroy of India.87 It \vas reported

that the coLlege aIso received financiaL help from Hindus such as the Maharaja ofPatiala

who donated Rs. 58,000, the Maharajas ofBenares and Vizianagram, Raja Jaikishan Das

ofMuradabad, Maharani Sumomoyee and C.L. ofCassimbazar; and a host of others.88 In

addition, the MAGC received financial support from the Anjuman aL-Farz (Duty Society),

an institution which had been established in November of 1890 by Aftab Al]mad Khan,

S';Ibid., 138-139.

SSAziz Ahmad, Islamic Modemism in India and Pakistan~ 1857-1964 (London: OxfordUniversity Press, 1967), 168.

s6'falip Küçükcan, "An Analytical Comparison of the Alîgarh and the Deobandi Schools,"Islamic Quarter/y, 38 (1994): 48-58.

S7Ikram, Modem Muslim India~ 37.

SS"Mahomedan Education," in Shan Muhammad Ced.), The A]igarh Movement~ vol. 2,465. Cited from The Pioneer, 8 January 1877; Jain, The Aligarh Movement, 51.

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togetherwith his fellow students.89 This institution was founded to generate funds for the

education of poor Muslims unable to meet the expenses of higher education. Another

institution which extended financial aid to Aligarh was the "Brotherhood," an

organization founded by Morrison in 1891. The rnernbers of this organization agreed to

contribute one percent oftheir incorne to the devel0plnent of the college.90

In sum, the MADe educational system represented the effective implementation

of A1)J.nad Khan's dream of an institution which could produce future Muslim leaders. The

col1ege distinguished itself from traditional institutions in its attitude towards western

sciences, which represented an educational innovation for Muslims in the Subcontinent.

Unfortunately, the situation did not allo\v him to develop the institution as he had

envisaged. The college system had, in the end, to accommodate various interests, a policy

which evidently allowed the college to survive and continue to become an important

centre of Muslim leaming.

D. The MAO College's Impact on Muslim Education in India

The MAGe was not the only instrument \vhich promoted Muslim educational

refonn in India. As stated above, Al)mad Khan had earlier established the Scientific

Society which was dedicated to undertaking translations ofEnglish works into Urdu. It

also published the journal Tahdhlb af-Akhlaq to prornote western sciences among the

masses. Moreover, almost ten years after the foundation of the MAO College, Al)mad

89Aftab A1].mad Khan was the one who succeeded to prevent Mul}sin a1-Mulk from hisresignation and brought forward a scheme in 1898, with the approval of Beck, to raise the collegeta the status ofa university. He was a1so one of the pioneers of the separate political associationfor Muslims. Jain, The Aligarh Movement, 62 and 152.

90Ibid., 47.

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Khân initiated the foundation of the Muhammadan Educational Conference. With this

new institution, the appeal of the college for an acceptance of western sciences became

widespread among Muslims in the Subcontinent.

1. A4madKhan and the 'Ulamiï'~Opposition

Saon after its establishment, the MAOe faced opposition from the traditionalist

·uJamii: and this for various reasons. One of the most important reasons for this was the

fear that the program promoted by the college would erode Muslim religious beliefs.91

Their fears were not entirely unjustified as the movement for educational refonn was

Iaunched at the same time as the movement for religious reform sponsored by Alpnad

Khan who considered the latter a prerequisite to Indian Muslims' progress.92 As such, it

was his intention ta use the college for the dissemination of his own program of religious

reform.

Al).mad Khan himselfdid not hesitate to express his religious thought, which often

contradicted the mainstream of Indian Muslims' understanding ofIslarn. He maintained,

for example, that Muslims were not prohibited from \vearing shoes while praying in

masques. They could aiso participate in Hindu celebrations, and eat at the tables of

Europeans. In theological matters, Al]mad Khan argued that MusliIns should think of

devils, heaven and heU as metaphoric vehicles for the propagation of the Qur'ânic

91McDonough, Muslim Ethics, 28; Malik, "The DeveLopment of Muslim EducationalThought," 100.

920n the relation between religious and social reforms Rana Tahseen says: "Socialmovements aiming to reform the Muslim community had always got impetus from religiousnotions as no reform ofwhatever sort could be acceptable to the Muslim masses unless it acquiredreligious sanction. Il Tahseen, Education andModernisation ofMuslims in India, 63.

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message.93

The traditionalist culamiï' could not tolerate such thinking, and argued that it

contravened the traditions hitherto maintained. The cu/amiï'not only rejected these ideas

but also accused A4mad Khan ofhaving deviated from Islamic principles and ofbeing a

kiïfir (infidel) or a naichan (naturist).94 Other cu/ami', such as 4 An Bakhsh Khan .and

Sayyid 'Imdad 4 AIT, went even further by refusing to take part in Al).mad Khan's

movement, and aiso by calling upon other Muslims not to send their children to the

college.95 If one explores their fears in greater depth, however, one finds them to be

exaggerated in their anxiety. In fact, when the college eventually submitted its final draft

of the program for religious instruction to the orthodox cu/ami: it did not bear .Al].mad

Khan's religious signature.96

Looking at the source of opposition to .Al].mad Khan's religious program it would

be reasonable to assume that had he not aired his radical ideas publicly, the cu/amiï~s

response would have been less extreme and bis educational reforms more successful. The

veracity ofthis argument is attested to by the fact that after his death sorne culamii, who

had originally been aloof to the college, ceased their opposition and even offered financial

aid to the MAOe. Under the leadership of Mul).sin al-Mulk, the college aiso received

donations from the Agha Khan, a spiritual leader of the Khoja Isma4 ifi community, and

9JShaista Azizalam, "Sayyid A1}mad Khan and the 4Ulama': A Study in Socio-politicalContext," M.A. Thesis, McGill University, 1992, 71-72.

9~Ibid., 67; Lelyveld, A]igarh's First Generation, 111.

9SLelyveld, Aligarh's First Generation, 131-132.

96BaIjon, The Reforms and Religious Ideas, 41-42; Commenting on the culama~s

opposition, Azizalam states: "That the opposition was articulated and expressed in reLigious termsdoes not mean that the issues themselves were aU theological, but only, as already noted, that thevarious grievances tended to be subsumed under a religious head." Azizalarn, "Sayyid Al].madKhan and the 'Ularna' ," 71-72.

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the Amir of Afghanistan, after their respective visits to the institution.97 A1}.mad Khan,

however, continued to believe that without any concomitant change in religious thought,

Muslims would never progresse He continued his mission of promoting religious refonn

irrespective of the bitter opposition it engendered from the &ulama' or from colleagues,

within the college. Answering a question posed by a member of the EducaHon

Commission on the solution to the bacbvardness of Muslim education, he commented:

There was no remedy but that sorne members of their own communitymight undertake the arduous task of impressing on the Muhammadans theadvantages accruing from English education, and of proving by argumentand reason that such education was in no way inconsistent \vith the tenetsof their religion, and that the fanciful theories of Arabicized Greek scienceand philosophy, which the advance ofmodem science and enlightenmenttended to subvert, had no connection with the doctrines of Islam.98

Due to the afore-mentioned opposition, the educational system adopted by the

MAOC never entirely displaced the traditional system. A counterpart of the college was

Deoband whose syllabus excluded Western sciences and concentrated on the

dissemination ofreligious education. Underthe stewardship of Mal}müd al-Ijasan (1850-

1921) this traditional institution grew ioto a prominent centre of religious learning for

both Indian and non-Indian Muslims. Aziz Ahmad placed Deoband at this period on an

equal footing with al-Azhar in Egypt, with which it had forged links. It is important to

note, however, that efforts were made to temper the antagonistic sentiments between the

Alîgarh and Deoband through an exchange of scholars.99 Other schools similar to the

Deoband model included M~ahir al-'UlÜIn, at Saharanpur, and sch.ools in Muradabad and

97Jain, The AJigarh Movement, 65.

9gA1}mad Khan, "Sir Syed and the Education Commission," in Shan Muhammad (ed.),Writings and Speeches, 93 .

99Ahmad, IsJamic Modemism in India andPakistan, 108.

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Darbhanga. Other theological schools were built in Calcutta, Patna, Hyderabad and

Madras. Shi'i theological schoois were aiso founded in Lucknow.

Another factor which may have detracted froin support for A1).mad Khan's

refonnist programs was that they were initiated at the time of political defeat for

Muslims. As a result, Muslims had lost their self-confidence as a community. They

became uncritical, defensive and even reactionary in the face ofanything emanating from

the ruling power. This situation is thus described by Mushlrul I:Iasan: "As the Hindus

[hadJ in the sixteenth century, Muslims [now] built a defence mechanism ta protect their

cultural and religious interests."loo This statement suggests indirectly that the Muslim

reaction against refonn was not a symptom of their ignorance of the importance of a

modem education and western sciences. Rather, it was symptomatic of their fear of a

second defeat, namely the loss of religion and culture to Western hegemony. This

argument makes sense in light of the fact that, historically, MusIim education

encompassed the study of sciences whose ongins were 'un-Islamic' such as Greek

medicine~ and Indian arts and sciences. At that time, the issue of 'Islamic' and 'non-

Islamic' sciences \vas a moot point. Muslims \vere enjoined by their religion to seek

knowledge wherever it might be obtained, even in China.101 An intellectual curiosity thus

characterized Muslim civilization until the advent ofWestern hegemony.

In Al].mad Khan's time, the college was still waging a struggle to overcome the

obstacles to Muslim education. Under these conditions, he could not have expected ta see

his ideas come to quick fruition in spite ofhis best efforts. In 1881, out of 1,698 successful

l~ushirul Hasan, "Sorne Aspects of the Problerns of Muslirn Social Reform," in Imam,(ed.), Muslims in India, 223 .

101'Abd al-Ral].rnan al-SuyiiÇi, Al-La 'aH al-Ma~n ü&a fi al-Ahwth al-Ma wçfü'a, vol. 1(Beyrut, Dar al-Ma 'rifa, 1980), 193.

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candidates in the entrance examinations only 68 were Muslims (4.5 %); in the first year

examinations in Arts, of the 358 students who wrote then only 19 \vere Muslims (5.5 %).

These statistics anguished Al].rnad Khan who could only hope for better results in the

future. 102 Yet, the data on students receiving public instruction in the academic year 1896-

97 show that Muslims hardly demonstrated an improvement in their rate of participati'Ûn.

The report stated:

... the percentage of Muslims in every class, except prünary and specialschools, was extremely meagre. Of the 21.81 % of the total Muslimpopulation, Muslim students in Arts college were only 7.00 and inprofessional college were 6.67. In these two colleges Hindu studentscomprised 85.39 % and 81.16 % respectively, outweighing the percentageof the total Hindu population, 71.29 010. 103

Another reason for the MAO College's lethargic pace in achieving its goals was

the ill-conceived strategy ofpromoting the education ofthe elite. Therefore, the education

of the masses was overlooked and they became the object of the traditionalist ~ulama"s

influence. 104 In Ansari's words, "The Aligarh movement left untouched the masses of

Muslims, though not by design, but by virtue of its appeal to a limited group of upper

class Muslims."105 From Aligarh's point ofview this strategy was a necessary imperative

in the face of Indian Muslim feudalism,I06 foreign occupation and sectarianism, and

I02Muhammad, Successors ofSir Syed AhmadKhan, 15.

IOJIbid., 16.

lO4Malik, "The Development of Muslim Educational Thought.", 110.

'OSIqbal A. Ansari, "Muslim Educationa1 Bac~'wardness," in Iqbal A. Ansari Ced.), TheMuslim Situation in India (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Private Limited, 1989), 89-90.

lO6In Saleem Khan's words:"An analysis of the Muslim [process of] self-deteriorationcannot properly be made without taking into account the different classes. The Muslim upperclass in India, till recently, was feudal. It became decadent with the decline and disintegration ofthe Mughal empire, though even the early phase of this period produced sorne luminaries likeNizamul Mulk, Ali Wardi Khan, etc. It was, again, this class which organized and fought, along

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poLitical and economic rivalry. Al}mad Khan was seeking a quick remedy for the disease

of Muslim backwardness by targeting the eLite. This he did in spite of his personal

awareness of the need for mass education.

The fact that the MAO College failed to promote education for the Muslim masses

and to raise the percentage ofMuslims engaged in higher learning, should not detract from

its overall contributions. The fact is that this college made Muslims, particularly the

nobles and middle classes, aware of the need for western sciences.

2. Emergence ofOther Educational Institutions for Muslims

Despite the above-mentioned opposition, the college contributed, in the course of

time, ta the emergence of an Indian Muslim intelligentsia. lo7 One of the more notable

impacts of the Aligarh was the establishment of other educational institutions which

taught Western sciences, even though differently from MAO College. In 1894 there arose

Nadwat a1- 'Ularna' in Lucknow, whose founders tried to derive benefit from both oId and

new systems of education, represented in tlU11 by Deoband, \vhich excelled in religious

education and, MAO College, which was noted in English education. los

In an attempt to distinguish itself from the college at Aligarh, which had tried to

impress upon Muslims the need for English education, Nad\vat al-'Ulama' was geared to

the instruction of Muslim youth in religious and Arabic literature, offering English as a

with other elements, the vast and prolonged war against the British in 1857-58. Though it wasdefeated and victimised by the British, it was regaining its vitality in the forrn of old faiths andthe new ones. A new middle class was also rising. Sir Syed catered to these classes. If M.A. SaleemKhan, "Muslim Decline in India," in Ansari (ed.), The Muslim Situation i7India, 76.

'07Iqbal A. Ansari, "Muslim Educational Backwardness," in Ansari Ced.). The MuslimSituation in India, 90.

I08Hashmi, Muslim Response, 120.

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second language. The main objective of the Nadwat al-'Ulmna' \vas to turn out

theologians who would be able to meet the Western challenge to Islam and teach religious

fundamentais to Muslim youth. The logic ofits founders was that a knowledge of Qur'an

and tradition, accompanied by a sound lmowledge ofEnglish, would produce the required

type of men. 109 Mawlana Mu1].amlnad 'AIT Monghyri (1846-1927), who \vas responsi·ble

for the propagation ofNadwat al- 'Ulama"s ideology, once said:

Those students who complete their education in Arabic madrasahs are[not] only ignorant of the ways of the worLd, and dependent on others, butare aise ignorant of the religious kno\vledge essential for modem times.This organization, therefore, wants ta recognize the system of educationin a manner that (would enable] the students [to] be educated on properlïnes. Further, the organization will try to bring the' ulamiicloser to eachother, as the differences between them serve no useful purpose andhumiliate Islam in the eyes of its foes. Il 10

One of the most obvious signs ofMAOC's influence on this new institution is the fact

that the founding stone ofNadwat al-'Ulama' \vas laid by the Govemor of the United

Provinces, who was a Christian.111 Al;unad Khan, who had worked hard to bring Muslims

closer to the government, could take the founding of the Nadwat al-'Ulanüi' as evidence

of the fact that his efforts had finally yielded results.

Another institution \vhich marked the amalgamation of Western sciences and

Muslim traditional education was Jami'a Milliyya Isiamiyya. There is no doubt that the

establishment ofthis institution, at Aligarh on October 29th, 1920,112 was connected to

100Jain, The Aligarh Movement, 70.

Iioriashmi, Muslim Response, 120-121.

1IIIbid., 129.

IIlIn March 1925 this institution was moved to Delhi. Hafeez Malik, Sir Sayyid AhmadKhan andMuslim Modemization in India andPakistan (New York: Columbia University Press,1980), 290.

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the Khilafat movement, \vhich regarded Aligarh's Ioyality to the British as reactionary.

This institution, however, did not oppose Aligarh's stance on the importance ofWestem

sciences. Jami'a Milliyya Islamiyya offered instruction in the latter with Urdu as the

medium of instruction.113 The founder of this institution, Mawlana Ml.Ù}amlnad 'AIT

(1878-1931), on one occasion said:

Islamic instruction can be combined \vith modem Iearning in the primaryand secondary schools and in the schools of History, Sociology, Law,Science and Mathematics in a short span of studies. The teaching in themother tongue would economize on student time, and advocated teachingof useful vocational subjects for those who needed it. l 14

3. The College as an Agent of Change

Despite the fact that Aligarh faced many obstacles and challenges, it did not cease

to function as a centre of education for Indian Muslims. Through studying Western

sciences and history, the students of the college were inspired to assert their self-

determination for the future. Aziz Ahmad points out that most of the Indian Muslim

intellectual and politicai leadership of the last decades of the nineteenth century were

trained at this institution. 115 Shan Muhammad argues further that the college was "the

nucleus of aimost every social, educational and politicai movement that shaped the

destiny of Muslim India."116

In order to accelerate the development ofMuslim education, in 1886 A1].mad Khan

1I3Hashmi, Muslim Response, 158; Ahmad, An Intellectual History ofIslam in India, 63.Tahseen, Education and Modemisation ofMuslims in India, 76-77.

114S. Shukla, IlIndian Muslims and Education," inZafarImam Ced.), Muslims in India, 210.

115Ahmad, An Intellectual History ofIslam in India, 62.

116Muhammad, Successors ofSir SyedAhmad Khan, Il.

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pioneered the establishment ofthe Muhammadan EducationaL Conference. 117 I1aLi explains

that the establishment ofthis institution \vas to solve a big problem of MusLiln education

in the Sub-continent. It was felt that the MAcC aLone \Vas not enough to serve for the

education for sixtYmillion MusLims. He further says:

Another great probleln was that the MusLims, \vho were scattered aIl overIndia, were usually quite unaware of the conditions of their brothers, andthere was no \vay in which people ofdifferent regions and provinces couldmeet and discuss with each other their ideas on national education anddevelopment and in which everyone could be made aware of the progressor lack ofprogress, being made by MusLims in every part of the country. 1

18

The Conference was obviously effective as a medium to proliferate the refonn ideas of the

Aligarh movement ta Muslims aU over the Sub-continent.

It is obvious that the Aligarh movement which emerged at a time of Muslim

despair after the wake ofthe Mutiny of 1857, attempted to aUeviate the exigencies ofthis

condition. In the field of education, MAOC's contributions were remarkable. To quote

Basu:

The college popularized Western education among the Muslirns andgraduaUy became a nucleus around which all efforts at social and politicalchanges arnong Indian Muslims became centred. Aligarh produced sorneof the most eminent figures in the field of education, journalism andscience. AImost aH the prominent Muslim political figures in this period-­loyalists, communalists, Congressites and Leaguers had emerged from theM.A.O. College. In fact it is difficult to trace the history of any Muslimmovement in India after the 1870s without sorne reference to Aligarh. 119

Therefore, the statement that "... the founder of the Aligarh Movement was a realist [and]

117Ba1jon, The Refonns andRe/iglous Ideas, 42-43.

118Hali, Hayat-i-Javed, 194-195.

119Basu, The Growth ofEducatioD, 161.

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... very thoroughly diagnosed the disease and prescribed the correct medicine for it,"120

may be taken to be accurate.

It is clear by now that the educational refonn initiated by the Aligarh movement

was intertwined with the experience ofBritish colonialism. It \vas a positive response and

a self-corrective to the inability of Muslim institutions to function for the improvement

of status ofMuslims which had been jeopardized under the colonial ruie. The MAGC, the

pilot-project of the new educational system, adopted elements of the Western system of

education while also providing religious education. Without mentioning the college

weaknesses, the establishment of the MAGC encouraged the acceptance of Western

sciences by Muslims in India. The college was aiso successful in producing graduates

capable of accelerating Muslim modemization in the Subcontinent.

120Muhammad, Successors ofSir SyedAhmadKhan, i.

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CHAPTERII

MUSLThi EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN INDONESIA:THE MlJHM.,1MAD1YAH MOVEMENT

Muhammadiyah educational refonns stemmed from the belief that existing

systems were incapable of propelLing Muslims forward and out of their backwardness.

Clearly, traditional education had failed to equip Muslims with the requisite skills for

coping with the dramatic changes brought on by Dutch colonialism. At the same time,

Dutch schools were not providing students with any religious instruction, an important

element for Muslims careful to maintain their identity. Al]mad Da.1).lân, the pioneering

founder of Muhammadiyah, judged this dual system to be disadvantageous to MusliIns.

