UNO - United Nations Organization

Founded in 1945 after the Second World War by 51 countries, committed to maintaining

international peace and security.

Mission

The United Nations Organization is an international Organization founded in 1945 after the

Second World War by 51 countries committed to maintaining international peace and security,

developing friendly relations among nations and promoting social progress, better living

standards and human rights.

UNHQ in New York, where 192 countries meet to solve international problems in a consensual

manner.

Due to its unique international character, and the powers vested in its founding Charter, the

Organization can take action on a wide range of issues, and provide a forum for its 192 Member

States to express their views through the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic

and Social Council and other bodies and committees.

Structure

The Charter established six main bodies of the United Nations Organization: The General

Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Council, The

International Court of Justice and the Secretariat.

The Interpretation Service

The Interpretation Service is part of the Department for General Assembly and Conference

Management (DGACM). With more than 1100 staff members in New York and 2200

worldwide, including the conference-serving staff based in Geneva, Vienna and Nairobi, the

DGACM is one of the largest departments in the Organization. The six official languages of the

United Nations are: Arabic, Chinese, English, French Russian and Spanish.

Staffing

New York : 106 staff interpreters (27 Arabic booth, 26 Chinese booth, 21 French booth, 23

English booth, 22 Russian booth, 20 Spanish booth). Staff interpreters work 7 sessions per week

(sometimes 8). The Chief Interpreter is D1 and there are 5 P5s per booth. Given the high

workload, many freelance interpreters need to be recruited for all the booths. Since January

2010, work has been underway to remove asbestos from the Headquarters building and so the

majority of meetings are being held in temporary buildings. The new booths are much more

comfortable than the old booths.

Geneva : 95 staff interpreters (15 Arabic booth, 15 Chinese booth, 17 French booth, 19 English

booth, 14 Russian booth, 15 Spanish booth). Staff interpreters work 7 sessions a week

(sometimes 8). The Chief Interpreter is D1, Heads of Booth are P5 and there are several P5s per

booth. Many freelance interpreters are recruited all year round. 26 staff interpreters are members

of AIIC.

Vienna : 22 (5 Arabic booth, 5 Chinese booth, 3 French booth, 1 English booth, 4 Spanish

booth, 4 Russian booth). 4 interpreters are members of AIIC. Staff interpreters work 7 sessions a

week (6 for Heads of Booth) and freelancers work 8. The Chief Interpreter and the Heads of

Booth are P5.

Nairobi : 14 staff interpreters (3 Arabic booth, 3 Chinese booth, 2 French booth, 2 English

booth, 2 Spanish booth, 2 Russian booth). The Chief Interpreter is P5.

Work

Vienna : most meetings are technical (space, nuclear, international law, drugs..). All meeting are

in simultaneous. The workload is similar for all booths. UN interpreters do not do any

translation.

Geneva : several UN bodies and agencies are based in Geneva, including the Human Rights

Council, The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Economic Commission

for Europe, The Conference on Disarmament, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human

Rights and the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees. The topics covered are very

diverse (legal, humanitarian, political, technical). Interpreters accompany Special Rapporteurs

for Human Rights on country missions and travel to work at UN conferences such as meetings of

the Framework Convention on Climate Change.

New York : Diverse topics are dealt with (political, technical, scientific, legal, humanitairian,

environmental, disarmament, gender issues …). New York is the head quarters of the Securtiy

Council so many meetings are linked to its work.

Nairobi : UNEP and UN-HABITAT are based in Nairobi, so there are many environmental

meetings. Staff interpreters also work for regional meetings and UN conferences around the

globe.

Recruitment Conditions and Benefits

In order to be recruited as a staff interpreter, a university degree is required and the candidate

must pass the UN competitive examination. AIIC members are automatically recruited at P3

level. The contractual regime has just been changed, formerly contracts were for 2 years of

probation and then permanent, now contracts are continuing and renewable.

Benefits: staff interpreters enjoy the following key benefits and allowances:

Dependency allowances : currently 2 686.00 dollars/year for each dependent family

member meeting the criteria;

Affiliation to the UN Staff Joint Pension Fund;

Rental subsidy, when recruited or transferred if required;

Medical insurance.

UN staff members assigned to a duty station away from their country of origin enjoy the

following additional benefits:

Education grant, maximum of 25 949 dollars/school year for each child meeting the

criteria;

Home leave : once every two years, the UN pays travel costs for a staff member, spouse

and dependent children to go to the country of origin of the staff member;

Assignment grant and removal costs upon recruitment and separation payments on

retirement.

South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)

The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established with the

signing of the SAARC Charter in Dhaka on 8 December 1985.

The idea of regional cooperation in South Asia was first raised in November 1980. After

consultations, the foreign secretaries of the seven founding countries—Bangladesh,

Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka—met for the first time in

Colombo in April 1981.

Afghanistan became the newest member of SAARC at the 13th annual summit in

2005.

The Headquarters and Secretariat of the Association are at Kathmandu,

Nepal.

Principles

Cooperation within the framework of the SAARC shall be based on:

o Respect for the principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, political

independence, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and mutual

benefit.

o Such cooperation shall not be a substitute for bilateral and multilateral

cooperation but shall complement them.

o Such cooperation shall not be inconsistent with bilateral and multilateral

obligations.

Members of SAARC

SAARC comprises of eight member States:

o Afghanistan

o Bangladesh

o Bhutan

o India

o Maldives

o Nepal

o Pakistan

o Sri Lanka

There are currently nine Observers to SAARC, namely: (i) Australia; (ii) China; (iii) the

European Union; (iv) Iran; (v) Japan; (vi) the Republic of Korea; (vii) Mauritius; (viii)

Myanmar; and (ix) the United States of America.

Areas of Cooperation

Human Resource Development and Tourism

Agriculture and Rural Development

Environment, Natural Disasters and Biotechnology

Economic, Trade and Finance

Social Affairs

Information and Poverty Alleviation

Energy, Transport, Science and Technology

Education, Security and Culture and Others

The Objectives of the SAARC

To promote the welfare of the people of South Asia and to improve their quality of life.

To accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region

and to provide all individuals the opportunity to live in dignity and to realize their full

potentials.

To promote and strengthen collective self-reliance among the countries of South Asia.

To contribute to mutual trust, understanding and appreciation of one another’s

problems..

To promote active collaboration and mutual assistance in the economic, social, cultural,

technical and scientific fields.

To strengthen cooperation with other developing countries.

To strengthen cooperation among themselves in international forums on matters of

common interests; and

To cooperate with international and regional organizations with similar aims and

purposes.

Principal Organs

Meeting of Heads of State or Government

o Meetings are held at the Summit level, usually on an annual basis.

Standing Committee of Foreign Secretaries

o The Committee provides overall monitoring and coordination, determines

priorities, mobilizes resources, and approves projects and financing.

Secretariat

o The SAARC Secretariat was established in Kathmandu on 16 January 1987. Its

role is to coordinate and monitor the implementation of SAARC activities, service

the meetings of the association and serve as a channel of communication between

SAARC and other international organizations.

o The Secretariat comprises the secretary-general, seven directors, and the general

services staff. The secretary-general is appointed by the Council of Ministers on

the principle of rotation, for a non-renewable tenure of three years.

SAARC Specialized Bodies

SAARC Development Fund (SDF): Its primary objective is funding of project-based

collaboration in social sectors such as poverty alleviation, development, etc.

o SDF is governed by a Board consisting of representatives from the Ministry of

Finance of the Member States. The Governing Council of SDF (Finance Ministers

of MSs) oversees the functioning of the Board.

South Asian University

o South Asian University (SAU) is an international university, located in India.

Degrees and Certificates awarded by the SAU are at par with the respective

Degrees and Certificates awarded by the National Universities/ Institutions.

South Asian Regional Standards Organization

o South Asian Regional Standards Organization (SARSO) has its Secretariat at

Dhaka, Bangladesh.

o It was established to achieve and enhance coordination and cooperation

among SAARC member states in the fields of standardization and conformity

assessment and is aimed to develop harmonized Standards for the region to

facilitate intra-regional trade and to have access in the global market.

SAARC Arbitration Council

o It is an inter-governmental body having its office in Pakistan is mandated to

provide a legal framework/forum within the region for fair and efficient

settlement of commercial, industrial, trade, banking, investment and such other

disputes, as may be referred to it by the member states and their people.

SAARC and its Importance

SAARC comprises 3% of the world's area, 21% of the world's population and 3.8%

(US$2.9 trillion) of the global economy.

Creating synergies: It is the world’s most densely populated region and one of the most

fertile areas. SAARC countries have common tradition, dress, food and culture and

political aspects thereby synergizing their actions.

Common solutions: All the SAARC countries have common problems and issues like

poverty, illiteracy, malnutrition, natural disasters, internal conflicts, industrial and

technological backwardness, low GDP and poor socio-economic condition and uplift

their living standards thereby creating common areas of development and progress

having common solutions.

SAARC Achievements

Free Trade Area (FTA): SAARC is comparatively a new organization in the global

arena. The member countries have established a Free Trade Area (FTA) which will

increase their internal trade and lessen the trade gap of some states considerably.

SAPTA: South Asia Preferential Trading Agreement for promoting trade amongst the

member countries came into effect in 1995.

SAFTA: A Free Trade Agreement confined to goods, but excluding all services like

information technology. Agreement was signed to reduce customs duties of all traded

goods to zero by the year 2016.

SAARC Agreement on Trade in Services (SATIS): SATIS is following the GATS-plus

'positive list' approach for trade in services liberalization.

SAARC University: Establish a SAARC university in India, a food bank and also an

energy reserve in Pakistan.

Significance for India

Neighborhood first: Primacy to the country’s immediate neighbors.

Geostrategic significance: Can counter China (OBOR initiative) through engaging

Nepal, Bhutan, the Maldives and Sri Lanka in development process and economic

cooperation.

Regional stability: SAARC can help in creation of mutual trust and peace within the

region.

Global leadership role: It offers India a platform to showcase its leadership in the region

by taking up extra responsibilities.

Game changer for India’s Act East Policy: by linking South Asian economies with

South East asian will bring further economic integration and prosperity to India mainly in

the Services Sector.

Challenges

Low frequency of meetings: More engagement is required by the member states and

instead of meeting biennial meetings should be held annually.

Broad area of cooperation leads to diversion of energy and resources.

Limitation in SAFTA: The implementation of SAFTA has not been satisfactory a Free

Trade Agreement confined to goods, excluding all services like information technology.

Indo-Pak Relations: Escalated tension and conflict between India and Pakistan have

severely hampered the prospects of SAARC.

Way Forward

In a region increasingly targeted by Chinese investment and loans, SAARC could be a

common platform to demand more sustainable alternatives for development, or to oppose

trade tariffs together, or to demand better terms for South Asian labour around the world.

SAARC, as an Organization, reflects the South Asian identity of the countries,

historically and contemporarily. This is a naturally made geographical identity. Equally,

there is a cultural, linguistic, religious and culinary affinity that defines South Asia.

The potential of Organization to maintain peace and stability in the region should be

explored by all the member countries.

SAARC should be allowed to progress naturally and the people of South Asia, who make

up a quarter of the world’s population should be offered more people-to-people contact.

ASEAN

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations is a regional intergovernmental organization

comprising ten countries in Southeast Asia, which promotes intergovernmental cooperation and

facilitates economic, political, security, military, educational, and sociocultural integration

among its members and other countries in Asia.

