union budget 2011-2012 shyam benegal film-maker … · shyam benegal film-maker “the king’s...

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RANAB MUKHERJEE has presented his sixth budget. He has begun his sixth decade in politics. He’s widely credited with possessing an administrative sixth sense. He belongs to a group of six vet- eran non-Nehru/Gandhi politicians who can be considered as the heaviest of heavyweights; the other five being Manmohan Singh, Atal Bihari Vajpay- ee, LK Advani, M Karunanidhi, and Jyoti Basu, who died last year. But Mukherjee is the only politician in this group of six you would hesitate to call a game changer. What is Mukherjee’s signature contribution to politics and government? Answering this question is a struggle. Therefore, the Pranab Paradox: Why is a thor- oughly intelligent, formidably knowl- edgeable, extremely powerful politi- cian in what is surely the last phase of his long career in this position? You think Manmohan Singh and sig- nature contribution, and you think reforms and the nuclear deal. You think Vajpayee and you think first sta- ble non-Congress government and for- eign policy breakthroughs. Advani: rath yatra and Hindutva. Basu: the communist ‘buy out’ of Bengal. Karunanidhi: refining and immensely strengthening Annadurai’s Dravidian ‘social justice’ politics and Chennai becoming a political force in Delhi. Pranab Mukherjee …? A new direct taxes code (DTC) and GST? Had there been a revolutionary rewrite of the tax text, then that effort, backed by the weight of the rest of Mukherjee’s career, perhaps could have solved the Pranab Paradox. The budget has announced the date for DTC, April 1, 2012. But note that the version of DTC that’s circulating now, which Mukherjee referred to, shows many signs of non-revolutionary change. Think of the first draft of the DTC. Compared to that, the current version has been compromised by bureaucratic roll backs. The final product, if it becomes law in April next year, is likely to be an improvement on the current rules – it can hardly get worse – but the new codified DTC is very unlikely to be a revolutionary rewrite. Mukherjee will most likely not be remembered as a finance minister who radically changed the tax game. That’s the man. He’s good at finding pragmatic solutions, at asking sharp questions of bureaucrats and political colleagues, of doing something smart inside the System. Doing something about the System, that’s not him. Even on matters inside the System, he’s cautious. Look at the way he men- tioned, during the budget speech, that bills on insurance, banking, pension, etc will be again put up. That was a fairly big announcement —the Con- gress was backing some reformist bills again. But Mukherjee’s delivery as well as the text of the budget speech, made every effort to drain all excite- ment out of it. Mukherjee was being reformist —but you had to listen very carefully to catch it. Mukherjee’s selection as finance minister in UPA-2 was in part thanks to the Congress leadership’s comfort factor with his “pragmatic” approach. Pragmatism is a good quality. But in Congress view, it also meant someone who won’t rock the boat, whatever the possible payoff. Of course, hundreds of Indian politicians, scores of them with a career as long Mukherjee’s, haven’t been anything close to being game changers. But Mukherjee does- n’t belong to that group. He’s part of a small, select group—that group of six— by virtue of his ability, influence and stature. Does his being a Congressman for almost his entire career – he left the Congress for a short while and came back, as AK Antony did – explain the Pranab Paradox? This is an interest- ing question because there’s a game changer Congressman, Manmohan Singh, in that group of six. Is Dr Singh the exception that proves the rule that it’s tough for non-Nehru/ Gandhi Congress leaders, however capable, to be true game changers? Dr Singh was picked in 1991 by Narasimha Rao and in 2004 by Sonia Gandhi to be, respectively, finance min- ister and prime minister under cir- cumstances that were almost unique. Minus those circumstances and the backing Dr Singh received from Rao and Sonia Gandhi, he wouldn’t have emerged as a game changer. Could it be argued, therefore, that the Pranab Paradox is explained, at least in part, by Mukherjee being a very smart politician who’s had to function under the Nehru-Gandhis? But let’s not overstate the Nehru- Gandhi factor. Mukherjee seems con- tent with being an able adviser. A ques- tion often asked by his fans—what if he had become PM—is also less rele- vant than it seems. The political nature of the man is such that even as the top boss, he might not have under- taken what Dr Singh did during the pursuit of the nuclear deal. Dr Singh had to contend with not just fierce Opposition criticism but also noisy intra-party rumbles. Almost nothing Mukherjee has done, including this