Based on his experiences in studying at traditional institutions and on his involvement

in certain organisations, Al:].mad Da1].lan put forward a formula for an institution which

would bridge the gap between the two systems. His model ofeducation was implemented

in the form of the Muhammadiyah schoois which, incidenta1ly, were operative before the

Muhammadiyah even existed as a formaI organization. These schools expanded

dramatically after the govemment allowed the Muhammadiyah to open branches beyond

the Yogyakarta regency. The establishment and development of the Muhammadiyah

schools provided a great impetus to the evolution ofMuslim education in Indonesia. The

Muhammadiyah schools and their educational approach led to a positive attitude on the

part of Muslims towards Western education and helped to narrow the gap between

graduates oftraditional institutions and government schools.

A. Traditional. Education and Dutch Educational Policy: An Overview

When the Europeans came to Indonesia, they encountered the Muslim system of

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education which was centred around the mosques and pesantrens. This traditional

education was religion-oriented in content, in pedagogical technique, in "scheol"

management and in the symbols that it used. The Dutch educationaL program, on the other

hand, was not designed on this traditionaL model, but on the basis of a Europea..tl world-

view. The alienation of extant local traditions from this ne\v system, and the intrusion- of

political interests into the substantive content of education rendered the Dutch

educationaL programs unable to achieve much success.

1. The Masjid and Langgar

For Indonesian Muslims, the mosque was the centre ofprayer and education. 1 The

education provided in the masjidor langgar\vas primarily reLigious in nature and aimed

at providing children with a basic understanding ofreligious doctrines and an elementary

knowledge ofreligious obligations. No fonnal curriculum was followed at these teaching

centres. Qur'anic recitation was, par-excellence, the subject of study in mosques.

Individually, students breught their copy of the Qur'an to their teacher who then recited

the text while the students followed until they could pronounce the verses correctly. Other

subjects, such as arkin al-Islam (pillars of Islam), the arkin al-Imin (pillars of faith)2 or

lIn Indonesia there are two kinds of mosques: the langgar and the masjid The mostimportant difference between the two is connected to the Friday prayer as this prayer isperfonned only in the masjid Concerning their role as educational centres, langgar and masjid,however, do not differ.

2The five pillars of Islam, according to Ash'arite school, are comprised of shahada(witness to the Oneness ofGod and Muhammad as His messenger), ?ala (five-daily prayers), zaka(paying alms), ~aum (fasting in the month of Ramaçan )and hajjcpilgrimage to Mecca). The sixpillars of faith in Islam include the belief in the existence of God, His angels, His books, HisMessengers, the Day ofJudgement and His deteffilination. Sumarsono Mestoko et. al., Pendidikandi Indonesia dari Jaman ke Jaman (Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1986),67-68.

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recitation of the Kitab al-Barzan]/, a history of the Life of MtÙ].ammad,3 were taught

within the halaqa system, where students sat around the teacher.4

Unlike western European education, mosque education was conducted with few

fonnalities. Classes usually took place between the time of the magbrlb (sunset) prayer

and the "isha: and students were not required to finish their course of study within a

specifie time table; generally speaking, a masjideducation was considered finished once

the student could recite the Qur'an.5 Khataman (graduation) was then held to

commemorate their completion of this process.6 At this point, sorne of the graduates

concluded their education while others went on to further their studies in the pesantren.

3Karel A. Steenbrink, Pesantren Madrasah Sekolah: Pendidikan Islam dalam KurunModeren (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1986), xi. The term histoIYshould be applied here in a very qualifiedsense as Kitib al-BarjanjÎwas a collection ofpoetic works describing the life of Muhammad.

4Sumarsono Mestoko et. al., Pendidikan di Indonesia dari Jaman ke Jaman, 65. MachnunHusein, Pendidikan dalam Lintasan Sejarah (Yogyakarta: Nur Cahaya, 1983),2.

SMuslich Shabir. "The Educational Reforrns of the Muhammadiyah Movement inIndonesia: A Reflection of Mul].ammad 'Abduh's Influence." Unpublished M.A. Thesis,Department of Language and Literature, University of Utah, 1991,67. Sumarsono Mestoko et.al., Pendidikan di Indonesia dari Jaman ke Jaman, 65.

6Karel A. Steenbrink, Pesantren Madrasah Sekolah, 12.

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2. The Pesantren7

The term pesantren is applied to a centre of education characterized by five

components: a pondok (hostel), a masque, the teaching of Idtab kuning (classical or

medieval works), santris (students) and a kyai (teacher).8 The pondokis a hostel for the

accommodation ofstudents coming from distant areas9 and consists of a number ofrooms

where the students of the pesantren live together. It is usually situated in the same

location as the house of the kyai and the masque. The complex is usually surrounded by

a fence aimed at curbing the students' movements. A pesantren with this kind of

residential set-up enables students to foster personal relationships and Muslim comradery.

For most pesantrens, the masque is a place ofprimary importance. It is used for

daily prayers as well as the Friday khutba (sermon) and also serves as an educationai

forum. Sorne students aiso prefer ta sleep there, as the avaiIable rooms are often crowded.

7According to Anthony H. John, the word pesantren is derived from santri, a Tamil terrnwhich means a religious teacher. C.C. Berg, on the other hand, maintains tbat the word santriwasderives from shastri, an Indian word meaning a religiously leamed man or a Hindu religiousscholar. In spite of this difference, the two scholars agree that the tenu originally cornes from theIndian Subcontinent. Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren: Studi tentang Pandangan HidupKyai (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1985), 18. Cited from Anthony H. Johns, "Islam in Southeast Asia:Reflections and New Directions." Indonesia, 19 (April 1975), 36. C.C. Berg. "Indonesia." InH.A.R. Gibb (ed.), Whither Islam? A Survey ofModem Movements in the. Moslem World(London: n.p. 1932),237. Machnun Husein, Pendidikan dalam Lintasan Sejarah, 2.

8Unlike masque education, pesantren education was only available in specifie areas,usually calIed kauman or perdikan. The word kauman was derived from the Arabic word qawmwhich denotes a group of people. The word kauman, however, refers to a place where religiouslife was well-developed. Perdikan is derived from the word merdeka which means "free". Thisterm symbolises "free-tax lands". Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Tradisi PesantrenJ 44-60. Karel A.Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek Tentang Islam di Indonesia AbadKe-19 (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang,1984), 167-169. Amir Hamzah Wirjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengadjaran IslamJang Diselenggarakan oleh Pergerakan Muhammadijah di Kota Jogjakarta (Yogyakarta:Penje1enggara Publicasi Pembaharuan PendidikanlPengadjaran Islam, 1962),36.

9Due to the importance ofthis residentia1 area, Indonesian Muslims used the tenu pondokpesantren to refer to the pesantren.

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More importantly) the mosque has traditionally been considered as the best place to study

sacred knowledge and to acquire discipline.

The n10st distinguishing feature of the pesantren is the teaching of classical or

medieval religious texts, the so-called kitab kuning. Literally, this term means "yellow

book"; a word which not only signifies the physical colour ofthese books but also their

symbolic implications. Indonesian Muslims refer ta a book written in the Arabie script as

a ldtab, \vhile a book written in romanised Indonesian is called a buku. 10 The Arabie script

retains a privileged position among Indonesian Muslims who regard it as a sacred script.

The script was once even used when they wrote in the Javanese or Malaysian languages.11

Most of the ldtab kunJilgtaught in the pesantren contain Ash'arite theological doctrines,

Shafi'ite jurisprudence and GhazaIl's ideas on ta~aWl-vuf (mysticism).12 In addition to

these tapies, such books touch on other Islamic subjects like naJ;w (syntax) ~arf

(inflection)) tafsJr (Qur'anic exegessis), 1}adIth (Muhammadan traditions) and tmkh

(history).13 Most of the kitab kuning were written by Middle Eastern ~ulami~although

sorne were produced by Indonesian ~ulama' living in Mecca.

10It is not clear when Latin script was firstly used in Indonesia. Surely, the proliferationof this script was simultaneous with the establishment of government schools. A surveyconducted in 1819 by the government suggested that only few people were familiar \Vith Latinscript. Indonesian Muslim scholars began using this script at the beginning of the twentiethcentury with the publication of two journals, al-Imam and al-Munir, in 1906 and 1911respectively. In 1928, A. Hassan commenced writing his Qur'anic commentary, al-Furqan fiTafSJr aI-Qur'an, in Malay language and Latin script, reckoned as the first commentary in thislanguage. Karel A. Steenbrink, Pesantren Madrasah Sekolah, 1.

lIMartin van Bruinessen. "Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabie Script Used in the PesantrenMilieu." B[jdragen KoninkIijk Instituut Voor TaaI-, Land-en Volkenkunde (BKTL V), 146 (1990):227-228.

12Martin van Bruinessen, "Pesantren dan Kitab Kuning: Pemeliharaan danKesinambungan Tradisi Pesantren," Jumal UlumuI Qur'an, 3, 4 (1992): 74.

13Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren: Studi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kyai, 50-51.

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In the pesantren, both teaching and learning are conducted either according to

bandungan (group) or sorogan {individual) methods. In the bandungan method, students

study with their teacher in a group. The teacher reads the kitab out loud and translates

the text word for word while the students jot down the meaning below the relevant wards.

With the sorogan method, on the other hand, each student is privy ta a one-on-one seSSIon

\vith his teacher. Sorogan is aiso used to evaluate a student's capacity and success àt

memorization. l-1

Another characteristic ofthe pesantren is the central raIe of a kyal: 15 who is both

teacher and administrator of the affairs ofthe pesantren. As a teacher, the kyaiis esteemed

not only as a medium for the transmission of knowledge, but also as a medium for the

diffusion of baraka (God's blessing) to students. For this reason, leaming with a kyaiis

often sought for baraka, not for the sake of knowledge in itself. Again, in a pesantren a

kyai commands more authority than a govemment appointee. On the positive side, the

enhanced stature of the kyai lends the pesantren independence from govemment

înterference. On the other hand, it often means the closure of a pesantren after the death

of the kyai, particularly if his successor is less influential.

3. The Dutch Educational Policy

Dutch educational policy, it is important to note, was divided into two phases, the

era of the Dutch East India Company (the V.O.C.) (c1600-1800) and that of the

I~MT. Arifio, Gagasan Pembabaruan Muhammadiyah (Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya, 1987), 187-188.

15Kyai is an attribute giveo to an 'fffim (religious scholar) especially in East and CentralJava. Similar attributes are ajengan (West Java) and Buya (Sumatra).

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Netherlands East Indies Govemment (1800-1942). During these periods, Dutch

educational policies underwent several changes. Consistent throughout these two phases,

however, was the Httle attention paid to the aspirations of the indigenous people. This

policy was motivated by the Dutch desire to derive as much advantage from these

educational programs as possible. Behind their educational program, the Dutch wanted

to maintain the status quo, a condition which put the Dutch at the highest level in the

social hierarchy and guaranteed the continuation of the colonial regime. 16 Accordingly,

the system implemented by them was marked by discrimination according to race as \vell

as religious affiliation.

Discrimination was glaringly obvious in the classification of schools. At the

elementary level, for example, the government opened different schools for different races,

such as the Europeesche Lagere School, the Hollandsch Chineesche School, the

Hollandsch Inlandsche School and the Inlandsche School. As may be expected, the

majority of the indigenous people were placed in the worst elementary schools. European

children received the best schooling in the Europeesche Lagereschool. Chinese children

and others of East Asian descent were educated in the Hollandsch Chineesche School.

Next, the Hollandsch Inlandsche School, which was also called bumiputra school, was

designated for the indigenous children of the aristocrats. Finally, children of humble,

indigenous origin received a second cIass education at the Inlandsche School. l7

Other forros of discrimination \vere apparent in the govemment's financial

disbursements. More money was spent on the European schools than on the bumiputra

16H. Aqib Suminto, Politik Islam Hindia Belanda (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1985),38.

17Moch. Tauchid, Masalah Pendidikan Rakyat (Bogor: Dewan Partai-partai SosialisIndonesia Bagian Pendidikan dan Penerangan, 1954), 8-9. Sumarsono Mestoko et. al., Pendidikandi Indonesia dari Jaman ke Jaman, 113.

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(indigenous people) schools even when the students in the latter outnumbered the

students in the [onner by a \vide margin. In 1909, for example, th.ere were 162,000

students in the bumiputraschools while in the European schools there were only 25,000.

Ironically, the sum allotted to the bumiputra schools \vas only f: 1,359, 000, while that

allotted to European schools was twice as much, f. 2,677,000. In 1915, \vhen the students

in the bumiputra schooIs multiplied to 321,000, the sum only inereased to f. 1,493,000.

In the same year, the students in European schools had only increased to 32,000 but the

sum allotted was almost three tirnes as mueh, Le. f. 6,600,000. 18

Religious affiliation was also taken into consideration by the Duteh. The

government's educational program was coneentrated in the areas where Christians resided

in greater numbers, sueh as Batak, Menado and Borneo. 19 The government did build sorne

sehools in other areas but their numbers were inadequate and they were soon appropriated

by the elites. Furthermore these sehools often eeased to funetion due ta a lack of funds,20

while at the same time the government gave liberal subsides to Christian scbools.21 Worse,

the V.O.C. passed a regulation which obliged teachers to obtain their licenses from the

Company. The exam required to obtain sueh certification was conducted by the Dutch

Refonned Chureh. This poliey made it diffieult for indigenous Muslims to be admitted

and, consequently, only facilitated the admission process for members of the Church.22

ISSumarsono Mestoko et. aL, Pendidikan di Indonesia dari Jaman kr: Jaman, 123. Moch.Tauchid, Masalah Pendidikan Rakyat, 7.

19Bemard Dahm, History ofIndonesia in the Twentieth Century(New York: PraegerPublishers, 1971), 15-16.

2°Sutedjo Bradjanagara, Sedlarah Pendidikan Indonesia (Yogyakarta: n.p., 1956), 57.

21H. Kroeskamp, Barly Schoolmasters in a Developing Country (Netherlands: VanGorcum, 1974),455.

22Sumarsono Mestoko et. al., Pendidikan di Indonesia dari Jaman ke Jaman, 83.

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With such discriminatory underpinnings, the sincerity of the Dutch educational

program may be questioned. The pesantren7 as the basis ofMuslim religious leaming, was

paid no heed. For its part, the governrnent claimed to be Inaintaining religious neutrality.23

Such claims did not, ho\vever, coincide with the fact that the Dutch aided in the founding

ofChristian theological schools.24 Furthermore, in 1905 the Dutch issued Staatsblad 1905

No. 550, the so-called "Ordonansi Guru Agama" regulation \vhich both limited the number

of Muslim religious teachers and obliged them to ask for a license from the government

through a regent (for those living in Java and Madura) or through another govemment

authority (for those living in other regions of the country). In addition, the new regulation

obliged students from other regencies to report their identity to the regent before they

commenced their course of study.25 This regulation undoubtedly interfered with the

development ofthe pesantren since its students usually caIne from regencies outside the

environs of the pesantren. It aIso disturbed the propagation of Islam in genera1.26

Ironically, the regulation was not applied in areas where Christian missionaries were

propagating Christianity.

As stated, the application of the govemment's educational program was marked

23It is true that both the Dutch Constitution issued in 1855 and the Dutch East Indiagovemment regulation issued in 1871 said that the govemment was neutral in the matter ofregulation ofeducational institutions. In practice, however, the Dutch put Muslims and Muslimtraditional institutions at a disadvantage. H. Kroeskamp, Early Schoolmasters in a DevelopingCountry, 450. H. Aqib Suminto, Politik Islam Hindia Belanda, 26.

24Sumarsono Mestoko et. al., Pendidikan di Indonesia dari Jaman ke Jaman, 80-81. H.Aqib Suminto, Politik Islam Hindia Belanda, 51.

25Machnun Husein, Pendidikan Agama dalam Lintasan Sejarah, 6. H. Aqib Suminto,Politik Islam Hindia Belanda, 51.

26Muhammadiyah's conference in 1923 urged the government to change this regulation.Verslag Moehammadijah di Hindia Timur (Januari-December 1923) [yogyakarta: PengoeroesBesar "Moehammadijah", 1924], 42. H. Aqib Suminto, Politik Islam Hindia Belanda, 53.

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by an ignorance of indigenous values and traditions. Behind its so-called neutral

educational agenda, the govemment attempted to impose Westem traditions upon the

Indonesian peoples. C. Snouck Hurgronje's proposaI to make Sunday instead of Friday a

school holiday was but one example of this effort.27 Hurgronje's argwnent that the

people's insistence on Friday did not have strong religious sanction may have been true,

but this did not take away from the fact that people had a right to uphold their traditions

without interference. In short, colonial interests were given priority over those of the

indigenous peoples.28 Bradjanagara's charge that colonial policies did not pennit people

to develop their own world view or to live as 'free men'29 rings true.

Up to the establishment ofthe Muhammadiyah in 1912, needless to say, the results

ofgovemment educational programs were far from satisfactory. In the first instance the

program did not receive the support of the 'ulama', whom the govemment never

approached or engaged in the process. The government even took steps ta discriminate

against Muslims. For these reasons, a government education was less than popular among

the common people.3o Of those who did enroU, only a smaIl percentage of students

27C. SnouckHurgronje, "Pengajaran selain Pengajaran Mohammadan." In E. Gobee andC. Adriaanse (ed.). Nasihat-nasihat C. Snouck Hurgronje semasa Kepegawaiannya kepadaPemerintah Hindia Belanda (Jakarta: INIS, 1992), 1187.

281t is true that in 1808 govemor-general Herman Daendels issued an ordinance whichobliged the regents ta give instruction to the children including the customs, the laws, and thereligious practice ofJavanese people. However, Vlekke said: "This decree was ... never executedas Daendels' period of office was too short for even a beginning to be made." Bernard Vlekke,Nusantara: A History ofIndonesia (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1960), 277.

29Sutedjo Bradjanagara, Sedjarah Pendidikan Indonesia, 61.

30At the end of 1930, 93 % of 60 million of Indonesian population could not read andwrite in Latin script. H. Aqib Suminto, Politik Islam Hindia Belanda, 48.

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fmished their program of study.3l Those who did finish their studies were motivated by

the desire to secure work as government servants, not by the quest for lmowledge itself.32

In spite of the weaknesses mentioned above, it would not be fair ta ignore the

contributions made by govemment educational programs to the improvement and well-

being of the Indonesian people. First, the school did produce governrnent civil servants

whose capabilities exceeded that of their predecessors. In addition, this emergent

Indonesian elite eventually turned its attention to improving the education of the general

populace. In Kroeskamp's words,"They knew the importance of education by experience

and it is not to be wondered at, therefore, that precisely these circles had a powerful

stimulating effect on the latent desire for education, which began to manifest itself in the

Indonesian world towards the end of the nineteenth century.1133

B. A1}mad Da1].lan: The FOlUlder ofMuhammadiyah

A1:}..mad Da1]lan, who pioneered the establishment of the Muhammadiyah, was the

product oftwo influences: a traditional education and new ideas coming from the Islamic

31Ylekke said: "...the curriculum [was] to be shaped in such a way that it, first of aIl,served the needs of the European population. The ioevitable consequence was that few noo­Europeans availed themselves of the opportunity to have their children educated in these schools,although the Commissionaries-general, in a truly liberal way, had thrown them open to pupils ofaIl races and religions." Ylekke, Nusantara: A HistoryofIndonesia, 277.

32Ylekke criticized the Government's conviction that "once funds were made available,schools could be built and teachers appointed, and that as soon as the doors of the schools wereopened, the people, eager to learn, will rush in to find a place in the classrooms." He continued,"In reality, what is required first of aIl, is that people develop the habit of sending their childrento school, and that they become convinced that learning how to read and write is more importantfor the children, than, for instance, helping their parents working in the fields." Ibid., 336.

33H. K.roeskamp, Early Schoolmasters in a Developing Country, 469.

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reform movements emerging in the Middle East and other places based on the tenets of

the Qur'iin and 1}adith . Al]mad Da1}lan was in addition the conceiver as \vell as the

implementer of the scheme for Muslim educational refonn. In practical tenns, he

administered the Muhammadiyah schools in such a way as to bring religious instruction

into the modem era by introducing new techniques previously unavailable.