ASEAN also regularly engages other countries in the Asia-Pacific region and beyond. A major

partner of Shanghai Cooperation Organization, ASEAN maintains a global network of alliances

and dialogue partners and is considered by many as a global powerhouse, the central union for

cooperation in Asia-Pacific, and a prominent and influential organization. It is involved in

numerous international affairs, and hosts diplomatic missions throughout the world. The ASEAN

Secretariat is located at Jakarta, Indonesia.

History

ASEAN was preceded by an Organization formed on 31 July 1961 called the Association of

Southeast Asia (ASA), a group consisting of Thailand, the Philippines, and the Federation of

Malaya. ASEAN itself was created on 8 August 1967, when the foreign ministers of five

countries: Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, signed the ASEAN

Declaration. As set out in the Declaration, the aims and purposes of ASEAN are to accelerate

economic growth, social progress, and cultural development in the region, to promote regional

peace, collaboration and mutual assistance on matters of common interest, to provide assistance

to each other in the form of training and research facilities, to collaborate for better utilization of

agriculture and industry to raise the living standards of the people, to promote Southeast Asian

studies and to maintain close, beneficial co-operation with existing international Organizations

with similar aims and purposes.

The creation of ASEAN was motivated by a common fear of communism. The group achieved

greater cohesion in the mid-1970s following a change in the balance of power after the end of the

Vietnam War in 1975. The region's dynamic economic growth during the 1970s strengthened the

organization, enabling ASEAN to adopt a unified response to Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia in

1979. ASEAN's first summit meeting, held in Bali, Indonesia in 1976, resulted in an agreement

on several industrial projects and the signing of a Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, and a

Declaration of Concord. The end of the Cold War allowed ASEAN countries to exercise greater

political independence in the region, and in the 1990s ASEAN emerged as a leading voice on

regional trade and security issues.[22]

Expansion

In 1984, Brunei became ASEAN's sixth member and on 28 July 1995, Vietnam joined as the

seventh member. Laos and Myanmar (formerly Burma) joined two years later on 23 July 1997.

Cambodia was to join at the same time as Laos and Myanmar, but an internal political struggle

delayed its entry. It then joined on 30 April 1999 following the stabilization of its government.

Nascent Economic Cooperation

In 1990, Malaysia proposed the creation of an East Asia Economic Caucus[27]

composed of the

members of ASEAN, China, Japan, and South Korea. It intended to counterbalance the growing

US influence in Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and Asia as a whole.[28][29]

However, the proposal failed because of strong opposition from the US and Japan.[28][30]

Work

for further integration continued, and the ASEAN Plus Three, consisting of ASEAN, China,

Japan and South Korea, was created in 1997. In 1992, the Common Effective Preferential Tariff

(CEPT) scheme was adopted as a schedule for phasing out tariffs to increase the "region's

competitive advantage as a production base geared for the world market". This law would act as

the framework for the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), which is an agreement by member

states concerning local manufacturing in ASEAN. It was signed on 28 January 1992 in

Singapore.[31]

After the 1997 Asian financial crisis, a revival of the Malaysian proposal, known

as the Chiang Mai Initiative, was put forward in Chiang Mai, Thailand. It called for better

integration of the economies of ASEAN as well as the ASEAN Plus Three.

Nuclear Free ASEAN

The bloc also focused on peace and stability in the region. On 15 December 1995, the Southeast

Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty was signed to turn Southeast Asia into a nuclear-

weapon-free zone. The treaty took effect on 28 March 1997 after all but one of the member states

had ratified it. It became fully effective on 21 June 2001 after the Philippines ratified it,

effectively banning all nuclear weapons in the region.[32]

A similar treaty was signed in 2017,

however, Singapore abstained from the vote.[33]

The ASEAN Charter

On 15 December 2008, member states met in Jakarta to launch a charter, signed in November

2007, to move closer to "an EU-style community".[34]

The charter turned ASEAN into a legal

entity and aimed to create a single free-trade area for the region encompassing 500 million

people. President of Indonesia Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono stated: "This is a momentous

development when ASEAN is consolidating, integrating, and transforming itself into a

community. It is achieved while ASEAN seeks a more vigorous role in Asian and global affairs

at a time when the international system is experiencing a seismic shift". Referring to climate

change and economic upheaval, he concluded: "Southeast Asia is no longer the bitterly divided,

war-torn region it was in the 1960s and 1970s".

The financial crisis of 2007–2008 was seen as a threat to the charter's goals,[35]

and also set forth

the idea of a proposed human rights body to be discussed at a future summit in February 2009.

This proposition caused controversy, as the body would not have the power to impose sanctions

or punish countries which violated citizens' rights and would, therefore, be limited in

effectiveness.[36]

The body was established later in 2009 as the ASEAN Intergovernmental

Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). In November 2012, the commission adopted the

ASEAN Human Rights Declaration.[37]

The ASEAN Way

The "ASEAN Way" refers to a methodology or approach to solving issues that respects the

cultural norms of Southeast Asia. Masilamani and Peterson summarize it as "a working process

or style that is informal and personal. Policymakers constantly utilize compromise, consensus,

and consultation in the informal decision-making process... it above all prioritizes a consensus-

based, non-conflictual way of addressing problems. Quiet diplomacy allows ASEAN leaders to

communicate without bringing the discussions into the public view. Members avoid

embarrassment that may lead to further conflict."[38]

It has been said that the merits of the

ASEAN Way might "be usefully applied to global conflict management". However, critics have

argued that such an approach can be only applied to Asian countries, to specific cultural norms

and understandings notably, due to a difference in mindset and level of tension.[39]:pp113-118

Critics object, claiming that the ASEAN Way's emphasis on consultation, consensus, and non-

interference forces the Organization to adopt only those policies which satisfy the lowest

common denominator. Decision-making by consensus requires members to see eye-to-eye before

ASEAN can move forward on an issue. Members may not have a common conception of the

meaning of the ASEAN Way. Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos emphasize non-interference while

older member countries focus on co-operation and co-ordination. These differences hinder

efforts to find common solutions to particular issues, but also make it difficult to determine when

collective action is appropriate in a given situation.

ASEAN Plus Three was the first of attempts for further integration to improve existing ties with

China, Japan, and South Korea. This was followed by the even larger East Asia Summit (EAS),

which included ASEAN Plus Three as well as India, Australia, and New Zealand. This group

acted as a prerequisite for the planned East Asia Community which was supposedly patterned

after the now-defunct European Community. The ASEAN Eminent Persons Group was created

to study the possible successes and failures of this policy. In 2006, ASEAN was given observer

status at the United Nations General Assembly.[41]

In response, the Organization awarded the

status of "dialogue partner" to the UN.

The group became ASEAN Plus Six with Australia, New Zealand and India, and stands as the

linchpin of Asia Pacific's economic, political, security, socio-cultural architecture, as well as the

global economy.[43][44][45][46]

Codification of the relations between these countries has seen

progress through the development of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, a

proposed free-trade agreement involving the 16 countries of ASEAN Plus Six. RCEP would, in

part, allow the members to protect local sectors and give more time to comply with the aim for

developed country members.[47]

Taiwan has been excluded from participating with the organization owing to China's influence

on the Asia Pacific through its economic and diplomatic influence.[48]

Structure

Beginning in 1997, heads of each member state adopted the ASEAN Vision 2020 during the

group's 30th anniversary meeting held in Kuala Lumpur. This vision, as a means for the

realisation of a single ASEAN community, provides provisions on peace and stability, a nuclear-

free region, closer economic integration, human development, sustainable development, cultural

heritage, being a drug-free region, environment among others. The vision also aimed to "see an

outward-looking ASEAN playing a pivotal role in the international fora, and advancing

ASEAN's common interests".[49][50]

It was formalised and made comprehensive through the Bali

Concord II in 2003. Three major pillars of a single ASEAN community were established:

Political-Security Community (APSC), Economic Community (AEC) and Socio-Cultural

Community (ASCC).[51][9][52][53][54]

To fully embody the three pillars as part of the 2015

integration, blueprints for APSC and ASCC were subsequently adopted in 2009 in Cha-am,

Thailand.[55]

The ASEAN Community, initially planned to commence by 2020, was accelerated

to begin by 31 December 2015.[56]

It was decided during the 12th ASEAN Summit in Cebu in

2007.[57]

At the 23rd ASEAN Summit on November 2013, leaders decided to develop a post-2015 Vision

and created the High-Level Task Force (HLTF) that consists of ten high-level representatives

from all member states. The Vision was adopted at the 27th Summit on November 2015 in Kuala

Lumpur. The ASEAN community would revise and renew its vision every ten years to provide a

framework for continuous development and further integration. The terms in the Vision are

divided into four subcategories, namely APSC, AEC, ASCC, and Moving Forward. APSC issues

are covered under articles 7 and 8. The former generally states the overall aspiration of the

community aiming for a united, inclusive and resilient community. It also puts human and

environmental security as crucial points. Deepening engagement with both internal and external

parties are also stressed to contribute to international peace, security and stability.[58]

The

"Moving Forward" subcategory implies the acknowledgement of weaknesses of the institution's

capacity to process and coordinate ASEAN work. Strengthening ASEAN Secretariat and other

ASEAN organs and bodies is therefore desired. There is also a call for a higher level of ASEAN

institutional presence at the national, regional and international levels.

AEC Blueprint

ASEAN leaders sign the declaration of the ASEAN Economic Community during the 27th

ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur, 2015

The AEC aims to "implement economic integration initiatives" to create a single market for

member states.[59][60]

The blueprint that serves as a comprehensive guide for the establishment of

the community was adopted on 20 November 2007 at the 13th ASEAN Summit in

Singapore.[59][61]

Its characteristics include a single market and production base, a highly

competitive economic region, a region of fair economic development, and a region fully

integrated into the global economy. The areas of cooperation include human resources

development, recognition of professional qualifications, closer consultation economic policies,

enhanced infrastructure and communications connectivity, integrating industries for regional

sourcing, and strengthening private sector involvement. Through the free movement of skilled

labour, goods, services and investment, ASEAN would rise globally as one market, thus

increasing its competitiveness and opportunities for development.[62]

2020 ASEAN Banking Integration Framework

As trade is liberalised with the integration in 2015, the need arises for ASEAN banking

institutions to accommodate and expand their services to an intra-ASEAN market. Experts,

however, have already forecast a shaky economic transition, especially for smaller players in the

banking and financial services industry. Two separate reports by Standard & Poor's (S&P)

outline the challenges that ASEAN financial institutions face as they prepare for the 2020

banking integration.[c]

The reports point out that overcrowded banking sector in the Philippines is

expected to feel the most pressure as the integration welcomes tighter competition with bigger

and more established foreign banks.[63]

As a result, there needs to be a regional expansion by

countries with a small banking sector to lessen the impact of the post-integration environment. In

a follow-up report, S&P recently cited the Philippines for "shoring up its network bases and

building up capital ahead of the banking integration – playing defence and strengthening their

domestic networks".[63]

Financial integration roadmap

The roadmap for financial integration is the latest regional initiative that aims to strengthen local

self-help and support mechanisms. The roadmap's implementation would contribute to the

realisation of the AEC. Adoption of a common currency, when conditions are ripe, could be the

final stage of the AEC. The roadmap identifies approaches and milestones in capital market

development, capital account and financial services liberalisation, and ASEAN currency

cooperation. Capital market development entails promoting institutional capacity as well as the

facilitation of greater cross-border collaboration, linkages, and harmonisation between capital

markets. Orderly capital account liberalisation would be promoted with adequate safeguards

against volatility and systemic risks. To expedite the process of financial services liberalisation,

ASEAN has agreed on a positive list modality and adopted milestones to facilitate negotiations.