budget, has produced rumbles in the Congress. This wasn’t a bad budget. It was clever in some ways. But it was risk averse. Although, with growth news so good, this was a chance for him to do something radical. The budget was another example of the Pranab Paradox. SAUBHIK CHAKRABARTI TONGUE-IN-CHEEK When Madam calls, I instinctively stand up. Which is how I got the bump on my head. She called when I was sitting inside a car riding from North Block to South Block MADAM SAID, “HAVE YOU started making the Budget?” My head spinning in pain, I said, “Yes Madam.” “Please keep the aam aadmi in mind when you make the Bud- get,” she said and clicked off. “Of course Madam, yes I will,” I said. Madam is very fond of the aam aadmi. She always says that the aam aadmi voted us into power. Madam is always correct. I too am very fond of the aam aad- mi. Before this Budget, I want to meet him to know what he wants. But as you know my schedule is very busy. And I have to meet many people before the Budget. During the first meeting when everyone sat down, I said, “Look I’m looking for the aam aadmi. Are you the aam aadmi?” “Yes,” said everyone. “Good, what do you want?” “I want zero taxes for all aam aadmi whose incomes are above `20 crore.” “Done, next.” “No taxes on iron.” “Done.” “None on oil, please.” “Done.” “I’d like a port.” “He wants a port? I want an airport.” “Good, good. Done, next.” “I want some spectrum.” “What’s that?” I asked. “Sir, never mind what. You can’t see it, you can’t touch it, can I get it?” “You got it. Next.” “I’d like a few mines.” “You got them.” “I’d like interest rates to go down to zero.” “Zero, you got it.” “Could you sell some government companies to me?” “Sure, why not?” “If you’re selling those compa- nies to him, will you sell me some as well?” “Of course, of course.” “If you don’t mind, I’m a little short of cash right now. So maybe you could loan a few of those companies to me for now. I’ll pay you back later. Promise.” “Sure. But why are you short of cash?” “Sir, the aam aadmi is always short of cash. And I blew mine buying an airline and a cricket team.” Everybody around the table moaned in sympathy. Me, I don’t have time to watch cricket. “Alright everybody. Is that all?” “Thank you sir, you are so kind,” said everyone and walked out. I turned to my secretary, whose face had turned a horrible shade of purple. “What’s the matter, Chakrabarty? Have you got dyspepsia? Here have some Gelusil. I always keep some in my drawer.” “Thank you sir,” said Chakrabar- ty, gulping Gelusil, “But what did you just do?” I felt a warm glow of satisfaction come over me, “A Budget for aam aadmi. That’s what we’re going to have this year. Madam will be so happy.” ABHEEK BARMAN Non Taxing UNION BUDGET 2011-2012 20 THE ECONOMIC TIMES | TUESDAY | 1 MARCH 2011 “Doubling the salary of anganwadi workers, more money for education and cash transfers for the poor, are big positives. Now, you have to implement them well” SHYAM BENEGAL Film-maker The King’s Speech was a solid, hardworking, non-flashy film that won 4 Oscars... The FM’s speech could share the same adjectives” DEREK O’BRIEN Quizmaster & author f lip side Different FM Tunes the Some conversational tweaks, some contrarian tweets, some good-humoured liberties taken while guessing the future, and puzzling over a paradox. Therefore, no numbers, no charts, just some interesting thoughts, funny & serious Too Cautious? Too Old? And no Direction? A Peek At Pranab’s Past Through Pictures A newly married Pranab Mukherjee with his wife (left); at a meeting with VP Singh (centre); on his way to present one his early budgets (right) From the book Pranab Mukherjee - The All Season Man by Sukhendu Sekhar Ray Pranab Paradox: He’s Smart, He’s Powerful, But Never A Game Changer SushmaSwarajBJP It is a conservative Budget. The Budget does not reflect a big thought. Only a ritual has been performed narendramodi UPA Government’s budget is an attempt to conceal its all round failures and directionless governance kiranshaw A "play it safe" budget with no bold reforms announced bibekdebroy This is country's 80th budget. Budget is old now. Time to die, as an institution. And hype...Who is being helped by reduc- ing senior citizen threshold to 60? Why is very senior citizen 80? chetan_bhagat Budget Simplified: What- ever squeezed from loser taxpayers - whatever we can steal - subsidies to keep vote bank=deficit Budget analysis at its shortest. A sampling of tweets critical of FM’s effort or budget hype in general. From BJP politicians, industry leaders, economists and writers What the Aam Aadmi Wants, the Aam Aadmi Gets SALAM BUDGET TWEETS WWW.ECONOMICTIMES.COM I n d Ian Overseas Ban k Since 1937 Touching heart s lOB has reached S readi n smiles out to millions in India and across the world As we enter our 75 th year, we rededicate _______ ourselves to bring Sm ite on the face of every Indian. 1. chi dam baram Chetty ar