1. Biography: Educational Backgrol.m.d and Intellectual Activities.

1.1. Family Backgrol.m.d

Al]mad Dal]lan came from a family which shaped his religious character and stirred

his interest in social affairs. He was bom in Kauman, Yogyakarta in 1868. His father, Kyai

Haji Abu Bakar, was the son of Kyai Haji Sulaiman, an Islamic scholar and one of the

twelve people appointed keti!J4 at the Sultanate mosque in Yogyakarta. His mother was

the daughter of Haji Ibrahim, a penghulu (religious judge) at Yogyakarta.35 His

grandfathers' professions necessitated an adequate knowledge of religion and they

provided a role model for the people in the community. To become a ketib one not only

had to be skilful in delivering a sermon but also to be exemplary in one's application of

Islamic teaching. A ketib also had to sacrifice rus interests for the sake of the Muslim

cow..munity as his salary was sm~Il and his job requirements broad--from religious

instruction to counselling. Steeped in these traditions, A4mad Dal].lan was in a good

position ta initiate a refonn movement.

34This term is derived from the Arabie word khatJb which means the one who deliverssermon during the Friday prayer.

3SJunus Salam, Riwayat Hidup KH.A. Dahlan: Amal dan Perdjoangannja (Jakarta: DepotPengadjaran Muhammadiyah, 1968),6-7. AIso Solichin Salam, KH. AhmadDahlan: 1]ita-tjitadan Perdjoangannja (Jakarta: Depot Pengadjaran Muhammadijah, 1962), 5.

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1.2. His Education

As a child, Al].mad Da1).lan did not enjoy the benefits of the modern education

which was generally available only to the children of the elites; the graduates of this

system were tenned kapir fanda(the infidel Dutch).36 He enjoyed a traditional upbringing

in Kauman, Yogyakarta. His father, Kyai Haji Abu Bakar, \vas his first teacher ofbasic

Islamic subjects.37 Like other Muslim children at the time, Al]mad Dal]lan was sent to a

pesantren in Yogyakarta and then to apesantren in a different part of Java.38 In these

educational institutions, he leamed qira'a (reciting the Qur'an), tafsJr, f;adith, Arabic and

fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence).39 With these subjects under his belt, A1}mad Da.4Ian was

qualified to be a ketib, a duty he undertook after the death of his father. His lack of

government schooling certainly disadvantaged him as he missed out on the opportunity

ofgetting a modem education. However, his experience in the traditional system gave him

a chance to observe the weaknesses, as weIl as the strengths, of that system of education

directly. This awareness helped him later on in designing the Muhammadiyah program

ofeducation for the bettennent of Muslims.

Al].mad Dal}lan was reared to assume a pro-active role by parents who pinned their

36Traditionalist lu/ami' normally referred ta one ~ladJth saying, "He who imitates onegroup of people is part of them." In the Indonesian context the tradition is used to denote thepeople studying in government schools as kapir since the Dutch were kapir (infidels).Wirjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengajaran Islam, 65. MT. Aritin, GagasanPembaharuan Muhammadiyah, 77.

37Muslich Shabir. "The Educational Reform," 27.

38Syukrianto AR. "Tradisi Kepemimpinan da1am Muhammadiyah." In GebyarMuktamarMuhammadiyah Ke-43 (Yogyakarta: Suara Muhammadiyah, 1995),57.

39Muslich Shabir. "The Educational Reform", 27.

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hopes for the continuation oflslamic propagation on his shoulders. Towards that end, they

prepared him with the requisite skil1s and knowledge. In 1890, Al].mad Daq.lan was sent

to Mecca to perform haff By virtue ofhaving performed this pilgrimage, Al].mad Dal].lan

was deemed worthy ofserving as a leader of the commilllity. His experience on the ha)]

also provided him with an opportilllity to enhance his understanding of people of diverse

racial and national origins and to broaden his own horizons. In 1903, he returned to Mecca

for a second time, where he stayed for a year and a half at his own expense.40 It is believed

that during this stay he first encountered the new ideas of Islamic refonnism promoted by

JamaI al-Dm al-AfghanI, MlÙ}ammad 'Abduh and Rashid Riq.a. In Mecca A1].mad Dal].lan

learned tafsJr, theology, astronomy, religious law and became acquainted with the works

of the t\VO above-mentioned Egyptian reformists, MlÙ).ammad 'Abduh and Rashid Riq.ii.41

40Al}mad DaqIan was reported to have had a good income from his batikbusiness. Hisstable economic situation and his desire to study in Mecca encouraged him to go. James L.Peacock, Muslim Puritans: Reformist Psychology in Southeast Asian (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 1978),26. Muhammad Idries, 'Kijai Haji Ahmad Dahlan: His Life and Thought."M.A. thesis, the Institute ofIslamic Studies McGill University, Montreal, 1975, 29. M.T. Arifin,Gagasan Pembaharun Muhammadiyah, 104. According to Solichin Salam Ahmad Dahlan's seconddeparture to Mecca was in 1902. SoLichin Salam, K.H. Ahmad Dahlan: Tjita-tjita danPerdjoangannja, 6.

41 Deliar Noer, Partai Islam di Pentas Nasional(Jakarta: Grafiti Pers, 1987), Il. MuslichShabir. "The Educational Reforrns", 27. James L. Peacock, Gerakan Muhammadiyah MemumikanAjaran Islam di Indonesia (Jakarta: Cipta Kreatif, 1986),36. A detailed description of the bookswhich A1}mad DaqIan mastered during his stay in the city is given by Wirjosukarto:

At the beginning, like other Çulama' in Java, he learned Çaqa'id of Ahl al-Sunna wal­Jamaça, the flqh of Shafi'ite school, and the ta$aWl-vufof Imam al-GhazaIT. Then helearned AI-Manar, a work of Qur'anic exegesis authored by Rashld Riga, a companionand a student of Mu1}ammad 'Abduh, and Ai- 'Unvat al- Wuthqa of Jamai al-Din al­AfghanI. A1]mad Da1)lan also learned Risalat al-Tau!;Jd and Al-Islam wa ai-Na~r8niyya,

written by Mul}ammad 'Abduh and the works of Ibn Taimiyyah, Kanz al-ÇUlüm, Al­Tawa~~ulwa al- Wa~]ja. Other works which he learned when in Mecca were I.zhar allfaqofRal].mat Allah al-Hindi and books on !.Jadlth of the I:Ianbalite school.

\Virjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengadjaran Islam, 47. Cited from R.H. Hadjid,Füsafat Peladjaran Kj. H. AhmadDahlan (Yogyakarta: Siaran, n.d.), 4-5. Solichin Salam, KH.

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1.3. Intellectual Activities

Al].mad Da.l].lan's intellectual activities commenced saon after his retum ta

Yogyakarta from Mecca. Unlike Sayyid A1).mad Khan, however, who wrote many \vo~ks,

Al]mad Da4lan was not a skilful writer. His thought was transmitted orally as he lectured

in one place or another. Al].mad Da.l].lan was also appointed ketib;U a strategic post from

which to propagate ms refonnist ideas. He also taught religion in the governrnent schools

such as the Kweekshool in Yogyakarta and OSVIA in Magelang.43 His private business,

the sale of batik, did not interfere with his intellectual activities. In fact, the travelling

entailed by his batikbusiness gave him an opportunity to observe the socio-economic and

relîgious conditions ofIndonesian Muslims, especially in Java, an experience which would

help him crystallize his ideas and programs aimed at improving the welfare of

Indonesians.44

1.4. His Experiences with Other Organizations

Al].mad Dal).lan's intellectual activities benefited from his involvement in two

organizations, Budi Utomo (the High Endeavour) and Jami'at al-Khairiyya. Budi Utomo

AhmadDahlan: Tjita-tjita dan Perdjoangannja, 6.

42MT. Arifin. Gagasan Pembaharuan Muhammadiyah, 104.

43Solichin Salam, KH. AhmadDahlan: Tjita-tjita dan Perdjoangannja, 8.

44Al].mad Dal].lan is reported to have taught in many groups ofpengajÏan (Islamic studycircles) in Yogyakarta as well as outside Yogyakarta. These groups later became the branches ofthe Muhammadiyah after the organization \Vas formally established. Solichin Salanl, KH. AhmadDahlan: 1]ita-tjita dan Perdjoangannja, 19 and 34. He aIso trave1ed to cities in Java and Sumatra.Wirjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengajaran Islam, 44.

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\vas founded by the graduates of the Javanese Medical Sehools (the STOVIA or School

tot Opleiding van Inlandsche Artsen) in 1908 as a reaetion against Duteh educational

policies whieh put national values and traditions at a disadvantage. Budi Utomo's

members included the Javanese aristocracy, govemment officiaIs and Indonesian

intellectuals.4S Al].mad Da1).lan's involvement in this organization gave him a \Vide

knowledge of the conditions in which Indonesians, the majority ofwhom were Muslims,

lived.46 Al].mad Da1}.Lan's involvement in this organization aiso provided him with an

opportunity to spread his ideas on Ishunic reforms, especially among the members of this

.organization, who, due to their secular education, were generally not knowLedgeable in

Islamic learning. In turn, from the members of the organization he acquired a knowledge

of the Duteh edueational system as weIl as of managing a modem organization, with

which he was unfamiliar. His membership in Budi Utomo aiso helped him to secure

govemment approval for the eventual founding of the Muhammadiyah in 1912:n In

addition, invoLvement in this organization must have given Da4lan invaluable

information on the strategies which would be needed to realize his ideas while,

simultaneously, familiarizing him with the government apparatus from which he would

later obtain financial as weLL as political support in the operation of the Muhammadiyah

schooIs.

Another organization with which Al].mad Dal]lan was involved was the Jami 4 at aI-

4SBemard H.M. Vlekke, Nusantara: A History ofIndonesia, 348.

46Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Sejarah PendidikanSwasta di Indonesia, 96.

47The letter of recognition itselfwas only issued in 1914, concomitant to the foundationof Sapatresna, which was a former version of ~syiah (Muhammadiyah's organization forwomen). See Abdul Munir Mulkhan, Warisan Intelektual KH. Ahmad Dahlan dan AmalMuhammadiyah (Yogyakarta: P.T. Percetakan Persatuan, 1990), 72.

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Khairiyya. This organization was founded in Jakarta in 1901, at a time when the Islamic

movement, known as Pan-Islamism, pioneered by Jamal al-Dln al-Afghani, \vas making

in-roads. By means ofthe Jami'at al- Khairiyya Pan-Islamism spread in the archipelago.48

To quote M.C. Ricklefs:

The religious refonn movement also spread to Java. The first initiatives \Veretaken by the Arab community ofBatavia, who in 1905 established Jam'iyyat Khair(Union for the Good) there. This opened a modem school taught in Malay, towhich in 1911 a Modemist teacher from Sudan named Shaikh Ahmad Surkati(1872-1943) was invited.49

A1}mad Dal}.lan, HOS Tjokroaminoto, the fouader of Sarikat Islam, and H. Agus Salim,

were among the members of the Jami'at al-Khairiyya.50

Al]mad Da1).lan dedicated the rest of his life to travelling and propagating his

refonnist message and to the purification of Islam from syncretism, mysticism, Hinduism,

Buddhism, and colonialism. Even after becoming ill, he continued to work and made

seventeen trips during his last year, insisting,"If I work as fast as possible, what remains

can be brought to perfection by another. n He died in February 1923 at the age of fifty nine,

having delegated his mission to K.H. Ibrahim.51

2. Philosophy ofEducation

Al].mad Da1).lan's ideas on education were rooted in a refonnist movement which

48"96 Tahun Jamiat Kheir Mengembalikan Panlor Masa Lalu." Republika, Januari 10,1997.

49M.C. Ricklefs, A History ofModem Indonesia Sinee e.1300, 2nd edition CStanford:Stanford University Press, 1994), 170.

SOKarel A. Steenbrink, Pesantren Madrasah Sekolah, 53. "96 Tahun Jamiat KheirMengembalikan Pamor Masa Lalu." Republika, Januari 10, 1997.

SISyukriyanto AR, "Tradisi Kepemimpinan", 58. Hamka, "K.H.A. Dahlan." In H.Aboebakar Ced.), Orang2 Besar Islam (Jakarta: Sinar Pujangga, 1952), 15-16.

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appealed for a retum to the precepts of the Qur'an and 1}adIth. The refonnist movernent,

which emerged in the Middle East and \vas pioneered by Jamal al-Dln al-AfghanI, \vas

further developed by M~ammad 'Abduh and Rashld Riçii. Its birth was motivated by the

desire to rejuvenate Muslim society. To these reforrners, Muslim back\vardness was rooted

in the negligence with which the guidance of the Qur'an and {JadJth was treated.52

Proponents of this movement argued that Islam was a religion ofprogress and that it did

not prohibit Muslims from adapting to ne\v developrnents. Islam, they maintained, urged

Muslims to becorne the agents for development and progress. Bernard H.M. Vlekke

describes it as: "... the trend toward religious refonn in Islam that originated in Egypt and

spread over the whole Islamic world. It is a trend to\vard the modernization of the roles

ofsociety, toward a return to the original commands ofthe Koran, interpreted in a modern

way."53 Islam, therefore, was interpreted as prohibiting Muslims from willfully remaining

ignorant of the new developments.

A1)mad Da4liin, like other Muslirn reforrners, found Indonesian Muslim society to

be out of step with the precepts of the Qur'an and the 1}adIth. According to Amir Hamzah

Wirjosukarto, Al]mad Da1)lan identified five problem areas in Muslim religious practice:

firstly, Muslims were saturated with un-Islamic beliefs Le., practicing traditions which

were rooted in Hinduism, Buddhism or animism without knowing that they were uu-

Islamic; secondly, Muslims were trapped in religious conservatism by the interpretations

of ~ufama'(religiousscholars) whose views were regarded as sacrosanct, for it was widely

believed that Muslims were not entitled to make new interpretations given the belief that

S2Solichin Salam, KH. AhmadDahlan: 1]ita-tjita dan Perdjoangannja, 69. Cited [romW.F. Wertheim, Indonesian Society in Transition, 209-210.

S3Vlekke, Nusantara: A History ofIndonesia, p. 351.

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gate of ijti1Jiïd54 was already closed; thirdly, Muslim intellectuals were divided into t\VO

groups who held opposing views, the ~ulama' and the "intelligentsia", or Western-

educated scholars, each ofwhich out of arrogance and narro\v-mindedness viewed itself

as superior to the other; fourthly, Muslims were oblivious of their social responsibilities

and allowed the poor to \vallow in poverty;55 finally, Muslim education was bad due; in

part, to a govemment policy which reserved its best educational program for Christians

and the aristocrats.56

A1}.mad Da1].lan's educational program was aimed at freeing Muslims from the

social ailments depicted above. Education had to close the gap between the &ulama' and

the "intelligentsia." According to him this dichotomy was without precedent in Islam

where education was intended to produce "inteLlectual ~ulama'"or lI~ulama'intellectuals".

The fonner were those who were knowledgable in religious sciences but conversant with

Western sciences also. The latter were those lmowledgable in Western sciences but also

conversant in religious sciences.57 A1}.mad Da1].lan tried to bridge the divide between the

&u1ama: graduates oftraditional education and the "intelligentsia," graduates of the Dutch

system. He envisioned them as striving together to solve the problems of the Muslim

community.

Al}mad Da.1).Ian aiso believed that education had to provide Muslims with the skills

541]tihid is an independent judgement in a legal or theological question, based on theinterpretation and application of the Qur' an and !}adIth.

s5Concerning the economic condition of Muslims, A1}rnad Dal)lan, on many occasions,repeated his caU to apply God's guidance such as that in sura al-Ma4 tin of the Qur'an. This suradescribes hypocrites as those who are not concerned \Vith the condition of the orphans, the poorand the beggars. Solichin Salam, KH. AhmadDahlan: Tjita-tjita dan Perdjoangannja, 57-58.

56Wirjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengadjaran Islam, 50.

S7Ibid., 53.

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needed to fulfil their \vorldly needs. As such, education could be different from one place

to another, depending on the skills needed in a given cOllununity. In effect, AI:unad Da1).lan

had arrived at the notion of the educational specialisation. Muslims \vere obliged to

acquire one or more skills in an attempt to attain worldly success. However, after they had

acquired those skills Muslims should give something back to the Muslim community.

Ahmad Dal)lan gave the follo\ving advice to his disciples, "Be a doctor or be an engineer

... but after that come back ta the Muhanunadiyah."58

Al].mad Dal}.lan also believed that education should produce objective thinkers.

Thus, education was not equivalent to indoctrination, which aimed at moulding students'

way ofthinking without giving them the freedom to find things out for themselves or use

their own po\vers of judgement. Education, according to Al].Illad Dal}lan, should train

Muslims to think independently. According to him, "To find truth, people have to sit

together and look at the problem objectively. Here, no one is the winner and no one is

defeated. Truth is objective."59 Education had to open Muslims up to new ideas, not bind

them to taqJld(following somebody's idea(s) \vithout knowing the reason behind them).

A1)mad Dal]lan's criticism was directed against traditional education which emphasized

the transference of opinions of the preceding &ulama'with little effort to make students

rethink these opinions based on the soundness of their arguments or their compatibility

with the teachings of the Qur'an and 1}adlth.60

58Solichin Salam, K.H. AhmadDahlan: Tjita-tjïta dan Perdjoangannja, 51.

590n another occasion AIJmad Dal}lan said:"Some people did not follow the truth thatthey know. They are sure that is the truth and it is really a trutb. Those people, however, did notfollow the truth because they did not want hardship. They really have a disease in their heart andthey have bad character.1l Ibid., 50-51.

6OAl}mad Dal]Jan said: IlMen had to follow the sound regulations and requirements whichare in accordance with the sound reason and not to make their own decision."Abdul MunirMulkhan, Pesan-pesan Dua Pemimpin BesarIslam Indonesia Kyai Haji AhmadDah/an dan Kyai

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Education also had ta bring Muslim practices in Hne with Islamic precepts.

Toward that end, education had ta elucidate sciences which could help in the

understanding of the sources of Islatu. The most important thing, according to Al]mad

Dal].lan, was that education should help Muslims apply those teachings. Understanding

aione was not enough since Islam conderons people who do not practice \vhat they knO\v.

To facilitate this process, education had to be imparted in a simple and interesting way.61

In advancing this argument, ~ad Da1).lan was criticizing traditional institutions

which applied complicated methods in their instruction. Consequently, students took a

Long time to complete their studies. He also criticized the government educations for

failing ta provide religious instruction. As a result, its graduates became ignorant of their

religion and more familiar with western values and traditions.

c. Muhammadiyah Schools

The establishment of the Muhammadiyah schoois represented a step towards the

realization of A1.}rnad Da1)lan's vision for Muslim educational reform, a vision predicated

on a retum ta the basic tenets of the Qur'ân and f;adith. In spite of the various obstacles,

set in place by both government regulations and the response of the traditionalists, the

Muhammadiyah continued ta show that the educational programs it offered were a viable

means ofbringing Muslims into the world without having to sacrifice their beliefs. After

a long struggLe, the Muhammadiyah eventually won wide support from Muslims and was

allowed to expand in territory beyond the Yogyakarta regency. By the time of Al]mad

HajïHasyim Asywi(Yogyakarta: n.p., 1986),10. Cited from Tali Pengiket Hidup (Yogyakarta:Het Bestuur Taman Pustaka Muhammadiyah, 1923) and Majalah Siaran Tabligh no. 8183,published by pp Muhammadiyah Majlis Tabligh.

61 Wirjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengadjaran Islam, 53.

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Dal].lan's death the Muhammadiyah schools were found throughout the larger cities of

Java, an indication of his success in laying do\vn the foundations of his educational

system.

1. Before the Establishment ofthe Muhammadiyah as an Organization

The establishment of the MuhalTIlnadiyah educationaL institutions had in fact

commenced before the organization was formally established. In 1911, A1).mad Da1).lan

founded a "pilot project" for an educational institution which wouid fuitii Muslim

demands for religious instruction, and, at the same time, make available to Muslims

instruction in Western sciences. This project was realized in the form of a school

established in his own house. Here, relïgious instruction was given by A1).mad Da1].lan

himself, while western sciences were taught by KhoIil.. a member ofBudi Utomo who was

also a teacher at a government school.62

In spite of A1].mad Dal].lanfs efforts,63 this early project \vas not well-received by

the Muslim cornmunity, as was shown by the number of students. When this school

started up there were only nine students enrolled.64 This small number of students was an

indication of the Muslims' ignorance of the importance of Western sciences. It aiso

proved that Muslims were still unable to differentiate between Western sciences and the

62Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Sejarah PendidikanSwasta di Indonesia (Pendidikan Muhammadiyah) (Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan danKebudayaan, 1976),54.