Currency cooperation would involve the exploration of possible currency arrangements,

including an ASEAN currency payment system for trade in local goods to reduce the demand for

US dollars and to help promote stability of regional currencies, such as by settling intra-ASEAN

trade using regional currencies.[64]

In regards to a common currency, ASEAN leaders agreed in November 1999 to create the

establishment of currency swaps and repurchase agreements as a credit line against future

financial shocks. In May 2000, ASEAN finance ministers agreed to plan for closer cooperation

through the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI).[65]

The CMI has two components, an expanded

ASEAN Swap Arrangement (ASA), and a network of bilateral swap arrangements among the

ASEAN Plus Three. The ASA preceded the 1997 Asian financial crisis and was originally

established by the monetary authorities of the five founding member states to help meet

temporary liquidity problems. The ASA now includes all ten member states with an expanded

facility of US$1 billion. In recognition of the economic interdependence of East Asia, which has

combined foreign exchange reserves amounting to about US$1 trillion, a network of bilateral

swap arrangements and repurchase agreements among the ASEAN Plus Three has been agreed

upon. The supplementary facility aims to provide temporary financing for member states with

balance-of-payments difficulties. In 2009, 16 bilateral swap arrangements (BSAs) were

concluded with a combined amount of about US$35.5 billion.[66]

The CMI was signed on 9

December 2009 and took effect on 20 March 2014 while the amended version, the

multilateralisation of CMI (CMIM), was on 17 July 2014. The CMIM is a multilateral currency

swap arrangement governed by a single contractual agreement. In addition, an independent

regional surveillance unit called the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO) was

established to monitor and analyse economies and to support the CMIM decision-making

process.[66]

The amendments would allow access for the ASEAN Plus Three and Hong Kong to

an enhanced CMIM package, which includes, among others, the doubling of the fund size from

US$120 billion to US$240 billion, an increase in the level of access not linked to an IMF

program from 20%–30%, and the introduction of a crisis prevention facility. These amendments

are expected to fortify CMIM as the region's financial safety net in the event of any potential or

actual liquidity difficulty.[67]

During peacetime, the AMRO would conduct annual consultations with individual member

economies and prepare quarterly-consolidated reports on the macroeconomic assessment of the

ASEAN+3 region and individual member countries. In a time of crisis, the AMRO would

prepare recommendations on any swap request based on macroeconomic analysis of a member

state and monitor the use and impact of funds once an application is approved. AMRO was

officially incorporated as a company limited by guarantee in Singapore on 20 April 2011.

Governance of AMRO is being exercised by the Executive Committee (EC) and its operational

direction by the Advisory Panel (AP). AMRO is currently headed by Dr Yoichi Nemoto of

Japan, who is serving his second two-year term until 26 May 2016.[66][64]

Food security

Member states recognise the importance of strengthening food security to maintain stability and

prosperity in the region.[68]

As ASEAN moves towards AEC and beyond, food security would be

an integral part of the community-building agenda.[69]

Strengthened food security is even more

relevant in light of potentially severe risks from climate change with agriculture and fisheries

being the most affected industries.[70]

Part of the aim of ASEAN integration is to achieve food security collectively via trade in rice

and maize. Trade facilitation measures and the harmonisation/equivalency of food regulation and

control standards would reduce the cost of trade in food products. While specialisation and

revealed comparative and competitive indices point to complementarities between trade patterns

among the member states, intra-ASEAN trade in agriculture is quite small, something that

integration could address.[71]

The MARKET project would provide flexible and demand-driven

support to the ASEAN Secretariat while bringing more private-sector and civil-society input into

regional agriculture policy dialogue. By building an environment that reduces barriers to trade,

ASEAN trade would increase, thereby decreasing the risk of food price crisis.[72]

APSC Blueprint

During the 14th ASEAN Summit, the group adopted the APSC Blueprint.[73]

This document is

aimed at creating a robust political-security environment within ASEAN, with programs and

activities outlined to establish the APSC by 2016. It is based on the ASEAN Charter, the

ASEAN Security Community Plan of Action, and the Vientiane Action Program. The APSC

aims to create a sense of responsibility toward comprehensive security and a dynamic, outward-

looking region in an increasingly integrated and interdependent world.

The ASEAN Defence Industry Collaboration (ADIC) was proposed at the 4th ASEAN Defence

Ministers' Meeting (ADMM) on 11 May 2010 in Hanoi.[74]

It has the purpose, among others, to

reduce defence imports from non-ASEAN countries by half and to further develop the defence

industry in the region.[75]

It was formally adopted on the next ADMM on 19 May 2011, in

Jakarta, Indonesia.[76]

The main focus is to industrially and technologically boost the security

capability of ASEAN,[77][78]

consistent with the principles of flexibility and non-binding and

voluntary participation among the member states.[79][80]

The concept revolves around education

and capability-building programs to develop the skills and capabilities of the workforce,

production of capital for defence products, and the provision of numerous services to address the

security needs of each member state. It also aims to develop an intra-ASEAN defence trade.[74]

ADIC aims to establish a strong defence industry relying on the local capabilities of each

member state and limit annual procurement from external original equipment manufacturers

(OEMs).[74]

Countries like the US, Germany, Russia, France, Italy, UK, China, South Korea,

Israel, and the Netherlands are among the major suppliers to ASEAN.[81]

ASEAN defence budget

rose by 147% from 2004 to 2013 and is expected to rise further in the future.[82]

Factors affecting

the increase include economic growth, ageing equipment, and the plan to strengthen the

establishment of the defence industry.[83]

ASEANAPOL is also established to enhance

cooperation on law enforcement and crime control among police forces of member states.[84]

However, the unequal level of capabilities among the member states in the defence industry and

the lack of established defence trade pose challenges.[77]

Before the adoption of the ADIC

concept, the status of the defence industry base in each of the member states was at a different

level.[77]

Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand are among the top member states with an

established defence industry base, but they possess different levels of capacity. The remaining

member states have yet to develop and enhance their capabilities.[74][77]

Indonesia and Singapore

are among the most competitive players; the former is the only one recognised as one of the top

100 global defence suppliers from between 2010 and 2013.[85][86]

ASEAN member states

purchase virtually no defence products from within ASEAN. Singapore purchases products from

Germany, France, and Israel. Malaysia purchased only 0.49% from ASEAN, Indonesia 0.1%,

and Thailand 8.02%.[77]

The ASEAN Convention on Counter-Terrorism (ACCT) serves as a framework for regional

cooperation to counter, prevent, and suppress terrorism and deepen counter-terrorism

cooperation.[87]

It was signed by ASEAN leaders in 2007. On 28 April 2011, Brunei ratified the

convention and a month later, the convention came into force. Malaysia became the tenth

member state to ratify ACCT on 11 January 2013.[87]

ASCC Blueprint

The ASCC was also adopted during the 14th ASEAN Summit.[88]

It envisions an "ASEAN

Community that is people-centered and socially responsible with a view to achieving enduring

solidarity and unity among the countries and peoples of ASEAN by forging a common identity

and building a caring and sharing society which is inclusive and harmonious where the well-

being, livelihood, and welfare of the peoples are enhanced". Among its focus areas include

human development, social welfare and protection, social justice and rights, environmental

sustainability, building the ASEAN identity, and narrowing the development gap.

To track the progress of the AEC, a compliance tool called the AEC Scorecard was developed

based on the EU Internal Market Scorecard.[89]

It is the only one in effect[90]

and is expected to

serve as an unbiased assessment tool to measure the extent of integration and the economic

health of the region. It is expected to provide relevant information about regional priorities, and

thus foster productive, inclusive, and sustainable growth.[91]

It makes it possible to monitor the

implementation of ASEAN agreements, and the achievement of milestones indicated in the AEC

Strategic Schedule. The scorecard outlines specific actions that must be undertaken collectively

and individually to establish AEC by 2015.[91]

To date, two official scorecards have been

published, one in 2010,[92]

and the other in 2012.[93][89]

However, the scorecard is purely

quantitative, as it only examines whether a member state has performed the AEC task or not. The

more "yes" answers, the higher the score.[90]

While Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand have eliminated

99.65% of their tariff lines, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam have decreased tariffs on

98.86% of their lines to the 0-5% tariff range in 2010, and are projected to eliminate tariffs on

these goods by 2015, with the ability to do so for a few import duty lines until 2018.[94]

A recent

study by Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu Limited has projected that five of the top fifteen

manufacturing locations in the world will be in ASEAN by 2018. Furthermore, by 2050, ASEAN

is expected to be the fourth-largest economy in the world (after the European Union, the US, and

China).[94]

The AEC envisions the free flow of overseas labour. However, receiving countries may require

would-be workers to take licensing examinations in those countries regardless of whether or not

the worker has a professional license from their home country.[95]

Singapore is a major

destination for skilled migrants from other ASEAN countries, mostly from Malaysia and the

Philippines. Total employment there doubled between 1992 and 2008 from 1.5 million to three

million, and the number of foreign workers almost tripled, from fewer than 400,000 to nearly 1.1

million. High-skilled foreign talents (customer service, nursing, engineering, IT) earn at least

several thousand US dollars a month and with a credential (usually a college degree) receive

employment passes.[96]

In recent years, Singapore has been slowly cutting down the number of

foreign workers to challenge companies to upgrade their hiring criteria and offer more jobs to

local residents.

Narrowing the Development Gap (NDG) is the framework for addressing disparities among, and

within, member states where pockets of underdevelopment exist. Under NDG, ASEAN has

continued to coordinate closely with other sub-regional cooperation frameworks (e.g., BIMP-

EAGA, IMT-GT, GMS, Mekong programs), viewing them as "equal partners in the development

of regional production and distribution networks" in the AEC, and as a platform to "mainstream

social development issues in developing and implementing projects" in the context of the

ASCC.[97]

The six-year Initiative for ASEAN Integration (IAI) Work Plans have been developed to assist

Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Vietnam, as well as other sub-regions to ensure quick growth. The

First IAI Work Plan was implemented from 2002 to 2008. The second plan (2009-2015) supports

the goals of the ASEAN Community and is composed of 182 prescribed actions, which includes

studies, training programs, and policy implementation support, conducted through projects

supported by older ASEAN member states, and ASEAN's Dialogue partners and external parties.

The IAI Work Plan is patterned after and supports the key program areas in the three ASEAN

Community Blueprints: ASPC, AEC, and ASCC. The IAI Task Force, composed of

representatives of the Committee of Permanent Representatives and its working group from all

member states, is in charge of providing general advice and policy guidelines and directions in

the design and implementation of the plan. All member states are represented in the IAI Task

Force, chaired by representatives of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Vietnam. The ASEAN

Secretariat, in particular through the IAI and NDG Division, supports the implementation and

management of the IAI Work Plan and coordinates activities related to sub-regional frameworks.