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Page 1: UNION BUDGET 2011-2012 SHYAM BENEGAL Film-maker … · SHYAM BENEGAL Film-maker “The King’s Speech was a solid, hardworking, non-flashy film that won 4 Oscars... The FM’s speech

RANAB MUKHERJEE has presented his sixthbudget. He has begun hissixth decade in politics.He’s widely credited with

possessing an administrative sixthsense. He belongs to a group of six vet-eran non-Nehru/Gandhi politicianswho can be considered as the heaviestof heavyweights; the other five beingManmohan Singh, Atal Bihari Vajpay-ee, LK Advani, M Karunanidhi, andJyoti Basu, who died last year.

But Mukherjee is the only politicianin this group of six you would hesitateto call a game changer. What isMukherjee’s signature contribution topolitics and government? Answeringthis question is a struggle. Therefore,the Pranab Paradox: Why is a thor-

oughly intelligent, formidably knowl-edgeable, extremely powerful politi-cian in what is surely the last phase ofhis long career in this position?

You think Manmohan Singh and sig-nature contribution, and you thinkreforms and the nuclear deal. Youthink Vajpayee and you think first sta-ble non-Congress government and for-eign policy breakthroughs. Advani:rath yatra and Hindutva. Basu: thecommunist ‘buy out’ of Bengal.Karunanidhi: refining and immenselystrengthening Annadurai’s Dravidian‘social justice’ politics and Chennaibecoming a political force in Delhi.Pranab Mukherjee …? A new directtaxes code (DTC) and GST?

Had there been a revolutionaryrewrite of the tax text, then that effort,backed by the weight of the rest ofMukherjee’s career, perhaps couldhave solved the Pranab Paradox. Thebudget has announced the date forDTC, April 1, 2012. But note that theversion of DTC that’s circulating now,which Mukherjee referred to, showsmany signs of non-revolutionarychange.

Think of the first draft of the DTC.Compared to that, the current versionhas been compromised by bureaucraticroll backs. The final product, if itbecomes law in April next year, is likelyto be an improvement on the currentrules – it can hardly get worse – but thenew codified DTC is very unlikely tobe a revolutionary rewrite. Mukherjeewill most likely not be remembered asa finance minister who radicallychanged the tax game.

That’s the man. He’s good at finding

pragmatic solutions, at asking sharpquestions of bureaucrats and politicalcolleagues, of doing something smartinside the System. Doing somethingabout the System, that’s not him.