63Initially, this school was an Islamic study circle (halaqa) and then modelled on agovernment school equipped with chairs, table, blackboard and other school equipment. Ibid., 98.

64H. Suja', Muhammadiyah dan Pendirinya (Yogyakarta: Majlis Pustaka, 1989), 16.Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Sejarah Pendidikan Swastadi Indonesia (Pendidikan Muhammadiyah), 54. Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, SejarahMuhammadiyah (Yogyakarta: Majlis Pustaka, 1995),9.

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Dutch as imperialist agents. As a result, Western sciences were not viewed as value-free

sciences, but as symbois of the infidei Dutch. Studying these sciences was considered an

imitation of the infidel--an act prohibited by religion.

This unsatisfactory response did not, however, discourage A1)Inad Da1).lan. He did

not hesitate to caU on the students in their homes to tell them to attend the school. He

aise looked to the members ofBudi Utomo for financial as weIl as moral support. This

effort bore fruit, as indicated by an increase in the number of students to twenty in the

space ofsix months. The members ofBudi Utomo a150 stated their \villingness to help the

schooi by approaching the government for fmancial help. On Decelnber 1, 1911 the schooi

\vas named Madrasa Ibtida'iyya Dlniyya Islamiyya65 and became the first Muslim

elementary school in Yogyakarta to provide instruction in religious as weIl as Western

sciences.

2. The Establishment of the Muhammadiyah

The Madrasa Ibtida' iyya grew steadily as more students from outside Kauman

came to enroll. A1}mad Dal)1an's fonner students saw the need for a modern organization

which could manage the school and other activities \vhich could improve the Muslims' lot.

It was impossible, they reasoned, for A1}.mad Daq.lan alone to handle such a big task.66

They brought these ideas to A4mad Dal).lan and declared their support for the founding

of such an organization. Accepting their proposaI, A1}mad Dal].Ian established the

6SPimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Sejarah Muhammadiyah, 10. MT. Arifin, GagasanPembaharuan Muhammadiyah, 216.

66H. Suja', Muhammadiyah dan Pendirinya, 17.

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Muhammadiyah on November 18, 1912 (A.D.) or on 8 Zulhijja 1330 (A.H.}.67

3. The Muhammadiyah Educational Developments until 1920

The establishment of the Muhammadiyah did not yield immediate improvemeI)ts

in Muslim education. Still new, the organisation faced its first obstacle when the region

in which the Muhammadiyah was allowed to function was announced. In the government

besluitissued on August 22, 1914, the govemment restricted Muhammadiyah activities

to the Yogyakarta regency onIy, in spite of the Muhammadiyah request to expand its

programs across Java and tvladura.68

Despite these initial hurdles, the Muhammadiyah programs were expanding and

new schools were being opened. Madrasa Ibtidaiyya Dlniyya Islamiyya was paid more

attention, a policy which bore fruit as the number of students gradually increased, and as

people began to appreciate the advantages of Western sciences. The demand for ne\v

schooIs came from Muslims in other districts of the Yogyakarta regency, and in response,

the Muhammadiyah founded schools in Karangkajen (1913), in Lelnpuyangan (1915) and

Pasargede (1916). In addition, in 1920 the Madrasa Ibtidaiyya Dlniyya Islamiyya was

67The first gathering to announce the establishment of the organization was described byH. Suja', one of Ahmad Dahlan's students, liOn the last Saturday night of December 1912,Muhammadiyah held a public gathering at Loodge Gebuw Malioboro Hall to declare theestablishment of Muhammadiyah. There came between 60 and 70 people of the 150 invitedpeople.... The meeting chaired by Ahmad Dahlan began at 8.30 p.rn. There came govemmentofficers, aristocrats, the organisers of Budi Utomo and Sultan Hamengku Buwono, the king ofYogyakarta.... R. Dwidjo read the letter ofagreement which comprised the ReechtpersoonlijkheidMuhammadiyah and its basic constitution." H. Suja', Muhammadiyah dan Pendjrinya~ 20.Solichin Salam, KH. AhmadDahlan: Tjita-tjita dan Perdjoangannja~ 9.

68Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Sejarah Muhammadiyah, 2. A. Jainuri,Muhammadiyah: Gerakan ReiOrmasiIslam di Jawa pada AwalAbadKeduapuluh (Surabaya: BinaIlmu, 1990), 36.

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moved to Suronatan since the old building would no longer suffice for the rising number

of students. This new school was allocated to male students69 while the females \vere

taught in the oid school in Kauman; later on this assumed a new name, Sekolah Pawiyatan

Muhammadiyah.70 The schoois \vhich taught religious and Western sciences were regarded

as equal to the government volk schoofs (village schooIs). AlI this was made possible

because of the seriousness with which the Muhammadiyah faced many of the obstacles

put before it.

The rising number of students studying at Muhammadiyah schools necessitated

the establishment ofa teacher training school. In 1918, the Muhammadiyah established

a higher madrasa, the so-called Al-Qism al-Arqa in Alpnad Dal].Ian's house. This school

admitted graduates of the volkschoolsor those who came from equivalent backgrounds,

and provided instruction in religious learning and Arabie language. Graduates of this

school were expected to teach religion in the government's or the Muhammadiyah's

volkschoo171 In 1920, there were 787 students studying in Muhammadiyah schools and

32 teaehers.

In addition to establishing fonnal sehooIs, the Muhammadiyah also developed

educational programs aimed at improving the substantive religious knowledge ofMuslims

in general. First, the Muhammadiyah founded religious courses for students ofgovemment

schools who were otherwise deprived of religious instruetion.72 Second, the

69With the exception of the fifth grade, where boys and girls studied together.

7DPimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Se-jarah Muhammadiyah, 3. MT. Arifin, GagasanPembaharuan M uhammadiyah, 217.

71Abdul Munir Mulkhan, Warisan Intelektual KH. Ahmad Dahlan dan AmalMuhammadiya11$ 72. Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Sejarah Muhammadiyah, 3-4.

n'Abdu-l Mu'ti 'Ali. "The Muhammadijah Movement: A Bibliographical Introduction."M.A. Thesis, the Institute oflslamic Studies, McGill University, 1957, 53-54.

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Muhammadiyah formed study groups which met on a weekly or a monthly basis and

which served as vehicies for the propagation and maintainance of the Isiamic way of life.

Third, the Muhammadiyah issued publications which provided religious guidance in

matters of rituals, such as prayers, fasting, alms, charity, etc.73

4. The Development ofMuhammad.iyah's Educatianal Programs, 1920-1923

In 1921, govemment palicy shifted ta allow the Muhammadiyah ta aperate in

regions beyond Yogyakarta. The suggestion for this change was first put forward in 1920

by the functionaries of the Muhammadiyah. In it they proposed to widen the

Muhammadiyah's area of operation into aIl regions in the East Indies (Indonesia). This

proposaI \vas ratified by the government in besluitNo. 36 on September 2, 1921. As a

result, the Muhammadiyah was finally in a position to expand its activities beyond the

Yogyakarta regency and across the country.74

The new government policy marked a watershed in the history of Muhammadiyah

education. Taking advantage of the new climate, the Muhammadiyah soon restructured

its organization, making it more efficient in its bid ta influence the course of Muslim

education. Prior to these changes, AQmad Dal].Ian had dominated the organization. AImost

aU of the organization's affairs were in his hands. The transformation of the

Muhammadiyah inta a modem organization ,vas marked by the redistribution of tasks and

powers among sections having specifie responsibilities. Educational affairs, for example,

73Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Sejarah Muhanlmadiyah, 4 .

74, Abdu-l Mu'ti 'Ali, "The Muhammadijah Movement: A Bibliographical Introduction,"61. Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Sejarah Muhammadiyah, 10.

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werc handled by the Bagian Sekolah (school section),75 which supervised the existing

Muhammadiyah schools and administered plans for the building of new schools.

The existence of the Bagian Sekolah bore fruit for the Muhammadiyah schools in

Pekajangan, Pasargede and Lempuyangan which added a fifth grade to their curriculum;

previously students had to go to Suronatan for this grade. Following the growth ofthose

schools, new schools were soon established. The Muhammadiyah developed its program

ofelementary education by founding a class l school, the ms Met de Qur'an, in 1922. The

school was established in response to a demand for higher education for the graduates of

the previously mentioned schools. According to government regulations, graduates of the

HIS [Holiand Inlandsche School] were eligible for higher education. Muslims were then

faced with a dilemma since the government's HIS were unable to accoffilnodate aIl

Muslim students. Sorne Muslim parents were forced under the circumstances to send their

children ta HIS Met de Bijble, a Christian school. It was to remedy this situation that on

June 7, 1922, the first HIS Met de Qur'an was founded in Sarkawi's house in Kauman

Yogyakarta Moreover, Al-Qism al-Arqa, originally established in 1918, was changed into

Pondok Muhammadiyah in 1921 in order to raise its standards. In short, Muhammadiyah

schools in Yogyakarta regency exhibited tremendous gro\vth not only in numbers but also

in standards which eventually came to rival those ofgovernment schools.76

After 1920, schools were established in other regencies and provinces in

conjunction with the establishment of Muhammadiyah branches. The Verslag

MoehammadiJah (1923) shows that in 1923 the organization had 14 branches stretching

75Pirnpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Sejarah Muhammadiyah, 9.

76Ibid., 11-13.

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across five provinces: Yogyakarta, East Java, Central Java, West Java and Jakarta.77 It is

\vorth mentioning that in 1923 the number of students studying in Muhammadiyah

schools had increased to 1084 while the number ofteachers had grown to 48.78

It is apparent that, under A1].mad Da1).lan's direction (1912-1923), the

Muhammadiyah had laid strong foundations for Muslim education by providing

instruction in both religious and Western sciences. The Muhammadiyah schools had

overcome rocky beginnings to attain success. The governrnent initially tried to hinder its

development by Iimiting the area of operation. Despite attempts to restrain

Muhammadiyah schools, however, the momentum that the movement had attained carried

its projects to fruitition.

2. System of Education

The Muhammadiyah system of education was a reflection of Ahmad Dahlan's

religious as weIl as educational thought. The system was designed to reflect the

movement's appeal for a return to the Qur'an and f;adlth interpreted in the light of the

modem developments. As such, Muhammadiyah education was geared to the elimination

of aIl causes of Muslim backwardness.

2.1. Curriculum

In traditional institutions, there \vas no fixed curriculum ofsubjects that had to be

77Ail ofthose branches were in Java. The first Muhammadiyah branch outside ofJava wasestablished in 1925 by Haji Rasu1 after his meeting with Sutan Mansur, chairman of theMuhammadiyah's branch in Pekalongan, Central Java. Taufik Abdullah, Sehoo/ andPo/ities: TheKaum Muda Movement in West Sumatra (1927-/933), (New York: Cornell Modern IndonesiaProject, 1971), 73 .

78Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Sejarah Muhammadiyah, 16.

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taught in a given academic year. Even the tenu 'academic year' was irrelevant as the

beginning and end ofthe period of instruction \vere not fixed either. This is not to ignore

the fact that sorne pesantrenshad a tradition ofbeginning the teaching session in a certain

month, e.g. after the 'Id al-fZtrfestival. However, the degree offlexibility was such that

the schedule could be changed on short notice. Muhammadiyah schools \vere ho\vever

different in this respect. In them we find a fixed agenda of subjects ta be taught and

precise dates for the commencement and ending of the academic session. In traditional

institutions, the teaching syllabus was designed by the kyai, while in Muharnlnadiyah

schools the government school curriculum for Western sciences and the Muhammadiyah's

own curriculum for religious instruction were applied.79

Religious instruction in Muhammadiyah schools was imparted through the use of

books written by the pioneers of Islamic refonnism, such as Ibn Taimiyyah (d. 1328),

MlÙ}ammad 'Abduh (d. 1905), Rashld Riga (d. 1935) and Farld Wajdi (d. 1954), in

addition to the classical works of al-GhazaIi (d. 1111) and the Jalâlayn.80 In traditional

education, the works of reformers were not taught since the protagonists of traditional

institutions rejected their ideas. This was aiso due to the government's control over the

import ofbooks dealing with Islamic refonnism.81 In addition, Muhammadiyah schools

emphasized instruction in Arabic, Qur'an, 1}adJth and the history of Islam to prepare

79Wirjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengajaran Islam, 75-76.

8°Jalalayn was the name of two scholars writing a tafsJr, well-known as the TafslrJalalayn, notably Jalai al-Dln al-MahalIT (d. 1389) and Jala] al-Din al-Suyü~l (d. 1505).

slSnouck Hurgronje, an advisor of the Dutch govemment, asked the govemment to closethe relationship of the Indonesian Muslims with reform movements in the Middle East.Wirjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengajaran Islam, 36.

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students to gain access to the primary sources of Islamic doctrine.s2

2.2. Pedagogical Technique

Muhammadiyah schools applied the pedagogical teclmique of instruction used in

government schools. The one-on-one teaching method of the pesantren was replaced by

class teaching. Teaching objectives emphasized a student's understanding of the subject

as opposed to his learning it by rote, which had become the 'trademark' of traditional

learning. In Muhammadiyah schools, therefore, students had more freedom to ask

questions when faced \vith problems.83 As in government schools, the students'

achievement was measured \vith regular exams, which aiso detennined their promotion

to the next grade. It should be noted aiso that regular exams \vere not a feature of

traditional education. Nor was the use of school equipment, such as tables for both

students and teachers, blackboards and a regular building, a part of traditional education.

AlI Muhammadiyah schooIs, however, featured both regular exams and standard

conveniences.84

2.3. Teachers and Students

K2Howard M. Federspiel. "The Muhammadijah: A Study of an Orthodox IslamicMovernent in Indonesia." Indonesia, 10 (October 1970), 61.

83This is not to suggest that in traditional institutions asking a question was prohibited.The fact is that students in these institutions were less courageous to ask a teacher directly. Ifthere was a problenl students were more likely to ask a more senior student to explain thandirectly questioning to their teacher. This might have stemmed from their ~derstandingof aconception of'obedient to a teacher' which was paid a great deal of attention. Pesantren usuallytaught Burhan al Din al ZarnüJî's work, Ta&lJm aI-Muta&ilimi; Tarlqat aI-Ta~aI1um, a bookconcerning etiquette for students. Avoiding a question which would be insulting ta a teacher wasconsidered ta be a part of their obedience ta their teacher.

84Amir Harnzah \Virjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengajaran Islam, 74-75.

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Teachers in the Muhammadiyah schools, who were recruited from the members

of the Muhammadiyah and Budi Utomo, did not fulfil the function of the kyai as in

traditional institutions. Here, teaching was a profession which necessitated payment from

its consumers. The duty of a teacher was limited to the transmission of knowledge. The

kyai, on the contrary, was to sorne degree, revered. He was a medium through \vhom

sacred knowledge was transmitted to the students. Thus, most kyais did not demand fees.

In fact, they believed that any payment they received from students caused the extinction

ofGod's reward. Accordingly, in traditional education, the teacher-student relationship

transcended the classroom, in keeping with the beliefthat God's blessing may be given

at any time. In the Muhammadiyah schools, however, the relationship between the student

and teacher was more forma1.85 This was in Hne with the Muhammadiyah's view on the

position of the ~ujamiï'as it is described by W.F. Wertheim:

Like Reformation in the Christian world, the new religious trend wasattempting to disengage religion from its traditional shackles. Instead ofrecognizing the absolute authority of the Islamic scribes, the u/amas, thereformists were aiming at positing the Roly Book, the Kor' an, as a sourceof inspiration for values which were better adapted ta the new epoch,similarly as the Protestants recognized the Bible as the main source ofauthority instead of church.86

2.4. Women's Education

The Muhammadiyah's promotion offemale education deserves special attention.

At that time, education was aImost exlusively geared ta males. For women, it was enough

ifthey could recite the Qur'an afterreceiving instruction in a masque. They \vere expected

8SIbid., 81 .

86W.F. Wertheim, "Indonesian Moslems under Sukarno and Suharto: Majority withMinority Mentality." Studies on Indonesian Islam, 19 (1986), 19.

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to Live at hOlne and, eventually, to work for their husbands when they got married. The

responsibility of seeking employment and earning a salary feU to males. Accordingly,

wornen' s need for higher education went unrecognized. A1].mad Da41ân, however, had

other ideas. To him an endeavour which sought to promote a great umma (Muslim

community) could not exclude joint cooperation with half of the Muslim community-on

the basis ofgender.87 As such, everyone was entitled to an equal opportunity at education.

This Line of thinking \vas given shape in the establishtnent of Sekolah Pawiyatan

Muhammadiyah.

2.5. Student Hostels

Hostel accomodations for students were a regular feature of the pesantren system.

In the beginning, the Muhammadiyah did not establish an institution with such facilities.

Later however the need for an institution where a student's activities could be monitored

was recognized. This need stemmed from the fact that regular school systems could not

provide maximum results because they were unable ta monitor students for more than the

six hours a day. It was feared that during the rest of the day students would be open ta

influences which might weaken the schools' influence over them. With these

considerations in mind, the Muhammadiyah developed an institution which used the

pesantren system of student donnitories. This institution was caUed Pondok

Muhammadiyah, which eventually becalne Madrasat al-Mu'allimln Muhamtnadiyah.

Other Muhammadiyah schools, however, remained as govemment schools with no student

hostel.

87James L. Peacock, Gerakan Muhammadiyah Memumikan Ajaran Islam di Indonesia~43.

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2.6. Govemment Interference

The Muhammadiyah experienced no government interference in the design of its

educational program. The reason for this may be the fact that the Muhammadiyah did not

speak too negatively of the government's schools. Moreover, the govemnlent thought t~at

the Muhammadiyah educational program made a good contribution ta its own efforts to

introduce Western sciences. This was so, even though the Muhammadiyah and the

government had different agendas \vith respect to the promotion ofWestem sciences. The

Muhammadiyah's educational program was based on an awareness of the itnportance of

Western sciences and the danger ofsacrificing local culture. The govemment's educational

program, on the other hand, was aimed at 'pacifying' the indigenous element by

eliminating cultural boundaries between them and the government. For their part, the

Muhammadiyah schools were seen to support the government educational programs and

were, as such, heavily subsidized by the govemment.88

D. The Impact ofthe Muhammadiyah Educational Refonns on Muslim Education

A review of the Muhammadiyah educational programs suggests that they were

indeed instrumental in influencing Indonesian Muslim education. First, the

Muhammadiyah was not the first or only organization to offer Indonesian Muslims a

modemist education. It was ooly one of many reform movements which emerged at the

turn of the twentieth century. The Muhammadiyah, however, distinguished itself by

successfully reducing the gap between the ~ula.ma'and Western-educated scholars, a gap

which stemmed from the polarization oftraditional and Dutch systems of education. The

88MT. Arlfin, Gagasan Pembaharuan Muhammadiyah, 243-244.

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pesantren model ofeducation, which preceded the arrivaI of the Europeans, remained the

bastion of traditionalist religious learning. Sorne pesantrens, ho\vever, underwent

transformations as a result of their proxirnity to Muhammadiyah schools. The

Muhammadiyah's success can be rneasured by the growing interest ofMuslims in western

sciences. Thus, the Muhammadiyah influence on Muslim education is undeniable.

1. The Muhammadiyah and other Islam.ic Reform Movements in Indonesia

As previously mentioned, the Muhammadiyah was not the only organization to

offer a new type of education for Indonesian Muslims. Other movements, sorne

established even earlier than the Muhammadiyah, also aimed at reforming Muslitn

education.89 In West Sumatra, one such movement was pioneered by Abdullah Ahmad (d.

1933). In addition to publishing a journal, a/-Munir, in 1911, he established Sekolah

Adabiyah which provided instruction in religious as weIl as Western sciences. According

to Steenbrink, thÎs school paid more attention to Western than to religious sciences.9o In

Java, educational refonn was first introduced by the Jiïmi'at al-Khairiyya, of which

A1)mad Da1]1an was himselfa member. This organization built a religious school in Jakarta

which also offered instruction in Western sciences. It is also reported that in Surakarta,

60 kilometres north-east ofYogyakarta, a new type of school was built on the site of the

Surakarta Palace by Susuhunan Pakubuwono, which became the embryo of Manba' al-

89These movements were known as "Kaum Muda" (the Young Group) movementssignifying that these movements offered new things different from those maintained by "KaumTua" (the Old Group). See James L. Peacock, Gerakan Muhammadiyah Memwnikan Ajaran Islamdi Indonesia, 25.