The division works closely with the Dialogue Partners, and international agencies, to develop

strategies and programs to assist in promoting and implementing IAI and NDG activities in

ASEAN.[97]

ASEAN's planned integration has challenged its citizens to embrace a regional identity. It

delivers a challenge to construct dynamic institutions and foster sufficient amount of social

capital. The underlying assumption is that the creation of a regional identity is of special interest

to ASEAN and the intent of the 2020 Vision policy document was to reassert the belief in a

regional framework designed as an action plan related to human development and civic

empowerment. Accordingly, these assumptions will be the basis for recommendations and

strategies in developing a participatory regional identity.[98]

Monetary union

The concept of an Asian Currency Unit (ACU) started in the middle of the 1990s, prior to the

1997 Asian financial crisis.[118]

It is a proposed basket of Asian currencies, similar to the

European Currency Unit, which was the precursor of the Euro. The Asian Development Bank is

responsible for exploring the feasibility and construction of the basket.[118][119]

Since the ACU is

being considered to be a precursor to a common currency, it has a dynamic outlook of the

region.[120]

The overall goal of a common currency is to contribute to the financial stability of a

regional economy, including price stability. It means lower cost of cross-border business through

the elimination of currency risk. Greater flows of intra-trade would put pressure on prices,

resulting in cheaper goods and services. Individuals benefit not only from the lowering of prices,

they save by not having to change money when travelling, by being able to compare prices more

readily, and by the reduced cost of transferring money across borders.

However, there are conditions for a common currency: the intensity of intra-regional trade and

the convergence of macroeconomic conditions. Substantial intra-ASEAN trade (which is

growing, partly as a result of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) and the ASEAN Economic

Community.) and economic integration is an incentive for a monetary union. Member states

currently trade more with other countries (80%) than among themselves (20%). Therefore, their

economies are more concerned about currency stability against major international currencies,

like the US dollar. On macroeconomic conditions, member states have different levels of

economic development, capacity, and priorities that translate into different levels of interest and

readiness. Monetary integration, however, implies less control over national monetary and fiscal

policy to stimulate the economy. Therefore, greater convergence in macroeconomic conditions is

being enacted to improve conditions and confidence in a common currency.[64]

Other concerns

include weaknesses in the financial sectors, inadequacy of regional-level resource pooling

mechanisms and institutions required to form and manage a currency union, and lack of political

preconditions for monetary co-operation and a common currency.[121]

Free trade

Free trade initiatives in ASEAN are spearheaded by the implementation of the ASEAN Trade in

Goods Agreement (ATIGA) and the Agreement on Customs. These agreements are supported by

several sector bodies to plan and to execute free trade measures, guided by the provisions and the

requirements of ATIGA and the Agreement on Customs. They form a backbone for achieving

targets of the AEC Blueprint and establishing the ASEAN Economic Community by the end of

2015.[122]

On 26 August 2007, ASEAN stated its aims of completing free trade agreements

(FTA) with China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia, and New Zealand by 2013, which is in

line with the start of the ASEAN Economic Community by 2015.[123][124]

In November 2007,

ASEAN states signed the ASEAN Charter, a constitution governing relations among member

states and establishing the group itself as an international legal entity.[125]

During the same year,

the Cebu Declaration on East Asian Energy Security was signed by ASEAN and the other

members of the EAS (Australia, China, India, Japan, New Zealand, South Korea), which pursues

energy security by finding energy alternatives to conventional fuels.[126]

On 27 February 2009, an FTA with Australia and New Zealand was signed. It is believed that

this FTA would boost combined GDP across the 12 countries by more than US$48 billion over

the period between 2000 and 2020.[127][128]

Bilateral trade with India crossed the US$70 billion

target in 2012 (target was to reach the level only by 2015).[129]

The agreement with China created

the ASEAN–China Free Trade Area (ACFTA), which went into full effect on 1 January 2010. In

addition, ASEAN is currently negotiating an FTA with the European Union.[130]

Taiwan has also

expressed interest in an agreement with ASEAN but needs to overcome diplomatic objections

from China.[131]

ASEAN, together with its six major trading partners (Australia, China, India,

Japan, New Zealand, South Korea), began the first round of negotiations on 26–28 February

2013, in Bali, Indonesia on the establishment of the RCEP,[132]

which is an extension of ASEAN

Plus Three and Six that covers 45% of the world's population and about a third of the world's

total GDP.[133][134][135]

In 2019, Reuters highlighted the circuitous route that ships from the United States must take to

avoid the up to 70% tariff on ethanol produced in the United States unless it is mixed with at

least 40% Asian-produced fuel.[136]

Tourism

With the institutionalisation of visa-free travel between ASEAN member states, intra-ASEAN

travel has boomed. In 2010, 47% or 34 million out of 73 million tourists in ASEAN member-

states were from other ASEAN countries.[137]

Cooperation in tourism was formalised in 1976,

following the formation of the Sub-Committee on Tourism (SCOT) under the ASEAN

Committee on Trade and Tourism. The 1st ASEAN Tourism Forum was held on 18–26 October

1981 in Kuala Lumpur. In 1986, ASEAN Promotional Chapters for Tourism (APCT) were

established in Hong Kong, West Germany, the United Kingdom, Australia/New Zealand, Japan,

and North America.[138]

Tourism has been one of the key growth sectors in ASEAN and has proven resilient amid global

economic challenges. The wide array of tourist attractions across the region drew 109 million

tourists to ASEAN in 2015, up by 34% compared to 81 million tourists in 2011. As of 2012,

tourism was estimated to account for 4.6% of ASEAN GDP—10.9% when taking into account

all indirect contributions. It directly employed 9.3 million people, or 3.2% of total employment,

and indirectly supported some 25 million jobs.[139][140]

In addition, the sector accounted for an

estimated 8% of total capital investment in the region.[141]

In January 2012, ASEAN tourism

ministers called for the development of a marketing strategy. The strategy represents the

consensus of ASEAN National Tourism Organizations (NTOs) on marketing directions for

ASEAN moving forward to 2015.[142]

In the 2013 Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Index

(TTCI) report, Singapore placed 1st, Malaysia placed 8th, Thailand placed 9th, Indonesia placed

12th, Brunei placed 13th, Vietnam placed 16th, Philippines placed 17th, and Cambodia placed

20th as the top destinations of travellers in the Asia Pacific region.[143]

1981 The ASEAN Tourism Forum (ATF) was established. It is a regional meeting of NGOs,

Ministers, sellers, buyers and journalists to promote the ASEAN countries as a single one tourist

destination. The annual event 2019 in Ha Long marks the 38th anniversary and involves all the

tourism industry sectors of the 10 member states of ASEAN: Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia,

Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Viet Nam. It

was organized by TTG Events from Singapore.

ASEAN maintains a global network of alliances, dialogue partners and diplomatic missions, and

is involved in numerous international affairs.[15][16][17][18]

The Organization maintains good

relationships on an international scale, particularly towards Asia-Pacific nations, and upholds

itself as a neutral party in politics. It holds ASEAN Summits, where heads of government of each

member states meet to discuss and resolve regional issues, as well as to conduct other meetings

with countries outside the bloc to promote external relations and deal with international affairs.

The first summit was held in Bali in 1976. The third summit was in Manila in 1987, and during

this meeting, it was decided that the leaders would meet every five years.[144]

The fourth meeting

was held in Singapore in 1992 where the leaders decided to meet more frequently, every three

years.[144]

In 2001, it was decided that the Organization will meet annually to address urgent

issues affecting the region. In December 2008, the ASEAN Charter came into force and with it,

the ASEAN Summit will be held twice a year. The formal summit meets for three days, and

usually includes internal Organization meeting, a conference with foreign ministers of the

ASEAN Regional Forum, an ASEAN Plus Three meeting and ASEAN-CER, a meeting of

member states with Australia and New Zealand.[145]

ASEAN is a major partner of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, developing cooperation

model with the Organization in the field of security, economy, finance, tourism, culture,

environmental protection, development and sustainability.[146][147][148][149]

Additionally, the

grouping has been closely aligned with China, cooperating across numerous areas, including

economy, security, education, culture, technology, agriculture, human resource, society,

development, investment, energy, transport, public health, tourism, media, environment, and

sustainability.[150][151][152]

It is also the linchpin in the foreign policy of Australia and New

Zealand, with the three sides being integrated into an essential alliance.[153][154][155][156][157]

ASEAN also participates in the East Asia Summit (EAS), a pan-Asian forum held annually by

the leaders of eighteen countries in the East Asian region, with ASEAN in a leadership position.

Initially, membership included all member states of ASEAN plus China, Japan, South Korea,

India, Australia, and New Zealand, but was expanded to include the United States and Russia at

the Sixth EAS in 2011. The first summit was held in Kuala Lumpur on 14 December 2005, and

subsequent meetings have been held after the annual ASEAN Leaders' Meeting. The summit has

discussed issues including trade, energy, and security and the summit has a role in regional

community building.

Other meetings include the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting[158][159]

that focus mostly on specific

topics, such as defence or the environment,[160]

and are attended by ministers. The ASEAN

Regional Forum (ARF), which met for the first time in 1994, fosters dialogue and consultation,

and to promote confidence-building and preventive diplomacy in the region.[161]

As of July 2007,

it consists of twenty-seven participants that include all ASEAN member states, Australia,

Bangladesh, Canada, China, the EU, India, Japan, North and South Korea, Mongolia, New

Zealand, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Russia, East Timor, the United States, and Sri Lanka.[162]

Taiwan has been excluded since the establishment of the ARF, and issues regarding the Taiwan

Strait are neither discussed at ARF meetings nor stated in the ARF Chairman's Statements.

ASEAN also holds meetings with Europe during the Asia–Europe Meeting (ASEM), an informal

dialogue process initiated in 1996 with the intention of strengthening co-operation between the

countries of Europe and Asia, especially members of the European Union and ASEAN in

particular.[163]

ASEAN, represented by its secretariat, is one of the forty-five ASEM partners. It

also appoints a representative to sit on the governing board of Asia-Europe Foundation (ASEF),

a socio-cultural Organization associated with the meeting. Annual bilateral meetings between

ASEAN and India, Russia and the United States are also held.

Environment

At the turn of the 21st century, ASEAN began to discuss environmental agreements. These

included the signing of the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution in 2002 as an

attempt to control haze pollution in Southeast Asia, arguably the region's most high-profile

environmental issue.[164]

Unfortunately, this was unsuccessful due to the outbreaks of haze in

2005, 2006, 2009, 2013, and 2015. As of 2015, thirteen years after signing the ASEAN

Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution, the situation with respect to the long term issue of

Southeast Asian haze has not been changed for 50% of the ASEAN member states, and still

remains as a crisis every two years during summer and fall.[165][166][167]

Trash dumping from foreign countries (such as Japan and Canada) to ASEAN has yet to be

discussed and resolved.[168]

Important issues include deforestation (with Indonesia recorded the

largest loss of forest in the region, more than other member states combined in the 2001-2013

period[169]

), plastic waste dumping (5 member states were among the top 10 out of 192 countries

based on 2010 data, with Indonesia ranked as second worst polluter[170]

), threatened mammal

species (Indonesia ranked the worst in the region with 184 species under threat[171]

), threatened

fish species (Indonesia ranked the worst in the region[172]

), threatened (higher) plant species

(Malaysia ranked the worst in the region[173]

).