Even on matters inside the System,he’s cautious. Look at the way he men-tioned, during the budget speech, thatbills on insurance, banking, pension,etc will be again put up. That was afairly big announcement —the Con-gress was backing some reformist billsagain. But Mukherjee’s delivery aswell as the text of the budget speech,made every effort to drain all excite-ment out of it. Mukherjee was beingreformist —but you had to listen verycarefully to catch it.

Mukherjee’s selection as financeminister in UPA-2 was in part thanksto the Congress leadership’s comfortfactor with his “pragmatic” approach.

Pragmatism is a good quality. But inCongress view, it also meant someonewho won’t rock the boat, whatever thepossible payoff. Of course, hundreds of Indian politicians, scores of themwith a career as long Mukherjee’s,haven’t been anything close to beinggame changers. But Mukherjee does-n’t belong to that group. He’s part ofa small, select group—that group ofsix— by virtue of his ability, influenceand stature.

Does his being a Congressman foralmost his entire career – he left theCongress for a short while and cameback, as AK Antony did – explain thePranab Paradox? This is an interest-ing question because there’s a gamechanger Congressman, ManmohanSingh, in that group of six.

Is Dr Singh the exception that provesthe rule that it’s tough for non-Nehru/Gandhi Congress leaders, howevercapable, to be true game changers?

Dr Singh was picked in 1991 byNarasimha Rao and in 2004 by SoniaGandhi to be, respectively, finance min-ister and prime minister under cir-cumstances that were almost unique.Minus those circumstances and thebacking Dr Singh received from Raoand Sonia Gandhi, he wouldn’t haveemerged as a game changer. Could it beargued, therefore, that the PranabParadox is explained, at least in part,by Mukherjee being a very smartpolitician who’s had to function underthe Nehru-Gandhis?

But let’s not overstate the Nehru-Gandhi factor. Mukherjee seems con-tent with being an able adviser. A ques-tion often asked by his fans—what ifhe had become PM—is also less rele-vant than it seems. The politicalnature of the man is such that even asthe top boss, he might not have under-taken what Dr Singh did during thepursuit of the nuclear deal. Dr Singhhad to contend with not just fierceOpposition criticism but also noisyintra-party rumbles.

Almost nothing Mukherjee has done,including this budget, has producedrumbles in the Congress. This wasn’t abad budget. It was clever in some ways.But it was risk averse. Although, withgrowth news so good, this was a chancefor him to do something radical. Thebudget was another example of thePranab Paradox.

SAUBHIK CHAKRABARTI

TONGUE-IN-CHEEK

When Madam calls, Iinstinctively standup. Which is how Igot the bump on myhead. She calledwhen I was sittinginside a car ridingfrom North Block toSouth Block

MADAM SAID, “HAVE YOU started making the Budget?” My head spinning in pain, I said,“Yes Madam.” “Please keep the aam aadmi inmind when you make the Bud-get,” she said and clicked off.“Of course Madam, yes I will,” I said.Madam is very fond of the aamaadmi. She always says that theaam aadmi voted us into power.Madam is always correct. I too am very fond of the aam aad-mi. Before this Budget, I want tomeet him to know what he wants. But as you know my schedule isvery busy. And I have to meetmany people before the Budget. During the first meeting wheneveryone sat down, I said, “LookI’m looking for the aam aadmi.Are you the aam aadmi?”“Yes,” said everyone.“Good, what do you want?”“I want zero taxes for all aamaadmi whose incomes are above`20 crore.”“Done, next.”“No taxes on iron.”“Done.”“None on oil, please.”“Done.”“I’d like a port.”“He wants a port? I want an