90J{arei A. Steenbrink, Pesantren Madrasah Sekolah, 38-39

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'Ulum, a madrasa ofhigher leve1.91

COlnpared to the educational movement mentioned above, however, the

Muhammadiyah~s efforts gained more prominence. This is clear from the number of

Muhammadiyah schools and from the breadth of its area ofoperation. In the eleven years

ofAl}mad Da1}lan's leadership, Muhammadiyah branches were established in cities across

Java.92 The other educational reform movements did not develop as rapidly.93 For instance,

one other organization which had a simiIar mission in Sumatra, the Sumatra Tawalib, did

not branch out on a national scale like the Muhammadiyah did. In sorne places, like

Sumatra, the Muhammadiyah was even more acceptable to the people than the local

organization.94

2. The Muhammadiyah, the Aristocrats and the Traditionalists.

As mentioned above, one of the Muhammadiyah educational objectives was the

elimination of the gap between Dutch-educated scholars, who were generally aristocrats,

and the religious-educated scholars, the graduates of the pesantren. The former accused

the latter of 'conservatism', 'traditionalism' and other pejorative attributes. For them,

religion was a hindrance to progresse This image was rooted in an educational background

91Ibid., 35-36.

92Peacock notes that by the time of Ahmad Dahlan's death in 1923, the Muhammadiyahhad 4000 members. James L. Peacock, Muslim Puritans: Refonnist Psychology in SoutheastAsian Islam (London: University ofCalifomia Press, 1978),24.

93James L. Peacock, Gerakan Muhammadiyah Memumikan Ajaran Islam di Indonesia, 26.

94The foundation of a Muhammadiyah branch by Haji Rasul is indicative of the influenceof Muhammadiyah. Before he founded this branch he established the Sandi Aman, but thisorganisation was rejected by the people who accepted the foundation ofMuhammadiyah branch.Taufik Abdullah, Schools andPolitics, 73.

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which avoided any form ofreligious instruction. The graduates of the pesantrens, on the

other hand, looked at the graduates of Dutch. schools as though they were Dutch

themselves, since the former imitated the latter's customs.95 These polarized views made

it difficult for the two sides to meet.

To eliminate this gap the Muhammadiyah undertook two educational programs:

organizing religious courses, and establishing institutions which provided instruction in

both religious and Western sciences. The fust program was directed at those who

traditionally attended Dutch schools and other members of the community, especially

aristocrats and nominal Muslims. Through this, the Muhammadiyah attempted to potray

Islam as a simple religion which represented no obstacle to progress. Toward this en~ the

Muhammadiyah designed a simple and interesting course of study to help the pupils

understand and apply Islamic precepts in their Lives. This course of action bore results.

This is evident in the great support extended to the Muhammadiyah by rnembers ofBudi

Utomo and also ofthe aristocracy. Many ofthe Muhammadiyah school teachers also came

from the Budi Utomo.96 For the traditional Muslims, the Muhammadiyah fashioned an

institution which could relay to them the importance ofWestem sciences without threats

to their personal beliefs. This effort was aise successful in advancing the

Muhammadiyah's goal in eliminating the gap between the ~u1ama'and the intelligentsia.97

95Arbiyah Lubis, Pemikiran Muhammadiyah dan Muhammad Abduh (Jakarta: BulanBintang, 1993), 105-106.

96Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, SeJarah Muhammadiyah, 9.

97Sutrisno Kutoyo, K.H. AchmadDahlan (Jakarta: Proyek Biografi Pahlawan Nasiona1Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1976), 100.

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3. Pesantren Education

The establishment of Muhammadiyah schools did not deter MusLims from

continuing to send their children to the pesantren. Many, especially the traditionalists,

believed the pesantren to be the best place for religious leaming. The Muhammadiyah

proposition to produce " &u1ama:'intelligentsia" or "intellectual- &u1ama:t' at one and at the

same time was received with scepticism, since it was thought difficult to produce such

men. ln fact, the quality ofrelïgious education in Muhammadiyah schools was inevitably

ofa lower standard than that of the pesantren since the students' attention was divided

between religious and Western sciences. The pesantren model of education remained,

therefore, the path most favored by the traditionalists for producing religious scholars.98

Another reason which may have contributed to the pesantren's popularity was

poverty. For many Muslim parents the Muhammadiyah schools were, to put it simply,

unaffordable. The pesantren, on the other hand, provided a cheap education. The

Muhammadiyah schools followed the govemment's practice in demanding that students

pay school fees, while pesantren students were exempted. Sorne kyais even helped the

poorer students by providing them with food and money for their daily needs. In return,

the students worked for the kyai as field hands or as house workers.99 In other words, the

people's preference for the pesantren often did not stem from their rejection of Western

98This is not to suggest that the pesantren remained unaffected. In fact, the pesantrenunderwent tranformation while maintaining the old system; the traditionalist school became asub-systern ofthe pesantren. The Muharnmadiyah, on the other hand, eventually acknowledgedthe weakness ofits own program. As mentioned above, in 1921, the Muhammad.iyah changed Al­Qism al-Arqa into Pondok Muhammadiyah, which, in sorne aspects, imitated the prototype ofpesantren. In 1982 this organization also established a pesantren, the so-called Pondok HajjahNUriyyah ~abran, located side by side with the Muhammadiyah University in Solo. MT. Arifin,Gagasan Pembaharuan MuhammadiyahJ 226.

99Wirjosukarto, Pembaharuan pendidikan dan Pengadjaran Islam, 32.

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sciences, but rather from their economic status.

Finally, there were sorne Muslims who rejected the Muhammadiyah sch()ols

because ofwhat they perceived to be their close association with the colonial govemment.

The Muhammadiyah system became identified with the Dutch educational structure due

to the many similarities they shared, particularly the teaching ofWestern sciences. When

hostility to the exclusiveness of the Dutch system and the dangers posed by non-Islamic

subjects led the Çulamii' to implement a non-cooperation policy, 100 the general populace

follawed their lead and refused to send their children ta Muhammadiyah schools as weIl.

4. Muslims' Acceptance ofWestern Sciences

In spite of the reluctance shawn by sorne Muslims, the Western sciences were

gradually accepted in Indonesia, and this largely due to the influence of the

Muhammadiyah schools. The impetus was, however, fust given by the government

schoois. In the 1914-1915 academic year, the three-year primary schoois for the bumiputra

welcomed 159,441 students. This number had doubled to 324,017 by 1924-1925, a

significant increase compared ta the increase in population over the same period. Th.ere

was also an increase in the percentage of Muslims graduating from the three-year

secondary school system, Le. from 7 % of the overall total in 1910-Il to 34 % in 1924-

25. 101 This increase certainly reflected the Indonesians' increased awareness of the

importance of the Western sciences offered by government schools. One may viewthis

as direct or indirect evidence of the Muhammadiyah's success in fostering the Iearning of

lOOIbid., 37-38.

1OIS.L. Van Der Wal, Some Information on Education in Indonesia up to 1942 (TheHague: Netherlands Universities Foundation for International Co-operation [NUFFIC], 1961), 7­9.

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the Western sciences. Undoubtedly, the Muhammadiyah contributed to the growing

acceptance of Western sciences which eventually led to increased attendance in

govemment schools.

The Muslim acceptance ofWestern sciences can be seen in the plethora ofMuslim.

private schools established after the founding of the Muhammadiyah. One of the most

striking examples of this is the Madrasah Salafiyah within Pesantren Tebuireng

established in 1916.102 In 1929, this madrasa offered instruction in Western sciences in

addition to religious sciences. 103 Another institution, founded Iater, was Pondok Pesantren

Gontor in East Java. It was founded on October 9, 1926 by Imam Zarkasyi (d. 1985)104 and

differentiated itself from regular pesantrens by using both Arabic and English as the

medium of instruction. !Os The use of English in a Muslim institution was a significant

development and was evidence ofthe Muhammadiyah's success in eliminating ideological

boundaries impeding the acceptance of Western sciences.

\Ve have seen that the educational reform conducted by the Muhammadiyah

movement was an effort to improve the status ofMuslims under Dutch colonial role. In

the period under discussion the movement had succeeded in building many schools which

taught Western sciences while still making religious instruction a high priority. Such a

I02This pesantren was founded by Hasyim Asy' ari (1871-1947), the fust leader of the NU(Nahdlatul Ulama), the biggest traditionalist organisation, founded in 1926 in Surabaya.Pesantren Tebuireng used to be the most popular pesantren in the archipelago with 6,000 studentsin 1943. Harry J. Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun (New York: W. van Hoeve Ltd., 1958),245.

103Kafrawi, Pembaharuan Sistim PondokPesantren (Jakarta: Cemara Indah, 1978), 56.

104"Gontor 70 Tahun: dari Ronggowarsito hingga Emha." Republika (October 4, 1996).Also "Kyai Gontor Dipilih Lima Tahun SekalL II Republika (October 4, 1996).

IOSSteenbrink, Pesantren Madrasah Sekolah:t 180.

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rapid development of the Muhammadiyah school system indicates A4mad Daq.lan's

success in arousing Muslim awareness of the necessity of pragmatic education which

could produce graduates capable of I71eeting the economic dernands of that era.

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CHAPTERIII

THE Th1PACT OF THE COLONIAL EXPERIENCEON MUSLIM: EDUCATIONAL REFORMS:

A C01fi>ARISON OF ALIGARH AND THE MUHA.MJY1ADIYAH

In chapters one and two we discussed the educational refonns initiated by

Aligarh and the Muhammadiyah--a process which culminated in the establishment ofthe

MADe and the Muhammadiyah schools, respectively. This chapter is devoted to an

analysis ofthe similarities and differences in the Muslim educationai refonn movements

under British and Dutch colonial rule.

In the previous chapters it was seen how both British and Dutch colonial policies

led to the marginalization of Muslims. This fact was painfully obvious to the Aligarh

and the Muhammadiyah leadership who sougbt solutions through the positive, internaI

reform ofMuslim practices. The two movements acted pragmatically in accordance with

the socio-political conditions which prevailed in both India and Indonesia respectively.

This chapter will examine in particular the intellectual foundations of the educational

reform movements undertaken by Al].mad Khan and A.l].mad Da1].lan; the educational

systems of the MADe and Muhammadiyah schools; and the impact of the reforms on

Indian and Indonesian Muslim education.

A. Educational Philosophies ofAlpnad Khan and AQmad Da4].an

It is widely accepted that Alpnad Khan's thought was dominated by the notion

ofprogress, a concept which also figured prominently later in the writings of Amir ' AIT

(1849-1928) who said, "Islam is not ouly compatible with progress but is itself93

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progressive." 1 For A1}.mad Khan, education was the instrument by which Muslims could

realize their potential and achieve progress. A1).mad D:ù).lan's ideas, on the other hand,

were permeated with the notion of reviving a glorious past by retuming to the tenets of

the Qur'an and 1}adJth while at the same time reinterpreting them in the light ofmodem

exigencies. As such, both reformers shared a similar, if not the same, approach in their

drive to elevate Muslims from their marginal existence under colonial oppression. The

differences in approach may be attributed to their different life experiences, socio-

religious and political status and the nature of colonialism in the two countries.

1. Character Building

Both Alpnad Khan and Aqmad Da4lan thought that education had to be directed

above aU towards building character. Alpnad Khan took pride in the education of his

predecessors and recognized that such education had produced great men throughout the

ages. However, Alpnad Khan also recognized that the times had changed and that

adhering to the methods ofhis predecessors would not produce the desired results. New

methods, in line with contemporary circumstances had, therefore, to be explored. A1]mad

Khan considered religious instruction to be an important element in this process.2 In

connection with this, he aiso felt that students should live together in special quarters

where negative influences from sources external to the educational process could be

lAl].mad Da1)lan's basic thought was typical ofthat of Tho Taymiyya who declared thatthe ooly vaUd sources of Muslim life were the Qur'an and fJadIth. Annemarie Schimmel, Islam:An Introduction (New York: SUNY Press, 1992), 132.

2McDonough says: "Sayyid Ahmad Khan was not advocating a secular, p1uralist society,although he was trying ta urge Muslims to relate themselves constructive1y to Westerners--todine with them, to respect their religion, to learn their sciences, and so forth." SheilaMcDonough, The Authon"ty ofthe Past: A Study ofThree Mus/im Modemists (pennsylvania:American Academy ofReligion, 1970), Il.

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filtered out.3 Along the same Hnes, Aqmad Dal]lan regarded character building as an

important target ofeducational objectives. No one, he argued, can achieve "greatnessU

in this world or the hereafter except for those who possess good characters.4 A "good

character" is one that complements the teachings of the Qur'an and 1}adJth.5 As the

Prophet Mu4ammad was believed to have exemplified the application of the two

sources, character building should be geared ta emulating his ideal. Towards that end,

education should provide students v/ith a religious training which would infonn them

about the life and teachings of Mu4ammad.6

A1}.mad Khan's and A1}.mad Da1].lan's respective views on character-building as

a goal oflearning provide an interesting contrast. A4mad Khân emphasized the use of

new strategies in character building based on the educational models that he had

observed at Cambridge, which he considered exemplary. Thus, Al].mad Khân introduced

sports including cricket, football (soccer), and horseback riding to the MAGe students.

He expected that these activities would help in developing the students' character.

Lelyveld says that cricket symbolized "the unitYofthought and action."7 In addition to

sports, the students of the MAGe were also trained in debating in the Siddons Union

Club. The topics of debate could include private beliefs, social relations, future

3Al].mad Khan, "On Education," in Shan Muhammad Ced.), Writings and Speeches, 200-201.

4Mulkhan, Pesan-pesan Dua Pemimpin Besar Islam Indonesia, 14.

SAntin, Gagasan Pembaharuan Muhammadiyah, 206.

6According to A1}mad DaQ-lan, the term "Muhammadiyah" was derived from the word"Muqammad", the name of the Prophet. By adopting the name "Muhammadiyah" A1}.madDal].lan expected that the followers of this movement applied the guidance of ProphetMuÇammad and imitated his character. Suja', Muhammadiyah dan Pendirinya 17.

7Lelyveld, Aligarh's First Generation, 257.

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occupations, and politics. This forum helped to cultivate the students' self-confidence

in their opinions and tolerance for the views of others.8 A4mad Da1:).lân, on the other

hand, was acquainted with the model of education prevalent in the Middle East which

he had experienced himself during his period of study there. His views were, therefore,

influenced by the appeal he heard there for a retum to the Qur'an and 1}adIth.9 ·In

principle, A1}.mad Khan did not reject this appeal but, rather, interpreted it in accordance

with the demands of a new age. He argued that adopting ne\v models was not in

contradiction with religious principles, as nothing human or natural could, rationally, be

excluded from the body ofIslamic knowledge. 10

2. Economie Concerns

Both A.Qmad Khan and A1)mad Da4lan felt that education should equip students

with the lmowledge and skills necessary for material progress. This goal precluded any

one uniform mode of education from being applied in aIl places. To this end, the most

appropriate kind of education was the one most suited to the needs of a given

community.ll By promoting this idea, A1Jmad Khan and A1)mad Da1:).lan \vere critiquing

the traditionalists whom they regarded as bound to a single mode ofeducation inherited

from their predecessors without questioning and without evaluating its relevance to

contemporary demands. Both leaders found the traditional system of education lacking

SIbid., 218-225.

9Peacock, Gerakan Muhammadiyah, 46.

l~cDonough, Muslim Ethics andModemity, 24.

llTo quote Al]mad Daq.Ian, "Indeed, men were created in the state ofneed and difficulty.Therefore, they have to know exactly what they need and the way ta fulfi1 it. ll Mulkhan, Pesan­pesan Dua Pemimpin Besar Islam Indonesia, 13.

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in so far as economic progress was concerned. 12

Such thinking was a pragmatic response to the economic plight of Muslims both

in India and Indonesia. As one might expect, Muslims under colonial role lagged behind

other groups as few ofthem Were employed in the civil service or in private companies.

This situation preoccupied AQmad Khan and AQmad Da4lan who laboured to correct' it

through the reform of Muslim education. Hodgson says, "One must suppose that the

intellectual side of the [movements] was dependent on the economic side. u13

Both thinkers were aware that the low rate of Muslim participation in

govemment service was due to British and Dutch colonial policy, which was designed

to block Muslim entrants. For this reason, neither one of them sought or anticipated

government assistance. AQmad Khan was of the opinion that, "Indians will progress

when they themselves, without the interference of the government and its officers,

arrange for the education of their young boys out of their voluntary contribution, and

themselves administer and control it."14 He also argued that it was Muslims alone \vho

could change their own fate and not the government. 15 He quoted a verse of the Qur' an,

12It was explicitly mentioned in the Aims of Muhammadiyah Education formulated atthe Muhammadiyah Conference in Betawi in 1939 that education should help students eamincarne to fulfil their needs. Aritin, Gagasan Pembaharuan Muhammadiyah 213.

13Marshall G.S. Hodgson, The Venture ofIslam, vol. 3 (Chicago: The University ofChicago Press, 1974), 184.

14Aq.mad Khan, "On Self-Reliance in Education," in Muhammad Ced.), Writings andSpeeches, 172.

ISIn spite of his insistence on Muslims' self-reliance, Al].mad Khan struggled for moreMuslim recruitment in the government civil service and legislative councils. ft was natural thathe criticized Muslims' support ta the Indian National Congress, as this party would only leadto the Hindus' domination over Muslims. Moreover, A1Jmad Khan proposed sorne principles toelect the members of the municipalities saying, for example:

"1. In towns where the Mahomedan population exceeds 15 percent, there should be atleast one Mahomedan on the Municipality.2. In towns where the Mahomedan population exceeds 15 percent and faUs short of 25

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"God \vill not change your fate unless you change it yourselves."16 In similar tenns,

A1}.mad Dal)lan saw the fate ofMuslims as resting squarely on their own shoulders. He

called upon rich Muslims ta help the poor in the community. Like Al).mad Khan, A1}mad

Da1).lan used Qur'anic verses ta support his views. He reportedly emphasized sura al-

Ma'ün (Qur'an: 107) to his students to underscore the need ta help orphans and the

dispossessed.1 7

These pragmatic ideas aIsa reflected the self-corrective approach ta Muslim

practice. Ta bath A1Jmad Khan and Al).mad Dal)lan, the traditional Muslim view was too

pre-occupied with attention ta spiritual details in daily life. This proclivity resulted in

Muslim stagnation as other groups achieved progress in material tenns. 18 A1Jmad Khan

was dazzled by the glory of the West, which he encountered through his relationship

with the British government and through rus trip to England. Similarly, A1Jmad Da4lân

was impressed by the strength of the Western system of education as applied in

missionary or govemment schools and adopted elements of that system in his own. 19

Both reformers made the material progress ofMuslims a priority so that their prosperity

might equal that oftheir colonial masters.

percent, the representation should be as far as possible proportionate."Lini Sarah May, "Muslim Thought and Politics in India after 1857," Ph.D. Dissertation,Columbia University, 1963, 174-176; Al].mad Khan, "The Representative System in rndia: AMahomedan Manifesto," in Muhammad (ed.), The AIigarh Movement, vol. 3, 1066.

16The Qur'an: 13: 13.

17Altian, Muhammadiyah: ThePolitical Behaviourofa Muslim Modemist Organizationunder Dutch Colonialism (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1989), 173.

'8Dar observes, "Sayyid Ahmad had to fight very hard to convince the Muslims that iftheir worldly affairs remained in a state of neglect, their religious ideology would become thetarget of attack from aU sides." Dar, Religious Thought ofSayyidAhmadKhan, 264.

19Lubis, Pemikiran Muhammadiyah dan Muhammad Abduh, 179.