ASEAN's aggregate economy is one of the fastest growing in the world. It is expected to grow

by 4.6% in 2019, and 4.8% in 2020, but at the cost of the release about 1.5 billion tonnes of CO2

to the atmosphere every year. That makes ASEAN a greater source of greenhouse gas emissions

than Japan (1.3 billion tonnes per year) or Germany (796 million tonnes per year). It is the only

region in the world where coal is expected to increase its share of the energy mix. According to

the International Energy Agency (IEA), "Since 2000 [ASEAN's] overall energy demand has

grown by more than 80% and the lion's share of this growth has been met by a doubling in fossil

fuel use,... Oil is the largest element in the regional energy mix and coal, largely for power

generation, has been the fastest growing."[106]

Education

While high performing Asian economies and the six oldest ASEAN member states have invested

heavily in public education at the primary and secondary levels, tertiary education has been left

largely to the private sector.[174]

Tertiary education in Southeast Asia is, in general, relatively

weak in terms of technological capacity and integration such as in credit transfer schemes. The

governments of Singapore and Malaysia are highly focused on innovation while the rest of the

region lags behind.[175]

In most cases, universities are focused on teaching and service to

government rather than academic research. Universities, both in terms of academic salaries and

research infrastructure (libraries, laboratories), tend to be poorly supported financially.

Moreover, regional academic journals cater to their local audiences and respond less to

international standards which makes universal or regional benchmarking difficult.[176]

Governments have a vested interest in investing in education and other aspects of human capital

infrastructure, especially rapidly developing countries in the region. In the short run, investment

spending directly supports aggregate demand and growth. In the longer term, investments in

physical infrastructure, productivity enhancements, and provision of education and health

services determine the potential for growth.[177]

To enhance regional co-operation in education, ASEAN education ministers have agreed four

priorities for education, promoting ASEAN awareness among ASEAN citizens, particularly

youth, strengthening ASEAN identity through education, building ASEAN human resources in

the field of education strengthening the ASEAN University Network.[178]

At the 11th ASEAN

Summit in December 2005, leaders set new direction for regional education collaboration when

they welcomed the decision of the ASEAN education ministers to convene meetings on a regular

basis. The annual ASEAN Education Ministers Meeting oversees co-operation efforts on

education at the ministerial level. With regard to implementation, programs, and activities are

carried out by the ASEAN Senior Officials on Education (SOM-ED). SOM-ED also manages co-

operation on higher education through the ASEAN University Network (AUN).[179]

It is a

consortium of Southeast Asian tertiary institutions of which 30 currently belong as participating

universities.[180]

Founded in November 1995 by 11 universities,[181]

the AUN was established

to:[178]

promote co-operation among ASEAN scholars, academics, and scientists, develop

academic and professional human resources, promote information dissemination among the

ASEAN academic community, enhance awareness of a regional identity and the sense of

"ASEAN-ness" among member states.

The Southeast Asia Engineering Education Development Network (SEED-Net) Project was

established as an autonomous sub-network of AUN in April 2001. It is aimed at promoting

human resource development in engineering. The network consists of 26 member institutions

selected by higher education ministries of each ASEAN member state, and 11 supporting

Japanese universities selected by the Japanese government. This network is mainly supported by

the Japanese government through the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and

partially supported by the ASEAN Foundation. SEED-Net activities are implemented by the

SEED-Net secretariat with the support of the JICA Project for SEED-Net now based at

Chulalongkorn University.

ASEAN has a scholarship program offered by Singapore to the 9 other member states for

secondary school, junior college, and university education. It covers accommodation, food,

medical benefits and accident insurance, school fees, and examination fees. Its recipients, who

then perform well on the GCE Advanced Level Examination, may apply for ASEAN

undergraduate scholarships, which are tailored specifically to undergraduate institutions in

Singapore and other ASEAN member countries.[182]

Singapore has used this program effectively

to attract many of the best students from the ASEAN region over the past several years, and

scholars for the most part tend to remain in Singapore to pursue undergraduate studies through

the ASEAN Undergraduate Scholarship program.[183]

Culture

The Organization hosts cultural activities in an attempt to further integrate the region. These

include sports and educational activities as well as writing awards. Examples of these include the

ASEAN Centre for Biodiversity, ASEAN Heritage Parks[184]

and the ASEAN Outstanding

Scientist and Technologist Award. In addition, the ASEAN region has been recognized as one of

the world's most diverse region ethnically, religiously and linguistically.[185][186]

Media

Member states have promoted co-operation in information to help build an ASEAN identity. One

of the main bodies in ASEAN co-operation in information is the ASEAN Committee on Culture

and Information (COCI). Established in 1978, its mission is to promote effective co-operation in

the fields of information, as well as culture, through its various projects and activities. It includes

representatives from national institutions like the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministries of

Culture and Information, national radio and television networks, museums, archives and

libraries, among others. Together, they meet once a year to formulate and agree on projects to

fulfil their mission.[187]

On 14 November 2014, foreign ministers of member states launched the

ASEAN Communication Master Plan (ACPM).[188]

It provides a framework for communicating

the character, structure, and overall vision of ASEAN and the ASEAN community to key

audiences within the region and globally.[189]

The plan seeks to demonstrate the relevance and

benefits of the ASEAN through fact-based and compelling communications, recognising that the

ASEAN community is unique and different from other country integration models.

ASEAN Media Cooperation (AMC) sets digital television standards and policies in preparation

for broadcasters to transition from analogue to digital broadcasting. This collaboration was

conceptualised during the 11th ASEAN Ministers Responsible for Information (AMRI)

Conference in Malaysia on 1 March 2012 where a consensus declared that both new and

traditional media were keys to connecting ASEAN peoples and bridging cultural gaps in the

region.[190]

Several key initiatives under the AMC include:[191]

The ASEAN Media Portal[192]

was launched 16 November 2007. The portal aims to

provide a one-stop site that contains documentaries, games, music videos, and

multimedia clips on the culture, arts, and heritage of the ASEAN countries to showcase

ASEAN culture and the capabilities of its media industry.

The ASEAN NewsMaker Project, an initiative launched in 2009, trains students and

teachers to produce informational video clips about their countries. The project was

initiated by Singapore. Students trained in NewsMaker software, video production,

together with developing narrative storytelling skills. Dr Soeung Rathchavy, Deputy

Secretary-General of ASEAN for ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community noted that:

"Raising ASEAN awareness amongst the youth is part and parcel of our efforts to build

the ASEAN Community by 2015. Using ICT and the media, our youths in the region will

get to know ASEAN better, deepening their understanding and appreciation of the

cultures, social traditions and values in ASEAN."[193]

The ASEAN Digital Broadcasting Meeting, is an annual forum for ASEAN members to

set digital television (DTV) standards and policies, and to discuss progress in the

implementation of the blueprint from analogue to digital TV broadcasting by 2020.

During the 11th ASEAN Digital Broadcasting Meeting[194]

members updated the status

on DTV implementation and agreed to inform ASEAN members on the Guidelines for

ASEAN Digital Switchover.[195]

An issue was raised around the availability and

affordability of set-top boxes (STB), thus ASEAN members were asked to make policies

to determine funding for STBs, methods of allocation, subsidies and rebates, and other

methods for the allocation of STBs. It was also agreed in the meeting to form a task force

to develop STB specifications for DVB-T2 to ensure efficiency.

The ASEAN Post was launched on 8 August 2017 to commemorate ASEAN's 50th

Anniversary. It is an independent regional digital media company that is headquartered in

Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. The focus of the company is to leverage-off new technologies

and future proof the media landscape. It was founded by former investment banker Rohan

Ramakrishnan.

Music

Music plays a significant role in ASEAN affairs, as evidenced by the new music composed for,

and to be performed at, the 34th ASEAN Summit in Bangkok in June 2019.[196]

Since ASEAN's founding, a number of songs have been written for the regional alliance:

"The ASEAN Way", the official regional anthem of ASEAN. Music by Kittikhun

Sodprasert and Sampow Triudom; lyrics by Payom Valaiphatchra.

"ASEAN Song of Unity" or "ASEAN Hymn". Music by Ryan Cayabyab.

"Let Us Move Ahead", an ASEAN song. Composed by Candra Darusman.

"ASEAN Rise", ASEAN's 40th anniversary song. Music by Dick Lee; lyrics by Stefanie

Sun.

"ASEAN Spirit", ASEAN's 50th anniversary song. Composed by Chino Toledo. Lyrics

by National Artist for Literature, Rio Alma. Performed by Christian Bautista; video

directed by Joaquin Pedro Valdes.

Sports

The main sporting event of ASEAN is the Southeast Asian Games, a biennial meet of athletes

from the ten member-states. A non-member state Timor Leste (also known as East Timor) is now

participating the SEA Games.

Southeast Asian Games

ASEAN University Games

ASEAN School Games

ASEAN Para Games

ASEAN Football Championship

SEABA Championship

Global influence and reception

ASEAN has been credited by many as among the world's most influential Organizations and a

global powerhouse.[13][14]

The Organization plays a prominent role in regional and international

diplomacy, politics, security, economy and trade.[197][198][199][200][201][202][203][204][205][206][207][208]

The

ASEAN Free Trade Area also stands as one of the largest and most important free trade areas in

the world, and together with its network of dialogue partners, drove some of the world's largest

multilateral forums and blocs, including APEC, EAS and RCEP.[207][209][210][211][206][212]

Being one

of the world's forefront political, economic and security meetings, the ASEAN Summit serves as

a prominent regional (Asia) and international (worldwide) conference, with world leaders

attending its related summits and meetings to discuss about various problems and global issues,

strengthening cooperation, and making decisions.[213][214]

Critics have charged ASEAN with only weakly promoting human rights and democracy,

particularly in junta-led Burma.[215]

Some scholars think that non-interference has hindered

ASEAN efforts to handle the Burma issue, human rights abuse, and haze pollution in the area.

