united states criminal justice system: correcting corruption
DESCRIPTION
With the help of Karl Marx and Michelle Alexander, I outline the problems associated with America's current criminal "justice" system, as well as a consequential plan of action.TRANSCRIPT
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Robert S. Marcus [ ]1
United States Criminal Justice System: Correcting Corruption
According to a recent study by the U.S. Census: African Americans make up a
whopping 43% of our total prison population. One of every twenty-Cive African
American males is in jail. And more African Americans are incarcerated in the U.S.
than the total prison populations in India, Argentina, Canada, Lebanon, Japan,
Germany, Finland, Israel and England combined (Moore 1).
These alarming statistics raise a very important question: Is the United Stated
criminal justice system racist?
In her book, The New Jim Crow, Michelle Alexander makes a very legitimate
and assertive argument in response to this question. She criticizes our corrupt penal
system, claiming that it has subjected our societyespecially African American
malesto mass incarceration, which she describes as a new racial caste system as
stunningly comprehensive and repressive as the one that came to be known simply
as Jim Crow (Alexander 18).
Consequently, she believes that this racial caste system actively oppresses
ethnic minorities by placing them in a more vulnerable position where theyre much
more likely to be targeted and arrested by police.
Alexander raises a very valid point. Although race issues have improved
considerably in the last Cifty years, it would be purely ignorant to believe that we
have entirely overcome them. With that being said, its only logical to consider the
possibility of racism, consequently, infecting various facets of our criminal justice
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Robert S. Marcus [ ]2
system. Sowhy doesnt the law deny law enforcers the ability to impose such
bigotry?
Unfortunately, it actually does the complete opposite. By law, police ofCicers
are granted decision-making power that allows them to decide if they want to
pursue police procedure or simply let someone off with a warning, otherwise
referred to as police discretion (Hirby 1). By application, cops are able to decide
(oftentimes independently) on the best way to deal with a given crime based on a
variety of factors and observations.
For example, if a police ofCicer pulls over two separate drivers for driving
twenty miles per hour over the speed limit; according to the law, the ofCicer should
issue a speeding ticket to each of the drivers. However, by using his or her discretion,
the ofCicer might sympathize with one of the drivers for some particular reason, let
him off with a warning, and then issue a speeding ticket to the other driver who
committed the exact same offense.
Who knows why the ofCicer decided to enforce the law on only one of the
drivers and not the other. Perhaps the ofCicer was racist and the driver was black;
sexist and the driver was a woman; or homophobic and the driver was gay. Although
the ofCicer cannot legally consider any of these factors when making a discretionary
decision, how could anyone prove otherwise? Of course he wouldnt admit that his
reasoning was discriminatory.
Herein lies one of the main problems of our criminal justice system: the
police have too much autonomy. Laws should not be situational. Law enforcement
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Robert S. Marcus [ ]3
should not be subjective. Two people should not face different consequences for the
same crime.
So, returning to the central question at hand, could our criminal justice
system really be racist?
It may very well be. Perhaps police ofCicers truly are abusing their power and
treating African Americans unfairly. Perhaps police discretion is just a way for law
enforcers to disguise and justify their racist behaviors. As disappointing as it sounds
perhaps we really do resemble a racial caste system.
But what if it isnt? Maybe this is just another case of unwarranted race
cards. Maybe African American males legitimately commit the most crimes and
thats why they're arrested at such a high rate.
With our current system, its awfully hard to tell. The only way to know for
sure is to make some changes. We need to make laws absolute, punishments
deCinite, and authorities dependable.
Police ofCicers should be enforcers of the law, not deciders of the law. If youre
found with illegal drugs, you must be arrested; pulled over for speeding, you must be
given a ticket; caught stealing, you must be charged appropriately. Every single
crime must be associated with a speciCic and guaranteed line of actionallowing for
absolutely no discrepancy between identical offenses. By doing so, we could
eliminate the possibility of any injustice within a law enforcers course of action.