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3. Independent Thinking in Religious Interpretation

Both A1]mad Khan and Al].mad Da4lan thought that education should be geared

to the inculcation of independent thinking. Both argued that no single person could

claim the absolute truth of his opinion. It was obligatory for Muslims, therefore, to

examine the reliability of transmitted opinion. Bath scholars criticized the traditionalist

notion which held that the door of ijtihiid (independent judgment) was shut and that

taqlld (the following of someone's opinion without cognizance of its reason) was an

obligation.2° To quote Ahmad Dar, "According to him [Aqmad Khan], the theological

doctrine of taqIIdhad been one ofthe most important factors for social degeneration.,,21

Both A1]mad Khan and A1]mad Da1)lan reasoned that every human being \vas entitled to

determine what was right and what was wrong for him or herself. The burden of

producing independent thinkers rested on the system of education.li

A4mad Khan and AQmad Da.l].lan, however, had different conceptions of the

means by which Muslims could examine transmitted opinions. Al]mad Khan maintained

that the truth ofan opinion was determined by "natural-scientific inquiry."23 In his Tafslr

al-Qur'in and the journal he founded, TahdhJb al-Akhliiq, Al;unad Khan established a set

of principles by which the results of scientific research could be reconciled with the

words of the Qur' an:Firstly, close inquiry into the use and meaning of Qur'anic language

2~u1khan,Pesan-pesan Dua Pemimpin Besar Islam Indonesia, 12; Salam, KH. AhmadDahlan,15.

21Dar, Religious Thought ofSayyidAhmadKhan, 31.

22McDonough, The Authorityofthe Past, 10 and 14.

23Hodgson, The Venture ofIslam, vol. 3, 334; McDonough, TheAuthodtyofthePast,10.

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yields the true meaning of the word or passage in question, that is themeaning that does not contradict the truth which has been establisheddecisively by modem science. Secondly, the revealed text and the clearlyestablished truths of science refer to the same kind of--namely factual-­truth, or descriptive truth about an objective world, and cannot thereforecontradict each other. Thirdly, the criterion employed to decide whethera given passage needs metaphorical interpretation, and which of severalpossible interpretations is to be selected, is the truth established byscience.24

Conceming the use of1}adith, A1].mad Khan held the view that Muslims should examine

the whole collection critically and leave aIl those traditions which were found to

contradict the Qur' an, human experience, and reason.25

A4mad Da41an, on the other hand, held that it was the sound Law transmitted

through the Qur'an and 1}adIth and the pure heart which would determine whether

someone's opinion was right or wrong. To that end, "Muslim leaders irrespective oftheir

nationality should get together to find the truth. Until the truth is found, they must not

feel satisfied or despair."26 He argued that "aqJ (reason) could be used to help people

understand the t\VO sources without which they were not entitled to make any

judgement. In this respect Alpnad Khan appeared to favour reason more than did Al].mad

The distinct approaches of Al]mad Khan and Al]mad Da41an may be attributed

to their uneven familiarity with Western scientific thought. A4mad Khan lived in India

where Western thought developed through English schools and colleges. He also worked

24Cbristian W. Troll, SayyidAhmadKhan: Reinterpretation ofMuslim Theology(NewDelhi: Vikas Publishing Rouse, 1978), 168-169; ~ali, Hayat-i-Javed, 172-173; Lelyveld,"Disenchantment at Aligarh," 89.

2SDar, Religious Thought ofSayyidAhmadKhan, 269; Smith, Modem Islam in India,13.

26Mulkhan, Pesan-pesan Dua Pemimpin BesarIslam Indonesia, 10.

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with the British government and visited London where he became more acquainted with

European ideas. To quote Hodgson:

For him personally, his programme was justified through aninterpretation of Islam \vhich accorded with the Liberal nineteenthcentury world-view mast prominently presented in British culture: theworld-view according to which the primary source oftruth was naturalscientific inquiry, the trend of human life was by nature an ever­expanding awareness of such scientific truth and hence actualization ofhuman potentialities for good; and the good life meant, above aH, humanprosperity and individual freedoffi.27

A1].mad Dal].lan, on the other hand, was, from the beginning, prepared to be a da~i

(Islamic missionary). Neither his educational background nor his work experience

provided him with much ofan opportunity to become acquainted with Western thought.

He was however more familïar with the appeal for religious reform based on the Qur' an

and J;adIth than was Aqmad Khan.

B. Educational Systems of the MAGe and Muhammadiyah Schools

This section takes a look at the practical application of the educational reforms

introduced by Aligarh and the Muhammadiyah. The systems operative in these

institutions reflect a symbiosis ofthe interaction ofreformist ideas, on the one hand, and

the realities found in the two countries on the other. This section considers the ways in

which Muslims in the t\VO countries responded to Western civilization in its colonial

manifestation. It also assesses the priorities of their respective educational programs

with \vhich they intended to lift Muslims out oftheir state ofbackwardness.

27Hodgson, The Venture ofIslam, vol. 3, 334.

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1. Program ofStudy (Level and Departments)

Both the MAGe and the Muhammadiyah programs were designed to meet the

trends in education propagated by the colonial governments. Up to the establishment of

the college, the British govemment in India promoted higher education. Alpnad Khan

fotnld few Muslims availing themselves ofthese institutions.28 This pattern, he reasoned,

would disadvantage Muslims themselves as their aloofuess from higher education would

also mean the loss of opportunity for future leadership. Muslims would be subjugated

by other communities. He argued, "Let us suppose that we establish ten lacs ofpetty

Muhammadan schools without providing for the attainment ofhigher and middle c1ass

education, the result will be that our youth will always be in the same rude and ignorant

state that we now find them in. Il 29

In Indonesia, on the other hand, higher education had not yet been established.

The Dutch lagged behind the British in their promotion of education for indigenous

peoples. Up to the establishment of the Muhammadiyah in 1912, the government was

still developing an elementary school system.30 The Muhammadiyah fol1owed the

govemment's lead but added religious education to its program to meet Muslim

demands. In this manner, the movement tried to meet the needs of Muslims who had no

opportunity of studying in government schools usually reserved for aristocrats,

28College education had been established in India as early as 1816 with theestablishment of the Hindu College of Calcutta. Syed Mahmood, A History of EnglishEducation in India (Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1895 r.p. 1981), 26.

29A4mad Khan, "The Proposed M.A.O. College," in Shan Muhammad Ced.), Writingsand Speeches, 415.

30Goenawan Ardi Wardhana, "The Effects ofPolitics on Educationa1 Development inIndonesia: From the Colonial Period ta the Present (1511-1971)." Ph. D. Dissertation, theUniversity ofCalifomia, Berkeley, 1973,63-64.

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Christians and Europeans.

Tt is apparent that both the MAGC and the Muhammadiyah schools were

designed to meet the colonial governments' employrnent requirements. A1}.mad Khanopined, "We have to think in the realm ofeducation as to what subjects we should study

and what is that the leaming ofwhich will not be useful to us .... "31 This policy was

promoted in the firm beliefthat it was the key to Muslim survival under colonial rule.

As previously mentioned, in 1837, the British government replaced Persian with English

as the language of govemment administration, forcing Muslims to acquire the latter

language as a stepping stone to promotion in the civil service. This explains why A1}mad

Khan was insistent on the use ofEnglish, ratherthan Urdu, as the medium of instruction

in the MAOC.32 Similarly, the Dutch government in Indonesia made proficiency in the

Roman script a pre-requisite for acceptance into govemment service.33 The founders of

the MAGe and the Muhammadiyah schools were conscious ofthe fact that Muslims had

to equip themselves with the kno\vledge and skiUs needed for survival under colonial

rule. To quote Hodgson:

Thus aU people had to adjust their governments to a modem Europeaninternational political order; but aiso to adjust their economies--a hardtask--to the competition oftechnically industrialized Europe; and finallyto adjust their mental outlook to the challenge of modem science as

31 Al].mad Khan, "On Self Reliance in Education," in Muhammad (ed.), Writings andSpeeches, 171.

32Al].mad Khan, "Views on Education," in Ij:ali, Hayat-i-Javed, 60; Al}.mad Khan alsocriticized Indian Muslims who did not give any respect to the English education: "The realreason of the backwardness of Mohammedans in English education is that from their non­acquaintance with modern learning they had no respect for it, and considered it mean anddegraded in comparison with their own learning, which they got from the Greeks." A1}.madKhan, "Speech at the Founding of the Anglo-Oriental College," in Muhammad (ed.), Writingsand Speeches, 199.

33Tauchid, Masalah Pendidikan Rakyat, 5.

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studied in Europe.34

2. Religious Education:

In the matter ofreligious instruction, A1)mad Khan failed to introduce his O\Vll

religious ideas as the syllabus was designed by traditionalist Sunnl and Shi'i ~ulama'.

A1)mad Khan was discouraged by this experience; ''1t was better to teach nothing at aU

than to perpetuate "errors."35 The Sunnl religious syllabus included sorne selections from

the Persian translation of Shah WaIl Allah's ÇAqJdat al-J:Iasan, al-GhazaIi's Kitab al­

$iddIq, sorne selected 1}adlths, a few chapters on tlqh, and a briefhistory ofearly Islam.

In 1894 Shibli Nu'mani (1857-1914) proposed the addition ofsome more of Shah Wafi

Al13.h's Persian writings and sorne chapters from the Persian translation of the Hidaya

of al-Marghinanl. There were also other religious programs such as Qur'arnc recitation,

observance of the five daily prayers, celebration of the Prophet's birthday and the 'Id

festival.36 The aloofness of A1)mad Khan from the affairs of religious instruction

however led to this subject becoming less attractive to students; consequently the

quality of teaching was low.

In the Muhammadiyah schools, religious education was paid great attention by

A1)mad Da1).lan and allleaders of the Muhammadiyah. Unlike in the MAGe, here Sunn1

and Shi'i 'ulama :t did not operate in designing the curriculum. The syllabus \vas

developed by the department of education of the Muhammadiyah at the regionallevel.

34Hodgson, The Venture ofIslam, vol. 3, 177.

3SLelyveld, "Disenchantment at Aligarh," 96; Ashraf, Muslim Attitudes towards BdtishRule and Westem Culture in India, 241.

36Lelyveld, "Disenchantment at Aligarh," 96-98.

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Therefore, the course of religious instruction in Muharnmadiyah schools often differed

from one region to another. Generally it included &aqa'id or tau1}Jd (theology), fiqh,

tankh (the history ofthe Prophet's life), Arabie, recitation and tafsJr of the Qur'an, and

1}acffth. Other variations included instruction in ta?"awwuf(mysticism) and tarbiya wa

af-akh1aq (ethics). Wirjosukarto noted that the content of religious instruction was

dominated by the teaching of Islamic refonnism, especially the doctrines of Ibn

Taymiyya (1263-1328), Mu1}ammad 'Abduh (1849-1905) and Rashld Riqâ (1865-

1935).37 Sorne of the highly used books in the Muhammadiyah schools included

Ringkasan Iman, $irat aJ-MustaqJm, Pustaka Iman, RisaJat a1-Tau/;JJd and Ta~awwuf

Islam. Federspiel adds that in Hne with the Muhammadiyah's religious stance, the

religious instruction in Muhammadiyah schools was marked by the spirit of a retum to

the Qur'an and 1}adith.38

In spite ofthe different degrees ofintensity, the provision ofreligious instruction

both at the MAOe and at the Muhammadiyah schools illustrates a recognition of the

fact that Muslim education had to have a religious component. Alpnad Khan was carefui

not to marginalise religious education in the college, as his plans were "to form a c1ass

ofpersons, Mohammedan in religion, Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes,

in opinions and intellect.Il39 He did not want to repeat the failure of governrnent schools

37Wirjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengad/aran Islam, 36.

38 Federspiel, "The Muhammadijah," 61; One of the agreements of the annualconference of the Muhammadiyah held in Yogyakarta from March 30 to April 2 was that theteaching of tauljJdand fiqhhad to be accompanied with the proofs of the Qur'an and the sound1}adIth, called naqIiyya (revelation), and the proofs of reason (CaqIiyya). VerslagcYoehammadijah" di Hindia-Timoer, Tahoen ke X (1923) (Yogyakarta: Pengoeroes Besar"Moehammadijah", 1924),42-43.

39"History ofthe Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College," in William Theodore de Bary(ed.), Sources ofIndian Tradition, vol. 2 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 49;Lelyveld, AIigarh's First Generation, 206-207.

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to attract Indian Muslims by not providing religious education. Likewise, Muslim

parents in Indonesia \vould not have accepted the Muhammadiyah schools without a

guarantee ofreligious instruction.4°This howeverwas in addition to the fact that, for the

Muhammadiyah, religious instruction served as a vehicle for the purification of Muslim

practices and beliefs from un-Islamic elements which had become a common feature of

Indonesian Islam at the time of AQ.mad Dal].lan.4l This, in part, explains why the

rvluhammadiyah schools paid greater attention to the teaching of religion than did the

Aligarh college.

Muslims' attitude to religious education was understandable in light ofthe nature

of colonialism both in India and Indonesia and also in view of the fact that this

education was an integral part ofMuslim history.42 The exigencies ofcolonial mIe in the

two countries were, in fact, viewed as a threat both to Muslim political power and to the

Muslim faith.43 This stemmed from the fact that both the British and the Dutch were

4OSome Dutch-educated persons realized that the Western-oriented system of educationled to the alienation ofpeople from their culture. What they wanted was a reconciliation of thetwo traditions. Sjahrir, for example, commented: "The East must become Western in the sensethat it must acquire as great a vitality and dynamism as the West." According to him, the Westsignified "forceful, dynamic and active life" which he admired despite its "brutality andcoarseness." J.D. Legge, Indonesia (Sydney: Prentice Hall of Australia, 1921), 146.

4lRicklefs, A HistoryofModem Indonesia7

7.

42Kaloti provides more detailed accounts of religious education in Islamic history. SamiAbdullah Kaloti, "The Reformation of Islam and the Impact of Jamai al-Din al-Afghani andMuhammad Abduh on Islamic Education." Ph. D. Dissertation, Marquette University,Wisconsin, 1974, 11-27.

43Similar attitudes were found among African Muslims as described by C.C. Stewart,"At the beginning of the colonial era, Muslim Africa was served by tens ofthousands ofKoranicschools whose students subsidised as many teachers and hoiy men. The added prestige accordedto Islam by colonial powers and the association of Islam with a rival, non-European ideologyfurther enhanced the importance ofKoranic education." C.C. Stewart, "Islam," in A.D. RobertsCed.), The Colonial Moment in Africa: Essays on the Movements ofMinds andMaterials 1900­1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 204.

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Christian. When the political power ofthe Muslims had diminished, they feared a second

loss--that of their religious integrity. As such, religious education was viewed as an

important vehicle for the protection of the faith.44

In the colonial era, religion also became a symbol of resistance. Since the

colonizers were Christian, the colonized identified ever more closely with Islam. By

strengthening religious instruction, indigenous people were engaging in cultural

resistance to colonial power as opposed to military resistance.45 Such resistance \vas

noted by Snouck Hurgronje, an adviser to the Dutch government, who proposed an

"association policy" aimed at uniting the Dutch with the indigenous people by

westernising the latter and distancing them from their customs.46 Had this policy been

successful, the Dutch colonial domination of Indonesia would have lasted longer.

3. Teachers and Staff

The recruitment of teachers and staff for the MADC reflected A4mad Khan's

efforts to bring Muslims and Englishmen closer, a situation which he believed would

empower Muslims. He believed that power of the English was beyond challenge, and

that Muslims had little choice but to take advantage oftheir presence. The Mutiny of

1857 conveyed the message that any physical resistance to British occupation would

44Muslim fears were aroused by the presence of Christian missionaries who weresubsidized by the colonial govemments. Benda, The Crescent andRising Sun, 19-20.

4SReportedly, conversion to Islam accelerated after the presence of the Dutch. Ibid., 10-11.

46Snouck Hurgronje proposed to use Sunday instead of Friday as a school holiday, anaction which was apparently contrary to the habit of the Muslims. C. Snouck Hurgronje,"Pengajaran selain Pengajaran Mohammadan." In E. Gobee and Adriaanse (eds.), Nasihat­nasihat kepada Pemerintah Hindia Belanda, 1187.

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only breed catastrophic results.47 A.Q.mad Khan believed that Muslims had to cooperate

with the English in order to ameliorate their marginal status. The objective of the

cooperative poHcy was "... to carve a place for [Muslims] themselves within the British

establishment."48 It was on the basis of this rationale that the MAGe recruited

Englishmen as teachers and college staff.49

By contrast, Alpnad Dal]lan faced a different situation when he commenced his

educational reforms. Before him was the reality that Muslims were, by and large,

excluded from government schools. The solution lay, in his view, in the building of a

school which could offer a secular curriculum to rival that ofgovemment schools. At the

same time, he proposed that the schools provide religious instruction which was not

available in the colonial system. For instruction in Western sciences he depended on the

teachers from Budi Utomo as well as the govemment schools, who were all Muslims,

while A1}mad Da4lan himselfsupervised religious education.50 To this extent, he shared

A1:}.mad Khan's ambition to elevate the status of MusHms by making the best of the

government education policy.

47Ashraf, Muslim Attitudes, 236 and 241.

48Hodgson, The Venture ofIs/am, vol. 3, 335.

49Lelyveld provides a detailed enumeration of the Englishmen as weIl as the Hindusrecruited as administrators and lecturers. The Englishmen were H.G.I. Siddons as principal;Theodore Beck as principal; Theodore Morrison as principal; Harold Cock as a professor ofmathematics; Walter Raleigh as a professor of English and philosophy; Percy Wallace as aprofessor of mathematics; T.W. Arnold as a professor of philosophy; and other Englishprofessors without detailed expertise, namely Llewellyn Tipping, Gerald Gardner Brown, J.R.Cornah, Deighton and John Elliot. The Hindu professors in the college were Pandit RamaShankar Misra as a professor ofmathematics and Pandit Shiva Shankar Tripathi as a professorof Sanskrit. Lelyve1d, Aligarh's First Generation, 186-203.

SOThere is not much information about the names of teachers from Budi Dtomo andgovernment schools. The available data mention only two names, Kholil and M. Ng.Djoyosoegito. BP3K, Sejarah Pendidikan Swasta di Indonesia, 54 and 122.

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4. Students

To construct a portrait of the student bodies of the MAGe and the

Muhammadiyah schools, we need to refer to Al}.mad Khan's and A1].mad Da.4lan's criteria

for admission. Their choices betray the socio-political conditions ofIndia and Indon~sia

under colonial ruie. As already mentioned, the MAGe was founded at a time when

Indian Muslims were jeopardized as a community following the failure of the 1857

Mutiny. At this historie j uncture, reasoned A.l].mad Khan, Muslims needed a dose ofseIf-

confidence in arder ta improve their status. One of the means to this end was a good

education, a product which was costly. Given these fiscal imperatives, A1].mad Khan was

constrained to give frrst priority to the children of aristocrats and the rich, from whom

a liberal donation could be expected.

The establishment of the Muhammadiyah schools, on the other hand, followed

a very different pattern. What A1].mad Da41an observed in his community was a wide

disparity between the aristocrats and the masses, stemming in part from the dualism of

the educational system. The former were educated in govemment schoois while the

latter were educated in a /anggar or a pesantren or otherwise remained uneducated.

A1}mad Dal]Jan believed that aH Muslims should receive a decent education that

combined both religious and Western sciences. This goal was in conflict with the

realities of an "elite" institution which was too expensive for the common person.

Therefore, in his mind, no thought was given to the prioritization of one group's right

to education over another's. In short, Muhammadiyah schools were open to students of

ail classes.SI

51To his students~adDal}lan expressed his expectation that Muslims of aH classesshould be uJama yang berkemajuan (progressive ~uJama'), those who were knowledgeable in

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5. The Education ofWomen

Women's education also served as a point of contrast between the MAGe and

Muhammadiyah schools and again reflected the thinking oftheir respective founders on

the question of who should receive priority in education in order to accelerate ~he

improvement of conditions for Muslims. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the

MAGe was open only to male students, while the Muhammadiyah schools were open

to both genders.52 Indeed, A1).mad Khan did not ignore the importance of women's

education. This is clear frOID a letter which he sent ta the Scientific Society, Aligarh, in

which he wrote that Western civilization was aided by the education of men and

women.53 Given the limited resources available, however, Al].mad Khan argued that it

was impossible ta provide a good education to both males and females. Priority had to

be given to males as, traditionally, they would carry the burden of providing for the

family. Ifmales were educated, he reasoned, they would eventually see the importance

ofeducation for females too.54 ~adDal:flan saw things differently. The development

of the ummawould be hastened, he argued, ifboth males and females were offered equal

access to education.55

religion and were conversant with the Western sciences. Wirjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikandan Pengadjaran Islam, 58.