Despite global outrage at the military crack-down on unarmed protesters in Yangon, ASEAN has

refused to suspend Burma as a member and also rejects proposals for economic sanctions.[216]

This has caused concern as the European Union has refused to conduct free trade negotiations at

a regional level for these political reasons.[217]

During a UN vote against the ethnic cleansing of

Rohingya, most member states voted to either abstain or against the condemnation. Only the

Muslim-majority countries Malaysia, Indonesia, and Brunei voted to condemn the cleansing of

Rohingya.[218]

Some international observers view ASEAN as a "talk shop",[219]

stating that the

Organization is: "big on words, but small on action".[220]

"ASEAN policies have proven to be

mostly rhetoric, rather than actual implementation", according to Pokpong Lawansiri, a

Bangkok-based independent analyst of ASEAN. "It has been noted that less than 50% of

ASEAN agreements are actually implemented, while ASEAN holds more than six hundred

meetings annually".[221]

The head of the International Institute of Strategic Studies, Tim Huxley, cites the diverse

political systems present in the grouping, including many young states, as a barrier to far-

reaching co-operation beyond economics. He also asserts that, without an external threat to rally

against after the Cold War ended, ASEAN has less successfully restrained its members and

resolved such border disputes as those between Burma and Thailand or Indonesia and

Malaysia.[222]

During the 12th ASEAN Summit in Cebu, several activist groups staged anti-

globalisation protests,[223]

arguing that the agenda of economic integration would negatively

affect industries in the Philippines and would deprive thousands of Filipinos of their jobs.[224]

Corruption remains a widespread issue, as "tea money" remains an important requirement to

grease business transactions and to receive public services. Following the release of the

Corruption Perceptions Index 2015 by Berlin-based graft watchdog Transparency International

on 27 January, its Asia Pacific director, Srirak Plipat, noted that: "if there was one common

challenge to unite the Asia-Pacific region, it would be corruption", noting that: "from campaign

pledges to media coverage to civil society forums, corruption dominates the discussion. Yet

despite all this talk, there's little sign of action."[225]

Economic integration

The group's integration plan has raised concerns, in particular, the 2015 deadline. Business and

economy experts who attended the Lippo-UPH Dialogue in Naypyidaw cited unresolved issues

relating to aviation, agriculture, and human resources.[226]

Some panelists, among them, Kishore

Mahbubani, warned against high expectations at the onset. He stated: "Please do not expect a big

bang event in 2015 where everything is going to happen overnight when the ASEAN Economic

Community comes into being. We've made progress in some areas and unfortunately regressed

in some areas."[227]

Some panelists enumerated other matters to be dealt with for a successful launch. Among them

were the communications issues involving the 600 million citizens living in the region,

increasing understanding in business, current visa arrangements, demand for specific skills,

banking connections, and economic differences. Former Philippine National Statistical

Coordination Board (NSCB) Secretary General Romulo A. Virola, said in 2012 that the

Philippines seems unready to benefit from the integration due to its "wobbly" economic

performance compared to other member states. According to Virola, the Philippines continues to

lag behind in terms of employment rate, tourism, life expectancy, and cellular subscriptions.[228]

Nestor Tan, head of BDO Unibank Inc., said that while some businesses see the Asian Economic

Blueprint (AEC) as an opportunity, the integration would be more of a threat to local firms. Tan

added that protecting the Philippines' agricultural and financial services sectors, as well as the

labour sector, would be necessary for the implementation of AEC by 2015.[229]

Standard &

Poor's also believed that banks in the Philippines are not yet prepared for the tougher competition

that would result from the integration. In one of its latest publications, S&P said banks in the

country, although profitable and stable, operate on a much smaller scale than their counterparts

in the region.[229]

The US Chamber of Commerce has highlighted widespread concern that the much-anticipated

AEC could not be launched by the 2015 deadline.[230]

In January 2014, former ASEAN

Secretary-General Rodolfo C. Severino, wrote: "while ASEAN should not be condemned for its

members' failure to make good on their commitments, any failure to deliver will likely lead to a

loss of credibility and could mean that member states fall further behind in the global

competition for export markets and foreign direct investment (FDI)".[231]

This is not the first time

that AEC faces a probable delay. In 2012, the commencement of the AEC was postponed to 31

December 2015 from the original plan of 1 January. Despite Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan's

firm reassurance that "[t]here will be no more delays and that all ten ASEAN countries will

participate", even the most fervent proponents of AEC worried that AEC would not be delivered

on time as December 2015 neared.[89]

An article published by Vietnam News echoed some of the challenges and opportunities that

Vietnam faces in preparation for the AEC. The article said that the deputy head of the Import-

Export Department under the Ministry of Industry and Trade, Tran Thanh Hai, was concerned

about local enterprises' lack of knowledge of the AEC. It was said that 80% of local enterprises

surveyed acknowledged that they have little information about the interests and challenges

available for them in the ASEAN market. The article also noted that the general secretary of the

Vietnam Steel Association, Chu Duc Khai, said that most of the local steel making enterprises

lack information about doing business in the ASEAN market; they have not had a chance to

study it, and have only exported small amounts of steel to ASEAN countries. Another challenge

is the need to compete with other countries in the ASEAN market to export raw products since

the country had mainly exported raw products.[232]

The Asian Development Bank also has doubts

about Cambodia's ability to meet the AEC deadline. The leading economist of ADB, Jayant

Menon, said that Cambodia needs to speed up its customs reform and to press ahead with

automating processes to reduce trade costs and minimise the opportunities for corruption and be

ready for the implementation of its National Single Window by 2015.[233]

Despite an ASEAN Economic Community goal of significant economic integration as laid out in

the AEC Blueprint 2025, ASEAN continues to face challenges towards integration.[234]

A report

published by the Asian Trade Centre in 2019 identified multiple sectors that face challenges

towards integration due to non-tariff barriers that still exist in the region. The report stated that

the goals of the AEC 2025 would not be accomplished if ASEAN fails to address the issues of

non-tariff measures and eliminate non-tariff barriers in the region.[235][236]

Territorial disputes

Several territorial disputes has affected the unity of ASEAN such as the Cambodian–Thai border

dispute between Cambodia and Thailand, Cambodian–Vietnamese border dispute between

Cambodia and Vietnam[237]

, the North Borneo dispute between the Philippines and

Malaysia,[238][239][240][241]

and the South China Sea dispute which includes Vietnam, Brunei, the

Philippines, Malaysia, and possibly Indonesia.[242]

NATO

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), also called the North Atlantic Alliance, is

an intergovernmental military alliance between 30 North American and European countries. The

organization implements the North Atlantic Treaty that was signed on 4 April 1949.[3][4]

NATO

constitutes a system of collective defence whereby its independent member states agree to

mutual defence in response to an attack by any external party. NATO's Headquarters are located

in Evere, Brussels, Belgium, while the headquarters of Allied Command Operations is near

Mons, Belgium.

Since its founding, the admission of new member states has increased the alliance from the

original 12 countries to 30. The most recent member state to be added to NATO was North

Macedonia on 27 March 2020. NATO currently recognizes Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia,

and Ukraine as aspiring members.[5]

An additional 20 countries participate in NATO's

Partnership for Peace program, with 15 other countries involved in institutionalized dialogue

programs. The combined military spending of all NATO members constitutes over 70% of the

global total.[6]

Members agreed that their aim is to reach or maintain the target defense spending

of at least 2% of GDP by 2024

History

On 4 March 1947, the Treaty of Dunkirk was signed by France and the United Kingdom as a

Treaty of Alliance and Mutual Assistance in the event of a possible attack by Germany or the

Soviet Union in the aftermath of World War II. In 1948, this alliance was expanded to include

the Benelux countries, in the form of the Western Union, also referred to as the Brussels Treaty

Organization (BTO), established by the Treaty of Brussels.[9]

Talks for a new military alliance

which could also include North America resulted in the signature of the North Atlantic Treaty on

4 April 1949 by the member states of the Western Union plus the United States, Canada,

Portugal, Italy, Norway, Denmark and Iceland.[10]

West Germany joined NATO in 1955, which led to the formation of the rival Warsaw Pact

during the Cold War.

The North Atlantic Treaty was largely dormant until the Korean War initiated the establishment

of NATO to implement it, by means of an integrated military structure: This included the

formation of Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) in 1951, which adopted the

Western Union's military structures and plans.[11]

In 1952, the post of Secretary General of

NATO was established as the organization's chief civilian. That year also saw the first major

NATO maritime exercises, Exercise Mainbrace and the accession of Greece and Turkey to the

organization.[12][13]

Following the London and Paris Conferences, West Germany was permitted

to rearm militarily, as they joined NATO in May 1955, which was, in turn, a major factor in the

creation of the Soviet-dominated Warsaw Pact, delineating the two opposing sides of the Cold

War.

Doubts over the strength of the relationship between the European states and the United States

ebbed and flowed, along with doubts over the credibility of the NATO defense against a

prospective Soviet invasion – doubts that led to the development of the independent French

nuclear deterrent and the withdrawal of France from NATO's military structure in 1966.[14][15]

In

1982, the newly democratic Spain joined the alliance.

The collapse of the Warsaw Pact in 1989–1991 removed the de facto main adversary of NATO

and caused a strategic re-evaluation of NATO's purpose, nature, tasks, and focus on the continent

of Europe. This shift started with the 1990 signing in Paris of the Treaty on Conventional Armed

Forces in Europe between NATO and the Soviet Union, which mandated specific military

reductions across the continent that continued after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in

December 1991.[16]

At that time, European countries accounted for 34 percent of NATO's

military spending; by 2012, this had fallen to 21 percent.[17]

NATO also began a gradual

expansion to include newly autonomous Central and Eastern European nations, and extended its

activities into political and humanitarian situations that had not formerly been NATO

concerns.[18]

The fall of the Berlin Wall, a section of which is now displayed outside NATO Headquarters,

marked a turning point in NATO's role in Europe.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall in Germany in 1989, the organization conducted its first military

interventions in Bosnia from 1992 to 1995 and later Yugoslavia in 1999 during the breakup of

Yugoslavia.[19]

Politically, the organization sought better relations with former Warsaw Pact

countries, most of which joined the alliance in 1999 and 2004. Article 5 of the North Atlantic

treaty, requiring member states to come to the aid of any member state subject to an armed

attack, was invoked for the first and only time after the September 11 attacks,[20]

after which

troops were deployed to Afghanistan under the NATO-led ISAF. The organization has operated

a range of additional roles since then, including sending trainers to Iraq, assisting in counter-

piracy operations[21]

and in 2011 enforcing a no-fly zone over Libya in accordance with UN

Security Council Resolution 1973. The less potent Article 4, which merely invokes consultation

among NATO members, has been invoked five times following incidents in the Iraq War, Syrian

Civil War, and annexation of Crimea.[22]

The first post-Cold War expansion of NATO came with German reunification on 3 October

1990, when the former East Germany became part of the Federal Republic of Germany and the

alliance. As part of post-Cold War restructuring, NATO's military structure was cut back and

reorganized, with new forces such as the Headquarters Allied Command Europe Rapid Reaction

Corps established. The changes brought about by the collapse of the Soviet Union on the military

balance in Europe were recognized in the Adapted Conventional Armed Forces in Europe

Treaty, which was signed in 1999. The policies of French President Nicolas Sarkozy resulted in a

major reform of France's military position, culminating with the return to full membership on 4

April 2009, which also included France rejoining the NATO Military Command Structure, while

maintaining an independent nuclear deterrent.[15][23][24]

Between 1994 and 1997, wider forums for regional cooperation between NATO and its

neighbours were set up, like the Partnership for Peace, the Mediterranean Dialogue initiative and

the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. In 1998, the NATO–Russia Permanent Joint Council was

established. Between 1999 and 2020 NATO incorporated the following Central and Eastern

European countries, including several former communist states: the Czech Republic, Hungary,

Poland, Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Albania, Croatia,

Montenegro, and North Macedonia.[18]

The Russian intervention in Crimea in 2014 led to strong condemnation by NATO nations and

the creation of a new "spearhead" force of 5,000 troops at bases in Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia,

Poland, Romania, and Bulgaria.[25]

At the subsequent 2014 Wales summit, the leaders of

NATO's member states formally committed for the first time to spend the equivalent of at least

2% of their gross domestic products on defence by 2024, which had previously been only an

informal guideline.[26]

NATO did not condemn the 2016–present purges in Turkey.[27]

NATO

members have resisted the UN's Nuclear Weapon Ban Treaty, a binding agreement for

negotiations for the total elimination of nuclear weapons, supported by more than 120 nations.[28]

Military operations

Early operations

No military operations were conducted by NATO during the Cold War. Following the end of the

Cold War, the first operations, Anchor Guard in 1990 and Ace Guard in 1991, were prompted by

the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. Airborne early warning aircraft were sent to provide coverage of

southeastern Turkey, and later a quick-reaction force was deployed to the area.[29]

Members

NATO organizes regular summits for leaders of their members states and partnerships.