airport.”“Good, good. Done, next.”“I want some spectrum.”“What’s that?” I asked.“Sir, never mind what. You can’t seeit, you can’t touch it, can I get it?”“You got it. Next.”“I’d like a few mines.”“You got them.”“I’d like interest rates to go downto zero.” “Zero, you got it.”“Could you sell some governmentcompanies to me?”“Sure, why not?”“If you’re selling those compa-nies to him, will you sell me someas well?”“Of course, of course.”“If you don’t mind, I’m a littleshort of cash right now. Somaybe you could loan a few ofthose companies to me for now.I’ll pay you back later. Promise.”“Sure. But why are you short ofcash?”“Sir, the aam aadmi is alwaysshort of cash. And I blew minebuying an airline and a cricketteam.”Everybody around the tablemoaned in sympathy. Me, I don’thave time to watch cricket.“Alright everybody. Is that all?”“Thank you sir, you are so kind,”said everyone and walked out.I turned to my secretary, whoseface had turned a horrible shadeof purple. “What’s the matter, Chakrabarty?Have you got dyspepsia? Herehave some Gelusil. I always keepsome in my drawer.”“Thank you sir,” said Chakrabar-ty, gulping Gelusil, “But what didyou just do?”I felt a warm glow of satisfactioncome over me, “A Budget for aamaadmi. That’s what we’re going tohave this year. Madam will be sohappy.”

ABHEEK BARMAN

Non TaxingUNION BUDGET 2011-2012

20

THE ECONOMIC TIMES | TUESDAY | 1 MARCH 2011

“Doubling the salary of anganwadi workers,more money for education and cashtransfers for the poor, are big positives.Now, you have to implement them well”

SHYAM BENEGALFilm-maker

“The King’s Speech was a solid,hardworking, non-flashy film thatwon 4 Oscars... The FM’s speechcould share the same adjectives”

DEREK O’BRIENQuizmaster & author

flip side

Different FM Tunes

the

Some conversational tweaks, some contrarian tweets, some good-humoured liberties taken while guessing the future,and puzzling over a paradox. Therefore, no numbers, no charts, just some interesting thoughts, funny & serious

Too Cautious?Too Old? Andno Direction?

A Peek At Pranab’s Past Through Pictures

A newly married Pranab Mukherjee with his wife (left); at a meeting with VPSingh (centre); on his way to present one his early budgets (right) —From the book Pranab Mukherjee - The All Season Man by Sukhendu Sekhar Ray

Pranab Paradox:He’s Smart, He’sPowerful, But NeverA Game Changer

SushmaSwarajBJP

It is a conservative Budget. The Budget does

not reflect a big thought. Only a ritualhas been performed

narendramodi

UPA Government’s budget is an attempt to

conceal its all round failures and directionless governance

kiranshaw

A "play it safe" budget withno bold reforms announced

bibekdebroy

This is country's 80thbudget. Budget is old

now. Time to die, as an institution. Andhype...Who is being helped by reduc-ing senior citizen threshold to 60? Whyis very senior citizen 80?

chetan_bhagat

Budget Simplified: What-ever squeezed from loser

taxpayers - whatever we can steal -subsidies to keep vote bank=deficit

Budget analysis at its shortest.A sampling of tweets criticalof FM’s effort or budget hype in general. From BJPpoliticians, industry leaders,economists and writers

What the AamAadmi Wants, theAam Aadmi Gets

SALAM

B U D G E T T W E E T S

*ETDCD10311/ /20/K/1*

*ETDCD10311/ /20/K/1*ETDCD10311/1R1/20/K/1

*ETDCD10311/ /20/Y/1*

*ETDCD10311/ /20/Y/1*ETDCD10311/1R1/20/Y/1

*ETDCD10311/ /20/M/1*

*ETDCD10311/ /20/M/1*ETDCD10311/1R1/20/M/1

*ETDCD10311/ /20/C/1*

*ETDCD10311/ /20/C/1*ETDCD10311/1R1/20/C/1

WWW.ECONOMICTIMES.COM

I n d Ian Overseas Ban k Since 1937Touching heart s lOB has reached

S readi n smiles out to millions in India andacross the world

As we enter our 75th year, we rededicate

_______ourselves to bring Smite on the face of every Indian.

1. chidambaram Chettyar