S2By educating male and female equally, Muhammadiyah schools appeared to beimitating govemment school system.

S3A.qmad Khan, "Letter to the Scientific Society, Aligarh," in Shan Mohammad (ed.),Writings and Speeches, 226.

S4Lini Sarah May, "Muslim Thought and Politics in India after 1857." UnpublishedPh.D. Dissertation, Columbia University, 1963, 167.

SSThe Muhammadiyah stepped even further by forming a women organization,Sapatresno which later became 'Aishiyya. Salam, KH. Ahmad Dahlan, 18; Alfian,

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A1).mad Khiïn's position on female education appeared to contradict his own

Islamic reformist ideals. Traditionally, Muslim culture had afforded females fewer

educational opportunities.56 This status quo was maintained in A4mad Khiïn's time and

used by him to validate privileges to male students.57 A1].mad Da1).liïn, on the ether hand,

was influenced by the women's emancipation movement in Java in the last decade'of

nineteenth century. This movement was pioneered by R.A. Kartini, the daughter of a

regent in Jepara. On May 25, 1899, she wrote a Ietter to Stella Zeehandelaar, a Dutch

woman, expressing her dissatisfaction with the status ofwomen in Java.58 Kartini then

established women's schools dedicated to the promotion of female literacy in Roman

script and mathematics. Although Kartini was able to build only one women's school

before her death, the idea ofproviding equal education to boys and girls persisted among

Indonesian leaders, including Al}mad Da.l}lan.

6. Pedagogical Techniques

In terms ofpedagogical techniques, both the MAOe and the Muhammadiyah

schools mirrored the government school system. The techniques adepted included a

Muhammadiyah, 172.

S6In Egypt, at the time Mul].ammad 'Abduh began rus refonns, the education of womenwas also paid less attention than that of their male counterparts. Lubis, Pemi/dranMuhammadiyah dan Muhammad Abduh, 213.

57Mukerji notes that a tendency to provide educational priority to the male was alsoapparent in govemment universities in India, where university examinations were designed fortheir privilege. Mukerji, HistoryofEducation in India, 138.

SSAlfian, Muhammadiyah, 1-2.

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system of progressive grades, more student participation in the leaming process,59

regular examinations and the use of classroom equipment, such as desks and

blackboards. At the MAGC, students were trained to debate, to defend an argument and

to analyse an opinion. This debating technique was apparently adopted frOID Cambridge

University, which A1)mad Khân had visited during his trip ta England. Training such as

this was considered important in helping students become independent thinkers.

Similarly, in Muhammadiyah schools, students were encouraged to ask questions, to

argue, and to disagree with their teachers.60

The use ofsuch pedagogical techniques, which differed from those employed in

more traditional institutions, was, in the first instance, an indication that Muslims had

begun to question the efficiency of the instructional system inherited from their

predece-ssors.61 Traditional teaching techniques, which emphasized memorization, were

replaced by ones which stressed understanding. The former technique was held to be

inefficient when contrasted with modem techniques.62 Here, the notion of efficiency

prevailed, given the need to be able ta compete with other communities.

The change in pedagogical techniques also changed the Muslim conception ofthe

"teacher". As explained earlier, teachers in traditional institutions played a dominant

role, rendering the students passive participants in the learning process. This style

59Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746-1827) developed a teaching system from individualto group instruction. Bradjanagara, Sedjarah Pendidikan Indonesias 57.

6OWirjosukarto, Pembaharuan Pendidikan dan Pengacfjaran Islam, 39.

61 Al]mad Dal).lân thought that the old traditional teaching methods resulted in thestudents' lack of understanding of Islam and eventually precipitated Muslims' backwardness.Ibid., 54.

62The quest for maximum efficiency was an expression of the "moral dimension oftechnicalism" which marked "transmutation" in the eighteenth century. Hodgson, The VentureofIslam, vol. 3, 186.

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represented a one-way dialogue where the students were mere recipients of information.

Tt was a technique which mirrored the traditional patemalism of Muslim society in

which the leader was dominant. It also reflected the community's view of ~ulama'as

experts in religious sciences to whom students were expected to show respect and

obedience. The use of new instructional methods at the MAGC and Muhammadiyah

schools resulted in a transformation ofMuslims' view of the &ulamii: Now, the &ulama'

were regarded simply as religious experts who, Iike other human beings, were fallible.

Students felt entitled to correct them when they erred. Commenting on the position of

the &ulama'iIi the Muhammadiyah, Wertheim says:

Similarlyas Refonnation in the Christian world, the new religious trendwas attempting to disengage religion from its traditional shackles.Instead of recognizing the absolute authority of the Islamic scribes, theulamas, the refonnists were aiming at positing the Holy Book, the Kor' anas a source ofinspiration for values which were better adapted to the newepoch, similarly as the Protestants recognized the Bible as the mainsource of authority instead of the church.63

7. Financial Profile

To finance their activities, both the MAGC and the Muhammadiyah schools

relied on student fees, government subsidies and voluntary donations. This policy

represented a shift from that in traditional institutions, where school fees were never

collected nar government subsidies accepted. Fundraising only occurred through

voluntary donations in the fonn ofmonetary remittances or waqf!54

The introduction ofschool fees as a new source offtmding was a testament to the

63Wertbeim, "Indonesian Moslems under Sukarno and Suharto," 19.

64Wardhana, "The Effeet of Polities on Educational Development in Indonesia.", 85;Salam, KH. AhmadDahlan, 62.

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influence ofgovernment education. By adopting this system, believed A4mad Khan and

~mad Daq.lan, they could expand educational activities. 1t would aise allow them to

plan the budget further in advance. In this way the shortcomings ofvoluntary donations

could be compensated for. To quote A4mad Khan:

At the present time unless my nation tmites and concentrates its forces,and collects all the requisites of education, and takes the fact to heartthat now without spending money it cannot acquire education, it will beimpossible for it to become highly educated.65

The two reformers must however have been aware that, by introducing school fees the

MAGe and the Muhammadiyah schoois had become inaccessible to the poor people.

Under the eireumstances, however, they had no other ehoice but to apply this policy.66

In colonial India and Indonesia, govemment financial support for the MAGe and

Muhammadiyah schools signalled a change in govemment edueational poliey.

Previously, the governments had hardly given any heed to Muslim institutions, arguing

that it sought to maintain a posture of religious neutrality. Now, the respective British

and Dutch governments in India and Indonesia applied new, more tolerant polieies

towards the development of Muslim education. The subsidization was selective

however, favouring institutions which adhered to govemment programs. This was made

apparent by the fact that traditional institutions were not extended any subsidies, in

viewoftheir traditional currieulum.67 The largesse of government subsidies could not,

65A1].mad Khan, "On education," in Shan Muhammad Ced.), Wdtings and Speeches~ 199.

66Al].rnad Dal].Ian was reported ta have sold his goods ta finance the Muhamrnadiyahschools. Salam, KH. AhmadDahlan~ 62.

67Wardhana, "The Effects of Politics on Educational Development in Indonesia." 86.J.D. Legge said: "After 1920 the Netherlands' Ethical Policy, with its concept of a Debt ofHonour which had to be repaid ta the colony, represented an official attempt to faster as weIlas ta control the direction of social change. The provision ofwelfare programmes in the fieldof ... education was one aspect of a poliey theoretically designed to prepare the colony for sorne

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it seems, be taken at face value.68

8. Residential Housing

The MAGe provided residential accommodation, whereas the Muhammadiyah

schools, except for the one located in Kauman, had no such facilities and were never

intended to provide them. The MADC system was designed to instill a sense of MusIim

brotherhood among its students, who came to the college as individuals with different

regional backgrounds. The college system was also dedicated to producing the future

leaders of the Indian Muslim community. By living in the college residence, argued

A4mad Khan, students were aiso freed from the negative influences of the external

community. By design, therefore, the college was expected to produce a greater sense

of purpose among its graduates.69 As in the British institutions which provided the

model for the MAGC, the sense of fellowship shaped by the students of the college

continued after they finished their studies, fostered by the establishment in 1892 of the

alumni organization lmown as "The Brotherhood," led by Mustafa Khan. In 1899, this

organization assumed a new name, "The Oid Boys Association."70

kind of autonomy within the framework of Dutch empire. 1I Legge, Indonesia, 9; Thetraditionalists, on the other hand, launched the non-cooperation poHcy in response tocolonialism, entailing a rejection of the govemment syllabus. This ffiight have been the causeof the absence of Dutch government subsidies.

68British and Dutch colonialism was still marked by a hierarchic policy in the sense thatthe interests of the colonial authority were put above that of the indigenous people. Theselective provision of the subsidy was also an indication that the sincerity of the governments'financial help could be questioned. In fact, governments' educational programs were not fosteredfor the sake of education itself but for garnering a loyal populace. Basu, The Growth ofEducation and Politica} Deve/opment in India, 156.

69Hashmi, Muslim Response, 103 .

7or-elyveld, Aligarh's First Generation, 291.

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The reason that the Muhammadiyah schoo1 rnodel made no allowance for

residential housing may be explained by reference to its refonnist psychology. The

Muhammadiyah educational reforms were meant to counter the traditional institutions

based on the pesantren system. To avoid appearing like a pesantren, the Muhammadiyah

shied away from building dormitories. The absence of this feature caused the

Muhammadiyah schoois to resemble to a certain extent the govemment schools, which

were seen as the standard ofprogress during that era.

C. Impact of the Educational Refonns of Aligarh and the Muhammadiyah on MuslimEducation in India and Indonesia

It is apparent that Al].mad Khan's and Al}mad Da1].lan's educational philosophies

and the educational systems they introduced in their respective institutions were shaped

by the circumstances of British and Dutch rule respectiveIy. This section provides an

analysis ofthe extent to which the two refonn movements were successful in promoting

Muslim education in India and Indonesia.

1. The i:Ulama'~Response

The emergence ofboth the MADC and the Muhammadiyah schools was not

received positively by the traditionalist i:ulama~ Once the proposai for the establishment

of the MAOe was announced, the 'ulama' issued a fàtwa dec1aring it unlawful to

support the college. Their opposition persisted even after the college was established,

culminating in the i:ulama"s caU to Muslim parents to boycott the institution

altogether.71 The Muhammadiyah's schools, on the other hand, faced no such opposition.

71Muhammad Ced.), The A]igarh Movement, vol. 1, xx-xxi.

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The schools did, however, receive a cynical reception from the &ulama: who remained

wary of Western sciences and Western culture, such as the introduction of Western

solmization in the singing class at the expense of the recitation of the al-BalZan}lread

in traditional institutions.72

Many reasons for the Çufama"s opposition may be identified. First, they had a

narro\v understanding of Islam, where the focus was on the spiritual aspect of matters

alone. Western subjects, such as physics, mathematics, reading and writing scripts other

than Arabie, were not considered Islamic. Studying such rnatters was, therefore, viewed

as something divorced from the body of Islam. These reasons aside, the &ufamâ~might

also have been motivated by self-interest. The establishment of the MAGe and

Muhammadiyah schools was undoubtedly a threat to their continued leadership role in

the Muslim community.73 Another important reason for the ÇuIamâ7:. s opposition was the

association of the MAGe and the Muhammadiyah schools with the British and Dutch

colonial mIe. From the perspective ofthe ÇuJamâ: establishing schools like those of the

government epitomized local approval of the continuing presence of the colonizers.74

The Çufamâ~bothin India and Indonesia had cause for concem. Having been displaced

from positions of authority and status, the basis ofthe &uIamâ~s traditional culturallife

had been eroded.75 This fact undoubtedly shaped their own response to the colonial

nSuja', Muhammadiyah dan Pendirinya, 16.

73Mulkhan, Pesan-pesan Dua Pemimpin Besar Islam Indonesia~ 10. Azizalam, "SayyidA.l].mad Khan and the 'Ularna'," 71-72.

74The 'ulami~ traditionally based their argument on one 1}adJth saying that "He whoimitates one group, he is a part of them." This implied that those who imitated the British orthe Dutch school systems became similar to them.

7SThe Indian Muslirns, especially their Çulami: suffered from the British government'sdecision to change the administrative language from Persian to English in 1837. They were,again, treated severely by the British government after the Mutiny 1857. The Indonesian

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powers and anything associated with them.

In spite ofthis opposition, both A1)mad Khan and A1)mad Dal].lan continued with

their educational programs, showing in the process that what they \vere doing was not

for their O\vn interest but for the Muslims. The two reformers finally succeeded in.

pacifying the traditionalist 'ulamiï~s propaganda. To quote Ashraf: "No other figure in

the history ofMuslims ofIndia deserves such reverent consideration and respect as this

sturdy pioneer and beloved leader, who, in the face of endless opposition, blazed a new

traiI for his Muslim brethren to follow."76

2. Traditional Institutions

To measure the extent to which the MAGe and Muhammadiyah schools

influenced Muslim education, one must look at the fate of traditional institutions in

India and Indonesia after the establishment of the new schools. In the previous chapters

we have shown that oid institutions continued to function as centres of religious

instruction while also undergoing transformations oftheir own. The Deoband school, for

exampIe, became more popular beyond India and entered into a joint cooperation with

al-Azhar in Cairo. However, Deoband aIse cooperated with the MADC through the

exchange ofteachers. In Indonesia, the pesantrensaIse remained popular among Muslims

as centres for Isiamic learning. Here too, sorne pesantrens borrowed elements from the

Muhammadiyah school system. The pesantrens, for example, intensified the instruction

'ulami' aise suffereà from the Dutch "Teacher Ordinance" which hindered the propagation ofIslam. Dar, Religious Thought ofSayyidAhmadKhan:! 66; Hodgson, The Venture ofIslam, vol.3,333; Suminto, Politik Islam Hindia Belanda:! 51.

16Ashraf, Muslim Attitudes:! 242.

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ofthe Qur'an and 1}adith, the subjects ofstudy central to the Muhammadiyah movement.

To quote Bruinessen:

... in the late 19th century, tafsJrwas not yet considered a very important part ofthe curriculum. Under the impact ofmodemism, with its slogan ofreturn to theQur'an and 1}adIth, the interpretation of the Qur'an obviously assumed greaterimportance. Many traditionalist uJama simply felt obliged to follow suit andbegan taking tafsJrmore seriously.... The present wider interest in 1}adJth--nowan obligatory subject in most pesantren--is probably again due to the impact ofmodernism ..._"77

There were several reasons contributing to the persistence of traditional

institutions. First, many Muslims both in India and Indonesia were bound to

traditionalism. Reluctant to accept change and content \VÏth the old institutions, many

Muslims failed to question their compatibility with modem demands in the colonial era.

As such, they upheld taqRd in religious matters. Furthennore, as a class, the cuJamii~

harbored a personal interest in the continuity ofthe old institutions which would ensure

the continuity oftheir role. In other words, had the old institutions been converted to the

new systems, their own role in these institutions would have been diminished. Another

possible reason for the survival of traditional institutions was the economic status of

Muslims. As mentioned previously, when MADe education became tao expensive for

the majority of Indian Muslims, the latter turned for their education to more traditional

institutions. A similar scenario unfolded in Indonesia. The majority ofpesantrens did

not charge a tuition fee, and often even subsidized their students' living expenses. This

charitable policy drew poor Muslim students to these institutions rather than to the

Muhammadiyah schools. Moreover, many of these traditional institutions became

centres for the anti-colonial movement. The resilience oftraditional institutions gave,

therefore, an indirect boost to the agitation against colonial role.

77Bruinessen, "Kitab Kuning," 253 and 255.

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3. New Educational Institutions

The modei of the MAOC and Muhammadiyah schools was not accepted with

equanimity by aIl Muslims in India and Indonesia. As a matter of fact, the two

institutions feU quite short of satisfying sorne Muslims. This was natural. On the one

hand, Muslims were still bound to tradition in matters of religious education. They still

measured the quality of the college at Aligarh and the Muharnmadiyah schoois by the

quality of their religious instruction. Moreover, the financial problems faced by the

MAGC and the Muhammadiyah schools led to a decline in the quality oftheir overall

instruction. This is not to suggest that all of their educational programs were weak. The

MAGC, for example, was strong in the teaching of Western sciences, but weak in the

teaching of Islam.

The new Muslim educational institutions both in India and in Indonesia

established after the founding of the MAOC and Muhammadiyah schools took various

forms in their efforts to rectify the weaknesses of their forerunners. In India, one finds

institutions such as Nadwat al-'Ulama', founded in 1894,78 where the emphasis '.vas on

Islamic studies. There were aiso new types of institutions which followed traditional

Hnes by focussing on religious instruction, such as M8.?aru.r al-'Uliim at Saharanpur and

the Ahl-i I:Iadith school at Benares. In Indonesia, there appeared Pondok Modem Gontor

in 1926 which combined elements ofthe pesantren and Muhammadiyah school systems.

This new institution was characterized by the teaching ofWestem sciences and the use

ofEnglish as the medium of instruction and the intensification ofreligious instruction

78Hashmi, Muslim Response, 120-121.

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by providing student dormitories.

It is clear from the new Muslim institutions described above that Muslim

attention to religious education was high. This phenomenon may be explained in the

context of the Islamic sanction that a deed without knowledge is not acceptable. Not

surprisingly, Muslim parents also felt it necessary to impart religious values to their

children through formaI education. The establishment of the new institutions aiso

indicates that the MAOe and Muhammadiyah's efforts to promote Western sciences had

borne fruit. Furthermore, while sorne of the new institutions \vere established aiong

traditionallines, this should not be taken as their rejection ofWestem sciences.

4. Muslim Participation in Government Schools

The establishment of the MAOe and the Muhammadiyah schools encouraged

Muslims to participate in government schools. As argued in the previous chapters, the

la",,· rate of Muslim attendance at the public schools can be blamed both on the

government's policy and on the Muslim community's own resistance. In India, the

government deliberately withheld religious instruction, arguing that this was a 'religion

neutral' policy. The Muslims saw this as a threat to their children's religious education

and identity. Moreover, Muslim parents did not send their children to govemment

schoois out of ignorance of the importance of Western sciences offered by the schools,

a tendency exacerbated by the traditional understanding of Islam which viewed these

sciences as incompatible with religious life. On many occasions Al}mad Khan sought to

convince Muslims that it was not the duty of the government to provide children with

religious instruction, but the responsibility ofMuslims themselves.79 Alpnad Khan also

79Al]madKhan, "On Education," in Shan Muhammad (ed.), Writings and Speeches, 199.

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convinced Muslims that Islam as a true religion "could not be a hindrance to progress,

for the commandments of a true religion were identical with the aims ofcivilization and

culture."8o This meant that Islam could not reject the Western sciences necessary for

human progresse Indeed, those sciences were inherited from the Muslims themselves.

Alpnad Khân's campaign and the MAOC system of education were stimulants for the

entry of Muslims into government schools.

In Indonesia, the low rate of Muslim participation \vas primarily due ta

govemment policies which reserved education for the children of aristocrats. It might

have also been due to their ignorance ofthe importance ofgovernment schools. This was

attested by the fact that Muslims were still reluctant to send their children to

government schools even when the Dutch developed public education. They continued

to prefer ta send their children to the pesantren to acquire Islamic knowledge. Alpnad

Da.4lan tirelessly called on Muslims to be a progressive nation, meaning that they should

accept the education offered by the government as the only way ta achieve that goal.

The Muhammadiyah schools themselves became exemplars of acceptable govemment

education for Muslims. Convinced that Islam urged Muslims to achieve progress, Al]mad

Da4lan strove to eliminate the ideological boundaries which kept Muslims from

participating in government schools.

5. Graduates ofMAOC and Muhammadiyah Schools

The impact of the MAOe and Muhammadiyah schools may be seen from the

number oftheir alumni and the scale oftheir contributions to development ofMuslim

&'13.R. Nanda, Gandhi' Pan-Islamism, Imperialism andNationalisn1 in India (Bombay:Oxford University Press, 1989), 32.