NATO has thirty members, mainly in Europe and North America. Some of these countries also

have territory on multiple continents, which can be covered only as far south as the Tropic of

Cancer in the Atlantic Ocean, which defines NATO's "area of responsibility" under Article 6 of

the North Atlantic Treaty. During the original treaty negotiations, the United States insisted that

colonies such as the Belgian Congo be excluded from the treaty.[81][82]

French Algeria was

however covered until their independence on 3 July 1962.[83]

Twelve of these thirty are original

members who joined in 1949, while the other eighteen joined in one of eight enlargement

rounds.

From the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, France pursued a military strategy of independence from

NATO under a policy dubbed "Gaullo-Mitterrandism".[84]

Nicolas Sarkozy negotiated the return

of France to the integrated military command and the Defence Planning Committee in 2009, the

latter being disbanded the following year. France remains the only NATO member outside the

Nuclear Planning Group and unlike the United States and the United Kingdom, will not commit

its nuclear-armed submarines to the alliance.[15][23]

Few members spend more than two percent of

their gross domestic product on defence,[85]

with the United States accounting for three quarters

of NATO defense spending.[86]

Enlargement

NATO has added 14 new members since the German reunification and the end of the Cold War.

New membership in the alliance has been largely from Central and Eastern Europe, including

former members of the Warsaw Pact. Accession to the alliance is governed with individual

Membership Action Plans, and requires approval by each current member. NATO currently has

one candidate country that is in the process of joining the alliance: Bosnia and Herzegovina.

North Macedonia signed an accession protocol to become a NATO member state in February

2019, and became a member state on 27 March 2020.[87][88]

Its accession had been blocked by

Greece for many years due to the Macedonia naming dispute, which was resolved in 2018 by the

Prespa agreement.[89]

In order to support each other in the process, new and potential members in

the region formed the Adriatic Charter in 2003.[90]

Georgia was also named as an aspiring

member, and was promised "future membership" during the 2008 summit in Bucharest,[91]

though in 2014, US President Barack Obama said the country was not "currently on a path" to

membership.[92]

Russia continues to politically oppose further expansion, seeing it as inconsistent with informal

understandings between Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and European and US negotiators that

allowed for a peaceful German reunification.[93]

NATO's expansion efforts are often seen by

Moscow leaders as a continuation of a Cold War attempt to surround and isolate Russia,[94]

though they have also been criticized in the West.[95]

A June 2016 Levada poll found that 68% of

Russians think that deploying NATO troops in the Baltic states and Poland—former Eastern bloc

countries bordering Russia—is a threat to Russia.[96]

In contrast 65% of Poles surveyed in a 2017

Pew Research Center report identified Russia as a "major threat", with an average of 31% saying

so across all NATO countries,[97]

and 67% of Poles surveyed in 2018 favour US forces being

based in Poland.[98]

Of non-CIS Eastern European countries surveyed by Gallup in 2016, all but

Serbia and Montenegro were more likely than not to view NATO as a protective alliance rather

than a threat.[99]

A 2006 study in the journal Security Studies argued that NATO enlargement

contributed to democratic consolidation in Central and Eastern Europe.[100]

Ukraine's relationship with NATO and Europe has been politically controversial, and

improvement of these relations was one of the goals of the "Euromaidan" protests that saw the

ousting of pro-Russian President Viktor Yanukovych in 2014. In March 2014, Prime Minister

Arseniy Yatsenyuk reiterated the government's stance that Ukraine is not seeking NATO

membership.[101]

Ukraine's president subsequently signed a bill dropping his nation's nonaligned

status in order to pursue NATO membership, but signalled that it would hold a referendum

before seeking to join.[102]

Ukraine is one of eight countries in Eastern Europe with an Individual

Partnership Action Plan. IPAPs began in 2002, and are open to countries that have the political

will and ability to deepen their relationship with NATO.[103]

Partnerships

Partnership for Peace conducts multinational military exercises like Cooperative Archer, which

took place in Tbilisi in July 2007 with 500 servicemen from four NATO members, eight PfP

members, and Jordan, a Mediterranean Dialogue participant.[104]

The Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme was established in 1994 and is based on individual

bilateral relations between each partner country and NATO: each country may choose the extent

of its participation.[105]

Members include all current and former members of the Commonwealth

of Independent States.[106]

The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) was first established

on 29 May 1997, and is a forum for regular coordination, consultation and dialogue between all

fifty participants.[107]

The PfP programme is considered the operational wing of the Euro-Atlantic

Partnership.[105]

Other third countries also have been contacted for participation in some

activities of the PfP framework such as Afghanistan.[108]

The European Union (EU) signed a comprehensive package of arrangements with NATO under

the Berlin Plus agreement on 16 December 2002. With this agreement, the EU was given the

possibility of using NATO assets in case it wanted to act independently in an international crisis,

on the condition that NATO itself did not want to act – the so-called "right of first refusal".[109]

For example, Article 42(7) of the 1982 Treaty of Lisbon specifies that "If a Member State is the

victim of armed aggression on its territory, the other Member States shall have towards it an

obligation of aid and assistance by all the means in their power". The treaty applies globally to

specified territories whereas NATO is restricted under its Article 6 to operations north of the

Tropic of Cancer. It provides a "double framework" for the EU countries that are also linked with

the PfP programme.[citation needed]

Additionally, NATO cooperates and discusses its activities with numerous other non-NATO

members. The Mediterranean Dialogue was established in 1994 to coordinate in a similar way

with Israel and countries in North Africa. The Istanbul Cooperation Initiative was announced in

2004 as a dialog forum for the Middle East along the same lines as the Mediterranean Dialogue.

The four participants are also linked through the Gulf Cooperation Council.[110]

In June 2018,

Qatar expressed its wish to join NATO.[111]

However, NATO declined membership, stating that

only additional European countries could join according to Article 10 of NATO's founding

treaty.[112]

Qatar and NATO have previously signed a security agreement together in January

2018.[113]

Political dialogue with Japan began in 1990, and since then, the Alliance has gradually increased

its contact with countries that do not form part of any of these cooperation initiatives.[114]

In

1998, NATO established a set of general guidelines that do not allow for a formal

institutionalization of relations, but reflect the Allies' desire to increase cooperation. Following

extensive debate, the term "Contact Countries" was agreed by the Allies in 2000. By 2012, the

Alliance had broadened this group, which meets to discuss issues such as counter-piracy and

technology exchange, under the names "partners across the globe" or "global partners".[115][116]

Australia and New Zealand, both contact countries, are also members of the AUSCANNZUKUS

strategic alliance, and similar regional or bilateral agreements between contact countries and

NATO members also aid cooperation. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg stated that

NATO needs to "address the rise of China," by closely cooperating with Australia, New Zealand,

Japan and South Korea.[117]

Colombia is the NATO's latest partner and Colombia has access to

the full range of cooperative activities NATO offers to partners; Colombia became the first and

only Latin American country to cooperate with NATO.[118]

Structure

The North Atlantic Council convening in 2010 with a defence/foreign minister configuration

All agencies and organizations of NATO are integrated into either the civilian administrative or

military executive roles. For the most part they perform roles and functions that directly or

indirectly support the security role of the alliance as a whole.

The civilian structure includes:

The North Atlantic Council (NAC) is the body which has effective governance authority

and powers of decision in NATO, consisting of member states' permanent representatives

or representatives at higher level (ministers of foreign affairs or defence, or heads of state

or government). The NAC convenes at least once a week and takes major decisions

regarding NATO's policies. The meetings of the North Atlantic Council are chaired by

the Secretary General and, when decisions have to be made, action is agreed upon on the

basis of unanimity and common accord. There is no voting or decision by majority. Each

nation represented at the Council table or on any of its subordinate committees retains

complete sovereignty and responsibility for its own decisions.

NATO Headquarters, located on Boulevard Léopold III/Leopold III-laan, B-1110

Brussels, which is in Haren, part of the City of Brussels municipality.[119]

The staff at the

Headquarters is composed of national delegations of member countries and includes

civilian and military liaison offices and officers or diplomatic missions and diplomats of

partner countries, as well as the International Staff and International Military Staff filled

from serving members of the armed forces of member states.[120]

Non-governmental

citizens' groups have also grown up in support of NATO, broadly under the banner of the

Atlantic Council/Atlantic Treaty Association movement.

The organizations and agencies of NATO include:

Headquarters for the NATO Support Agency will be in Capellen Luxembourg (site of the

current NATO Maintenance and Supply Agency – NAMSA).

The NATO Communications and Information Agency Headquarters will be in Brussels,

as will the very small staff which will design the new NATO Procurement Agency.

A new NATO Science and Technology (S&T) Organization will be created before July

2012, consisting of Chief Scientist, a Programme Office for Collaborative S&T, and the

NATO Undersea Research Centre (NURC).

The current NATO Standardization Agency will continue and be subject to review by

Spring 2014.

The NATO Parliamentary Assembly (NATO PA) is a body that sets broad strategic goals for

NATO, which meets at two session per year. NATO PA interacts directly with the parliamentary

structures of the national governments of the member states which appoint Permanent Members,

or ambassadors to NATO. The NATO Parliamentary Assembly is made up of legislators from

the member countries of the North Atlantic Alliance as well as thirteen associate members. It is

however officially a different structure from NATO, and has as aim to join together deputies of

NATO countries in order to discuss security policies on the NATO Council.

Non-Aligned Movement

The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is a forum of 120 developing world states that are not

formally aligned with or against any major power bloc. After the United Nations, it is the largest

grouping of states worldwide.[1][4]

Drawing on the principles agreed at the Bandung Conference in 1955, the NAM was established

in 1961 in Belgrade, SR Serbia, Yugoslavia through an initiative of the Indian Prime Minister

Jawaharlal Nehru[5]

, Indonesian President Sukarno and the Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito.

This led to the first Conference of Heads of State or Governments of Non-Aligned Countries.[6]

The term non-aligned movement first appears in the fifth conference in 1976, where participating

countries are denoted as "members of the movement".

The purpose of the organization was enumerated by Fidel Castro in his Havana Declaration of

1979 as to ensure "the national independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of

non-aligned countries" in their "struggle against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism,

racism, and all forms of foreign aggression, occupation, domination, interference or hegemony as

well as against great power and bloc politics."[7][8]

The countries of the Non-Aligned Movement

represent nearly two-thirds of the United Nations' members and contain 55% of the world

population. Membership is particularly concentrated in countries considered to be developing or

part of the Third World, though the Non-Aligned Movement also has a number of developed

nations.

Although many of the Non-Aligned Movement's members were actually quite closely aligned

with one or another of the superpowers (such as the People's Republic of China, an observer, or

the Russian Federation, not participating in the Non-Aligned Movement), the movement still

maintained cohesion throughout the Cold War, even despite several conflicts between members

which also threatened the movement. In the years since the Cold War's end, it has focused on

developing multilateral ties and connections as well as unity among the developing nations of the

world, especially those within the Global South.

History

Origins and the Cold War

The Non-Aligned Movement as an organization was founded on the Brijuni islands in

Yugoslavia in 1956 and was formalized by signing the Declaration of Brijuni on 19 July 1956.