For this to work, however, a few revisions must be made to the laws that are
currently in place and enforceable. First, we must narrow the scope and streamline
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Robert S. Marcus [ ]4
the interpretation of many of these laws. If they are all to be enforced
unconditionally, we must make sure that they're all clearly understood and do not
leave room for interpretation. In addition, many of these laws should be divided into
several more speciCic sub-laws to make sure that theoretically identical crimes are
actually identical, and therefore deserve the same predetermined punishment.
Second, we must get rid of all unnecessary laws, or in other words, laws for
minor crimes that are not of notable harm or danger to others. By doing so, wed
dramatically decrease processing costs, depopulate jails, and ensure that only real
criminals are being arrested. As Michelle Alexander points out, "All people make
mistakes. All of us are sinners. All of us are criminals. All of us violate the law at
some point in our lives" (Alexander 215). Therefore, if we are to create a system
where the law is undeniably the law, we must leave room for people to make
mistakes and be human. In turn, we can focus on the real criminals in the most
objective and unbiased way possible.
After implementing this system, if statistics still show that African American
males are being arrested disproportionally; well, then African American males are
simply committing a disproportionate number of crimes. There is no room for
debate in this situation and thus, no room for controversy.
The important obstacle in this reform is not what to change, however. Its
very clear what needs to be changed. The problem is how. How do wethe victims
of this corrupt systemoverpower the system itself?
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Robert S. Marcus [ ]5
In The Communist Manifesto, German philosopher Karl Marx discusses the
eventual destruction of the dominant class of his time, the bourgeois, and
subsequent rise of the wage-workers, or the proletariat class. Although his ideals are
Communistic in nature, the issues at hand are very similar to ours and his plan of
action offers us an extremely valuable guide for the development of ours.
So, for the sake of my comparison, the bourgeois class is parallel to the racism
within our society (the driving force of these issues), while the proletariat class is
parallel to the victims and opponents of todays corrupt penal system. Because, just
as the growth of the bourgeois caused the decay of the proletariats condition; the
more prominent racial tensions are in todays society, the more victimized and
defenseless we are to it.
Marx explains that as the weaker party endures this exploitation over an
extended period, the vigor and passion of their revolution will slowly (yet Ciercely)
build up until it becomes massive enough for them to triumph over the stronger
party: "what the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, is its own grave-diggers.
Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable" (Marx 94).
So, in order to initiate a reversal in our relationship with racism, we must
come together as one passionate, uniCied, and determined force.
But, to achieve this, wed have to become genuinely colorblind to each others
ethnic, cultural, and individual differenceswhich would prove itself as quite the
feat. Marx acknowledges that before the proletariat can progress, they must abolish
capitalism, or private property; so, for us, we must abolish racism and prejudice all
together, which would destroy many of our issues on its own.
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Robert S. Marcus [ ]6
Once we have ofCicially defeated these racial tensions; well have a much more
uniCied society, more objective and impartial law enforcers, and therefore, less
targeting and victimizing. From there, we could then implement the revised system
that we discussed earlier and (ideally) have an effective criminal justice system that
we could actually agree with.
Nonetheless, the fact of the matter is that the real problem with America is
actually racism.
Not government. Not law enforcement. Not crime. Not the law.
Although there are certainly a number of changes that can be made to
improve many aspects of our society, including our criminal justice system, none of
those changes can be effectively implemented until we Cix the bigger problem facing
us.
But its frightening how unrealistic that seems.
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Robert S. Marcus [ ]7
Works Cited
Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of
Colorblindness. 2011. Print.
Hirby, J. "Police Discretion Definition." The Law Dictionary. Law Dictionary. Web. 12
May 2015.
Marx, Karl, Friedrich Engels, Samuel Moore, and David McLellan. The Communist
Manifesto. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992. Print.
Moore, Antonio. "The Black Male Incarceration Problem Is Real and It's Catastrophic."
Editorial. Huffington Post. Ed. Arriana Huffington. 17 Feb. 2015. Web. 12 May
2015.