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society in general and Muslim education in particular. The establishment of the college

at Aligarh and the Muhammadiyah schools undoubtedly boosted the rising number of

Muslim intellectuals in the two countries. In 1920, the MAGe developed into the

Aligarh Muslim University, a move which enhanced its contributions to the

development not only ofeducation but also of the way oflife of Muslims.81 In fact, the

graduates of the MAGe had shown their important role in various sectors of the Indian

Muslim community. According ta Quraishi,

It [MAoe] has produced men for all walks of life who made their markin their respective fields. Along with educationists, scientists, poets, menofletters and sportsmen, it also produced freedom fighters like MaulanaMohammed Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Raja Mahinder Pratap, SyedHusain, ... etc. Again, Alîgarh claims to have had on its roUs persons whorose to highest positions in public life--Zakir Husain who rose to be thePresident of India; Ayub Khan and Ghulam Muhammad who becamePresidents ofPakistan; Liaqat Ali Khan and Khwaja Nazimuddin, PrimeMinisters of Pakistan; ... _82

Further, Lelyveld said: "Service, whether for government or private employeers (such

as the M.A.O. College or, in one case, the Muslim League), was the occupational fate

ofthe overwhelming majority of former students."83 In short, the MAOC was successful

in improving the status of Indian Muslims.

Similarly, the number of Muhammadiyah schools also multiplied dramatically,

especially after 1921 when the Dutch government relaxed restrictions on the

Muhammadiyah's licence to open branches beyond the Yogyakarta regency. From then

on Muhammadiyah schools, with higher levels and more varied departments, were

81Hodgson, The Venture of/sIam, vol. 3,230.

82Ishrat Ali Quraisbi, The Maulana AzadLibrary: A Major Library ofthe World 1877­1988(Aligarb: Sbamshad Market, 1989), Il.

83Lelyveld, Aligarh's First Generation, 325.

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established in numerous cities, especially in Java. In 1920, the Muhammadiyah

established H.I.S met de Qur'an, an elementary school with the Dutch language as the

medium of instruction. In contrast to the governrnent H.I.S. (Holandsche

Inlandscheschool), the H.I.S. met de Qur'an provided religious instruction. From 1934

onwards, the Muhammadiyah began establishing secondary and high schools, caUed

M.U.L.O. (Meer Uitgebreid Lager Onderwijs) and A.M.S. (Algerneene

Middlebareschool) respectively. In 1938, sorne vocational schools, namely the Klein

Handelsschool (Trading School), the Huishoudschool (Household School) and the Klein

Landbouwschool (Agriculture School), were aIso established. The establishment ofthese

schools was indicative ofthe great contribution made by the Muhammadiyah movement

ta the development of Muslim education. Now Muslims could learn many branches of

knowledge which had hitherto been the privilege of only the graduates of government

schools.84 With those various branches ofknowledge, Muhammadiyah schools produced

graduates who were ready to meet the new demands of a changing society.

Unfortunately, there is not much information about the graduates of Muhammadiyah

schooIs in the period under discussion. A book published by Department ofEducation

and Culture, for example, only mentions one name, namely, Prof. Dr. Baroroh Baried.

She is said to be the frrst female "guru besar" (high professor) at the Gajah Mada

University in Yogyakarta.85

In SUffi, the educational reforms conducted by the Alîgarh and Muhammadiyah

movements were products of a dialectic of Muslims with their situation under British

and Dutch colonial rule respectively. A4mad Khan and Al}mad Dal}.lan, the founders of

84Salam, KH. AhmadDahlan.. 38.

8sBP3K, Sejarah Pendidikan Swasta di Indonesia, 112.

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the two movements, believed that Muslim institutions could no longer continue to

function based on traditional models, as the demands of Muslims had changed. Aligarh

and the Muhammadiyah presented educational systems which adapted the policies ofthe

colonial govemments in the two countries. The MAGe and Muhammadiyah schools

which represented these new models encouraged Muslims to modemize their education

in order to produce graduates with a better capability to live under the colonial

governments.

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CONCLUSION

This study shows that the educational reforms initiated by the Aligarh and

Muhammadiyah movements in India and Indonesia respectively were designed to fuifii

the new demands of Muslim society awakened by its experience of British and Dutch

colonialism. While the colonial educational programs could not meet Musl!ID

aspirations, the traditional institutions remained statîc and ignorant of new scientific

developments. Given the failure of these institutions to produce graduates capable of

dealing with change, the Aligarh and Muhammadiyah movements took it upon

themselves to refonn Muslim education by combining the positive elements oftheir own

institutions with those of the Westem system.

*****

\Ve have also discussed that before the arrivaI of Europeans in India and

Indonesia, Muslims had developed their own system of education, one which taught

sciences developed in medieval Islam with an emphasis on religious instruction. In India,

Muslim education was centred in the maktabs, madrasas and khanq8hs. Indonesian

Muslims applied different names to their educational institutions, namely, mosques

(langgar and masjid) and pesantrens. In spite of this different terminology, their

educational programs \vere not SO very different. In both countries the Qur'an became

the chief subject of study. Children began by learning to recite the Qur'anic verses and

continued with their rnemorization. Other subjects ofhigher learning inciuded sorne of

the various branches of kno\vledge developed during the medieval periode Those

institutions were also marked by few formalities in their operation. Regular exams

evaluating the achievement ofstudents, for example, were never required. Moreover, in

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both India and Indonesia, the "u1ami-'played a dominant role in the management ofsuch

institutions, thus making the latter heavily dependant on their involvement.

*****

The primary and secondary sources reveal that educational programs of the

colonial governments were not created with a view to serving the interests of the

indigenous people, but of the government themselves. In the first instance, education

was not their concem; their purpose in the region was to trade. Later, however, they did

begin to give sorne attention to education but, again, it was not for sake of education

itselfbut rather for the achievement oftheir economic goals. Thus, the existing Muslim

institutions were excluded from the program of colonial education. No religious

instruction was included in the curriculum imposed by the government. Moreover, in

Indonesia, the government provided education which accommodated only the

Europeans, the Christians and the aristocrats, who were prepared to serve as a medium

for suppressing the people.

The British and the Dutch succeeded i?- establishing many schools; however,

they failed to improve the state of Muslim education and even caused new dilemmas.

First of aH, the percentage of Muslim students attending govemment schools was low.

In India, this was due to the Muslims themselves who were reluctant ta attend schools

\vhere religious instruction was not provided. They considered the absence of this

subject to be a threat to the integrity of their religion. In Indonesia, the low rate of

Muslim attendance was due to the policy of the government itself which limited their

enroUment. Thus, both in India and Indonesia, many Muslims remained in traditional

institutions or otherwise remained uneducated.

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128

The traditional institutions were, undoubtedly, successful in producing a great

many 'ulamii' who were knowledgeable in various branches of the religious sciences;

however, they failed to equip students with the Western knowledge which was a pre­

requisite to obtaining employment. Such institutions could not help Muslims improve

their economic and social status, which had deteriorated with the arrivai of Western

colonialism. It was in this context that the educational reforms of the Aligarh and

Muhammadiyah movements emerged.

*****

Even though Aligarh and the Muhammadiyah shared the same goals in their

educational programs, they did not always employ similar approaches and or bave the

same priorities. Our research shows that this was due to the differences in the life

backgrounds of their founders, the level of educational development and the socio­

religious conditions in India and Indonesia, respectively.

Having received a traditional education, A1)mad Khan went on to serve as a civil

servant in the colonial government. Later, A1}mad Khan had the opportunity to visit

England, where he was able to observe English education and civilization first hand. It

was only natural that he should have felt greater sympathy for the English tradition,

since it was from that source that he had become familiar with the Western thought and

customs which he later propagated among Indian Muslims. A1}mad Da1].lan tao \vas

educated in traditional institutions. He then went to Mecca on the pilgrimage, where he

stayed on to study Islam in more depth. Later, he became a khatlb in the mosque of

Yogyakarta Sultanate. Thus, it was natural that he in his turn should have been more

committed to Islamic orthodoxy. True, he also became acquainted with Western

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customs, but only second hand, through his involvement in Budi Dtomo.

These different backgrounds certainly had an impact on A1).mad Khan's and

A1).mad Da4Ian's philosophies of education, as the former owed more to Western

thought, while the latter was doser to Islamic orthodoxy. For instance, both Al].mad

Khan and Al].mad Dal].lan shared a belief in the importance of character building- in

education. However, they adopted different approaches in trying to achieve that aim.

~adKhan thought that students should be placed in a setting modelled on Cambridge

University, where students lived together and were provided with a course of study

which included participation in sports and in a debating club. A1).mad Da1}.lan, on the

other hand, thought it important to make students familîar with the life of Mu1).ammad,

which students might take as their example in life. To this end, Muhammadiyah schools

paid great attention to the teaching of religion and the history of the Prophet.

Secondly, A1)mad Khan and A1)lnad Dal).lan also thought that education should

not neglect economic concerns. In this they both departed from the traditionalist view

that education should emphasize spiritual concerns. Furthermore, the two reformers

thought that education had to help Muslims develop their capacity to think

independently. A1).mad Khan and AlJmad Dal).lan criticized traditional institutions which

made students dependent on other people's opinions. They believed that an opinion

could be true or faise. However, they had different ideas on how this dependency could

be reversed. According to Al].mad Khan, the truth should be proved by "scientific

inquiry." Hence, he suggested principles which \vould allow Muslims to reconcile the

truth of the texts and the results of scientific research when they were contradictory.

A1)mad Dal).lan was, on the other hand, more attached to orthodoxy. For him, the truth

should be measured by its compatibility with the teachings of the Qur'an and iJadIth as

weIl as caql (reason). Here, he did not offer any solution for cases where there was

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controversy between the texts and reason.

*****

We have aise seen that the educationai reforms of A4mad Khan and A4mad

Dal}.lan were realized in the forms of the MAGe and the Muhammadiyah schocils,

respectively. Needless to say, the two institutions shared sorne sirnilar elements in spite

of their differences.

The MAGe and Muhammadiyah schools included Western sciences in their

curriculum. This was done in order ta enable the graduates ofthe two institutions to find

jobs and keep in touch with scientific developments. This \vouid eventually improve the

economic and social status ofMuslims. Both the MAOe and Muhammadiyah schools

resembled each other in certain formalities of operation: teachers and staff were paid;

there was an obligation to pay school fees; there were fixed academic scheduIes; and

students' achievements were measured through regular examinations. Such formaIities

rnarked the pioneering work of the MAGe and Muhammadiyah schools in the

modernization ofMuslim institutions in India and Indonesia.

In spite of these similarities, sorne structural differences existed between the

MAGC and Muhammadiyah schools. First, the MAOe was equipped with residential

housing where students lived and conducted their activities. Muhammadiyah schools on

the other hand, except for the one in Kauman, were not residentiaL They were built on

the model ofthe Dutch schools which had becorne the standard ofprogress in the era and

setting. Second, unlike the MAGC, which restricted enrollment to male students, the

Muhammadiyah schools accepted bath males and females. Third, the MAGC recruited

non-Muslim teachers and staff: including Englishmen and Indian Hindus, \vhile in

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Muhammadiyah schoois aIl teachers and staff were Muslim. The Muhammadiyah

however employed teachers from government schoois or their graduates. The college at

Aligarh in fact attempted to bring the British and Muslims doser, whereas in Indonesia

the improvement of the relationship of Muslims and the Dutch was nat a priority.

FinaIly, the MAGe did not pay adequate attention to religious instruction. In the fIfSt

instance, tbis was due to A1Jmad Khan's lack of involvement in this area, following the

opposition of the Çulamii~ to A4mad Khan's religious ideas. By contrast, religious

instruction in Muhammadiyah schools \vas paid great attention by the Muhammadiyah.

The schools were indeed planned as media for propagating Islam, which was still less

understood by the Indonesians.

*****

This study observes that the establishment of the MAGe and the

Muhammadiyah schools did not immediately receive a positive response from Muslims.

The two institutions in fact met with opposition from the ' ulamii~ and ordinary Muslims

as weIl, who feared that those institutions would endanger the integrity of their religion.

Moreover, the Muhammadiyah, for quite a long time, faced the additional problem of

obtaining a licence for developing its schools, since the government did not allow the

organization to operate outside the Yogyakarta regency.

Due to these and other problems, the MADe and Muhammadiyah schools could

not achieve satisfactory results in aIl aspects. The quality of religious instruction both

in the college and the Muhammadiyah schools was lo\v, in spite of the serious efforts on

the part ofthe Muhammadiyah in the latter case. The low quality ofreligious instruction

at the MADe led those for whom tbis was a primary concem to choose not ta send their

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children to the college. They preferred institutions such as Dar al-'U1üm Deoband or

Nadwat al-'Ulama', founded in 1867 and 1894 respectively. In Indonesia, the pesantren

model remained the Muslims' first choice for producing &ulami?'.

The above-mentioned weaknesses, however, did not detract from the

contributions of the MAGe and the MuhâIl1II1adiyah schools in the development 'of

Muslim education in their respective countries. First, the establishment of the two

institutions eliminated Muslim doubts over the acceptance of Western sciences. This

"vas made evident by the fact that these sciences were featured in the curriculum of

Muslim institutions founded subsequently. Even sorne pesantrens began to offer

instruction in Western sciences or at least no longer vilified those who studied them as

infidels. Secondly, the MAGe and Muhammadiyah schools succeeded in producing

graduates qualified for civil service, positions which had previously been the exclusive

preserve of the graduates of government schools. In so doing, the two institutions

showed Muslims that, even -or especially-- under colonial rule, it was important to have

a practical education so that the status ofMuslims could be elevated.

*****

It is clear by now that the colonial experience of India and Indonesia made

A.q.mad Khan and A4mad Dal].lan respectively conscious of the necessity of practical

education which could improve the economic as well as social status of MusLims. Their

visions for the improvement ofthe plight oftheir people through education were realized

in the forms of the MAGe and Muhammadiyah schools respectively, two institutions

whose systems were not totally similar. The dissimilarity was due to the differences in

life experience of their founders, to the differing socio-political as weIl as religious

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conditions, and the unequallevel ofeducational development in the two countries. With

their educational programs, the two institutions produced Muslim graduates capable of

playing important roles in the national development oflndia and Indonesia.

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GLOSSARY

adat (Indonesian, from Arabie) = customs

akhliiq (Arabie) = moral eharacter; a subjeet dealing with charaeter building

AMS [Algemeene Middelbare School] (Dutch) = Upper Secondary Sehool.

&aqlda (Arabie) = a statement of doctrine, or an article offaith; a subjeet dealing withIslamie beliefs.

&aql(Arabie) = reason.

arkiin al-Iman (Arabie) = the articles offaith: beliefs in God, His Angels, His Books, HisProphets, Hereafter, and His Determination.

arkiïn al-Islam (Arabie) = the articles ofIslam: shahiida (confession that there is no godbut God and MlÙ].ammad was His messenger), ~alii (five daily prayers), zakiiCaIrns), shawm(fasting in the month of Ramaq.an), and hajj(pilgrimage).

ashraf(Arabie) = men of respectable classes.

baliigha (Arabie) = rhetoric.

bandungan CJavanese) = a name of a teaehing method in the pesantren system wherestudents learned in a group.

barzanjÎ (persian) = a popular name of a poetical book authored by Ja~fiir b. I:IasanBarzanJÎ (d. 1763) entitled HiidhiiN~ al-Mawlid af-Shaiff al-Nabawl. Thebook consists of the history of the Prophet MlÙ].ammad.

bismillah (Arabie) = "in the name of God"; In India it is the name of a eeremony heldwhen a child starts receiving Qur'anic lessons.

bumiputra (Indonesia) = the indigeneous people.

Dar al-~Ulüm Deoband = A madrasa of high learning founded by Qasim Nanautavl in1867 in Deoband.

dargiih (Urdu) = shrine

ELS [Europeesche Lagere School] (Duteh) = European Elementary School.

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.tàtwa(Arabie) = an opinion on a point oflaw made by an &aJimor mu.fll(legal scholar)or qaçIIGudge).

fiqh (Arabie) = Islamic jurisprudence.

1}.adJth (Arabie) = the Prophet Mu1].ammad's tradition

:ms [Hollandseh-Inlandsehe School] (Dutch) = Dutch Elementary School for Natives.

J;.isab (Arabie) = mathematies.

'ibada (Arabie) = an aet ofworship.

ibadatkhana (Urdu) = a forum established by Mughal emperor Akbar (d. 1605), wherepeople from different religions and ereeds gathered to discuss various branchesof learning especially religion.

'Id (Arabie) = lit. return; used to refer to two celebrations: one at the end the fastingmonth ofRamaeJan; and the other on the tenth day of the month ofDhu al-Hijjaof the Islamie Calendar.

ijtihad (Arabie) = reinterpretation of religious concept aeeording to the needs of time.

imam (Arabie) = a leader ofprayer; head of a eommunity; a founder of Islamie schooloflaw.

in &iim (Urdu) = prizes.

in1anders (Duteh) = natives.

inlandsche school (Dutch) = vernacular school.

katlr(Arabie) = unbeliever.

kaliim (Arabie) = theology

kaum muda(Indonesia) = ''the young group"; a term applied to proponents ofreformistmovements emerging in Indonesia in the early t\ventieth eentury.

kaum adat(Indonesia) = "the eustom group"; a term applied to proponents ofIndigenouseustoms.

khanqah (Arabie) = hospice for Sufis.

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136

kha!lb (Arabie) = Friday or 1dsermon (khu!ba) giver.

kitab kuning (Indonesia) = lit. yellow book; books used in the pesantren system.

kyai(Javanese) = a teaeher in the pesantren or any Islamic scholar in general,partieularly in Java and Madura. In other areas, the terms buya or labai are morecommon.

langggar(Indonesian) =a mosque not used for a Friday prayer.

madrasa (Arabie) = a sehool where Islamie sciences are taught.

maktab (Arabie) = a school devoted to an elementary Islamie education.

mantiq (Arabie) = logie.

ma&rifa (Arabie) = Divine knowledge.

masjid(Arabie) = mosque; In Indonesia the term is used to refer to a mosque used fordaily as weIl as Friday prayers.

mau/vIor mawlaw1 (Urdu, from Arabie) = a learned man, a graduate in theology.

MAOC [Muhammadan-Anglo Oriental College] = An insitution founded in Aligarh in1877 to realize A4mad Khân's ideas on educational reform.

MULO [Meer Uitgebreid Lager Onderwijs] = Lower Seeondary School.

mlll1~if(Urdu) = lower-Ieveljudge in the Department of Justice of the Britishgovernment in India.

Nadwat al-'Ulama' = An institution founded in Luclmow in 1894 as an effort ta reetifythe low quality of religious education in the MAOe.

na.{1w(Arabie) = syntax (grammar).

na'ib munshi(Urdu) = assistant secretary in the Department of Justice of the Britishgovemment in India.

nechan(Urdu) = naturist.

NU = Nahdlatul Ularna, the Renaissance of 'Ulama', a well-known traditionalistorganization, established in Indonesia in 1926.

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OSVIA [Opleidings School voor Inlandsche Ambtenaren] (Dutch) = Training School forIndonesian OfficiaIs.

Persis = Persatuan Islam, a radical refonnist organization established in 1923.

pesantren (Indonesian, from Sanskrit) = an Islamie boarding school.

pondok(Indonesia) = residential housing in the pesantren system.

santri(Sanskrit) = students of the pesantren.

~a.rf(Arabic) = inflection (grammar).

saristhadir(Urdu) = recorder in the Department ofJustiee of the British government inIndia.

shaykh (Arabie) = a spiritual master; a teacher.

sorogan (Javanese) = a teaching method in the pesantren system where students Iearnedindividually.

STOVIA [School tot Opleiding van Inlandsche .Arstsen] (Dutch) = the Javanese MedicalSchool.

tafsJr(Arabic) = a commentary on the Qur'an.

Tahdhlb al-Akhlaq (Arabie) = refonns of morals; the journal esrablished by SayyidA1Jmad Khan in 1870.

ta &Um (Arabie) = intellectual training.

tamghas (Urdu, Turkish) = medals.

taq/id(Arabic) = a blind aeceptance ofsomeone's opinion.

tarbiya (Arabie) = moral training.

ta$awwuf(Arabic) = mysticism.

umma (Arabie) = community.

~üJal-fiqh (Arabie) = lit. "roots ofjurisprudence"; the basis ofIslamie Law. Among theSunnlS they are: the Qur'an, 1}adIth (acts and statements of the Prophet), qiyiïs(analogy), and ijma' (consensus or agreement).

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volkschool (Dutch) = village school.

wahhabl (Arabie) = a sect of Muslim puritant revivalists, founded in the eighteenthcentury in Najd, Saudi Arabia, by MlÙJ.ammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab (1703-1792).

zamindar(Urdu) = landlord.

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