The Declaration was signed by Yugoslavia's president, Josip Broz Tito, India's first prime

minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Egypt's second president, Gamal Abdel Nasser. One of the

quotations within the Declaration is "Peace can not be achieved with separation, but with the

aspiration towards collective security in global terms and expansion of freedom, as well as

terminating the domination of one country over another". According to Rejaul Karim Laskar, an

ideologue of the Congress party which ruled India for most part of the Cold War years, the Non-

Aligned Movement arose from the desire of Jawaharlal Nehru and other leaders of the newly

independent countries of the third world to guard their independence "in face of complex

international situation demanding allegiance to either two warring superpowers".[9]

The Movement advocates a middle course for states in the developing world between the

Western and Eastern Blocs during the Cold War. The phrase itself was first used to represent the

doctrine by Indian diplomat V. K. Krishna Menon in 1953, at the United Nations.[10][unreliable

source?]

But it soon after became the name to refer to the participants of the Conference of Heads of State

or Government of Non-Aligned Countries first held in 1961. The term "non-alignment" was

established in 1953 at the United Nations. Nehru used the phrase in a 1954 speech in Colombo,

Sri Lanka. In this speech, Zhou Enlai and Nehru described the Five Principles of Peaceful

Coexistence to be used as a guide for Sino-Indian relations called Panchsheel (five restraints);

these principles would later serve as the basis of the Non-Aligned Movement. The five principles

were:

Mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty.

Mutual non-aggression.

Mutual non-interference in domestic affairs.

Equality and mutual benefit.

Peaceful co-existence.[citation needed]

A significant milestone in the development of the Non-Aligned Movement was the 1955

Bandung Conference, a conference of Asian and African states hosted by Indonesian president

Sukarno, who gave a significant contribution to promote this movement. Bringing together

Sukarno, U Nu, Nasser, Nehru, Tito, Nkrumah and Menon with the likes of Ho Chi Minh, Zhou

Enlai, and Norodom Sihanouk, as well as U Thant and a young Indira Gandhi, the conference

adopted a "declaration on promotion of world peace and cooperation", which included Zhou

Enlai and Nehru's five principles, and a collective pledge to remain neutral in the Cold War. Six

years after Bandung, an initiative of Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito led to the first

Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which was held in

September 1961 in Belgrade.[11]

The term non-aligned movement appears first in the fifth

conference in 1976, where participating countries are denoted as members of the movement.[12]

Belgrade Conference, September 1961 with representatives from Afghanistan, Algeria, Burma,

Cambodia, Cuba, Cyprus, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iran, Lebanon, Mali,

Morocco, Nepal, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Tunisia, the United Arab Republic,

Yemen, and Yugoslavia.

At the Lusaka Conference in September 1970, the member nations added as aims of the

movement the peaceful resolution of disputes and the abstention from the big power military

alliances and pacts. Another added aim was opposition to stationing of military bases in foreign

countries.[13]

Some members were involved in serious conflicts with other members (e.g. India and Pakistan,

Iran and Iraq).

Cuba's role

In the 1970s, Cuba made a major effort to assume a leadership role in the world's nonalignment

movement, which represented over 90 Third World nations. Cuban combat troops in Angola

greatly impressed fellow non-aligned nations.

Cuba also established military advisory missions and economic and social reform programs. The

1976 world conference of the Nonaligned Movement applauded Cuban internationalism, "which

assisted the people of Angola in frustrating the expansionist and colonialist strategy of South

Africa's racist regime and its allies." The next nonaligned conference was scheduled for Havana

in 1979, to be chaired by Fidel Castro, with his becoming the de facto spokesman for the

Movement. The conference in September 1979 marked the zenith of Cuban prestige. Most, but

not all, attendees believed that Cuba was not aligned with the Soviet camp in the Cold War.[14]

However, in December 1979, the Soviet Union intervened in Afghanistan's civil war. At the

time, Afghanistan was also an active member of the Nonaligned Movement. At the United

Nations, Nonaligned members voted 56 to 9, with 26 abstaining, to condemn the Soviet Union.

Cuba in fact was deeply in debt financially and politically to Moscow and voted against the

resolution. It lost its reputation as nonaligned in the Cold War. Castro, instead of becoming a

high-profile spokesman for the Movement, remained quiet and inactive, and in 1983 leadership

passed to India, which had abstained on the UN vote. Cuba lost its bid to become a member of

the United Nations Security Council and its ambitions for a role in global leadership had totally

collapsed.[15]

More broadly the Movement was deeply split over the Soviet–Afghan War in 1979.

Although Moscow's allies supported the Soviet intervention, other members of the movement

(particularly predominantly Muslim states) condemned it.[16]

Post-Cold War

Because the Non-Aligned Movement was formed as an attempt to thaw out the Cold War,[13]

it

has struggled to find relevance since the Cold War ended. After the breakup of Yugoslavia, a

founding member, its membership was suspended[17]

in 1992 at the regular Ministerial Meeting

of the Movement, held in New York during the regular yearly session of the General Assembly

of the United Nations.[18][19]

The successor states of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

have expressed little interest in membership, though Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, have

observer status. In 2004, Malta and Cyprus ceased to be members and joined the European

Union. Belarus is the only member of the Movement in Europe. Azerbaijan and Fiji are the most

recent entrants, joining in 2011. The applications of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Costa Rica

were rejected in 1995 and 1998, respectively.[19]

Since the end of the Cold War, the Non-Aligned Movement has been forced to redefine itself and

reinvent its purpose in the current world system. A major question has been whether any of its

foundational ideologies, principally national independence, territorial integrity, and the struggle

against colonialism and imperialism, can be applied to contemporary issues. The movement has

emphasised its principles of multilateralism, equality, and mutual non-aggression in attempting

to become a stronger voice for the global South, and an instrument that can be used to promote

the needs of member nations at the international level and strengthen their political leverage

when negotiating with developed nations. In its efforts to advance Southern interests, the

movement has stressed the importance of cooperation and unity amongst member states,[20]

but

as in the past, cohesion remains a problem since the size of the Organization and the divergence

of agendas and allegiances present the ongoing potential for fragmentation. While agreement on

basic principles has been smooth, taking definitive action vis-à-vis particular international issues

has been rare, with the movement preferring to assert its criticism or support rather than pass

hard-line resolutions.[21]

The movement continues to see a role for itself, as in its view, the world's poorest nations remain

exploited and marginalised, no longer by opposing superpowers, but rather in a uni-polar

world,[22]

and it is Western hegemony and neo-colonialism that the movement has really re-

aligned itself against. It opposes the foreign occupation, interference in internal affairs and

aggressive unilateral measures, but it has also shifted to focus on the socio-economic challenges

facing member states, especially the inequalities manifested by globalization and the

implications of neo-liberal policies. The Non-Aligned Movement has identified economic

underdevelopment, poverty, and social injustices as growing threats to peace and security.[23]

The 16th NAM summit took place in Tehran, Iran, from 26 to 31 August 2012. According to

Mehr News Agency, representatives from over 150 countries were scheduled to attend.[24]

Attendance at the highest level includes 27 presidents, two kings and emirs, seven prime

ministers, nine vice presidents, two parliament spokesmen and five special envoys.[25]

At the

summit, Iran took over from Egypt as Chair of the Non-Aligned Movement for the period 2012

to 2015.[26]

and latest one held in Venezuela 2016.[27][28]

In 2019 Colombia and Peru suspended their participation in the Movement under the presidency

of Venezuela because their governments did not recognize the legitimacy of Nicolás Maduro's

regime.

Organizational structure and membership

The movement stems from a desire not to be aligned within a geopolitical/military structure and

therefore itself does not have a very strict organizational structure.[2]

Some organizational basics

were defined at the 1996 Cartagena Document on Methodology[29]

The Summit Conference of

Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned States is "the highest decision making authority".

The chairmanship rotates between countries and changes at every summit of heads of state or

government to the country organizing the summit.[29]

Requirements for membership of the Non-Aligned Movement coincide with the key beliefs of

the United Nations. The current requirements are that the candidate country has displayed

practices in accordance with the ten "Bandung principles" of 1955:[29]

Respect for fundamental human rights and for the purposes and principles of the Charter

of the United Nations.

Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations.

Recognition of the movements for national independence.

Recognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations, large and small.

Abstention from intervention or interference in the internal affairs of another country.

Respect for the right of each nation to defend itself singly or collectively, in conformity

with the Charter of the United Nations.

Refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial

integrity or political independence of any country.

Settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means, in conformity with the Charter

of the United Nations.

Promotion of mutual interests and co-operation.

Respect for justice and international obligations.

Policies and ideology

Chairpersons[30]

of the NAM had included such diverse figures as Suharto,[31]

militaristic[32]

anti-

communist, and Nelson Mandela, a democratic socialist and famous anti-apartheid activist.

Consisting of many governments with vastly different ideologies, the Non-Aligned Movement is

unified by its declared commitment to world peace and security. At the seventh summit held in

New Delhi in March 1983, the movement described itself as "history's biggest peace

movement".[33]

The movement places equal emphasis on disarmament. NAM's commitment to

peace pre-dates its formal institutionalisation in 1961. The Brioni meeting between heads of

governments of India, Egypt and Yugoslavia in 1956 recognized that there exists a vital link

between struggle for peace and endeavours for disarmament.[33]

During the 1970s and early 1980s, the NAM also sponsored campaigns for restructuring

commercial relations between developed and developing nations, namely the New International

Economic Order (NIEO), and its cultural offspring, the New World Information and

Communication Order (NWICO). The latter, on its own, sparked a Non-Aligned initiative on

cooperation for communications, the Non-Aligned News Agencies Pool, created in 1975 and

later converted into the NAM News Network in 2005.

The Non-Aligned Movement espouses policies and practices of cooperation, especially those that

are multilateral and provide mutual benefit to all those involved. Many of the members of the

Non-Aligned Movement are also members of the United Nations. Both Organizations have a

stated policy of peaceful cooperation, yet the successes the NAM has had with multilateral

agreements tend to be ignored by the larger, western and developed nation dominated UN.[34]

African concerns about apartheid were linked with Arab-Asian concerns about Palestine[34]

and

multilateral cooperation in these areas has enjoyed moderate success. The Non-Aligned

Movement has played a major role in various ideological conflicts throughout its existence,

including extreme opposition to apartheid governments and support of guerrilla movements in

various locations, including Rhodesia and South Africa.[35]

Reforms of the UN

The movement has been outspoken in its criticism of current UN structures and power dynamics,

stating that the Organization has been used by powerful states in ways that violate the

movement's principles. It has made a number of recommendations that it says would strengthen

the representation and power of "non-aligned" states. The proposed UN reforms are also aimed at

improving the transparency and democracy of UN decision-making. The UN Security Council is

the element it considers the most distorted, undemocratic, and in need of reshaping.[41]

South-South cooperation

The movement has collaborated with other Organizations of the developing world – primarily

the Group of 77 – forming a number of joint committees and releasing statements and documents

representing the shared interests of both groups. This dialogue and cooperation can be taken as

an effort to increase the global awareness about the Organization and bolster its political

clout.[citation needed]

Cultural diversity and human rights

The movement accepts the universality of human rights and social justice, but fiercely resists

cultural homogenisation.[citation needed]

In line with its views on sovereignty, the Organization

appeals for the protection of cultural diversity, and the tolerance of the religious, socio-cultural,

and historical particularities that define human rights in a specific region.