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Disputing about taste: Practices and perceptions of cultural hierarchy in theNetherlands

van den Haak, M.A.

Publication date2014

Link to publication

Citation for published version (APA):van den Haak, M. A. (2014). Disputing about taste: Practices and perceptions of culturalhierarchy in the Netherlands.

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age / seniority  old, classic (excl. ‘classical music’), traditional, new, contemporary, conservative, dated, eternal value (excl. ‘modern’, which is used in a broader way: ‘modern art’ = abstract art) 

complexity   complex/difficult vs. easy/simple/comprehensible/accessible (to understand art, not to produce it) 

depth  depth or layers vs. shallowness, crudeness, thinness (in Dutch all these concepts refer to depth or lack thereof) 

intellect  intelligent/sophisticated vs. stupid art (excl. references to the intelligence of those who like this art, which are discussed in Ch. 6) 

refined / subtle  the literal words ‘refined’, ‘subtle’ and ‘nuanced’ form over content  explicit references to the aesthetic disposition: formal 

aspects are more important than the contents or than emotional value, etc. 

form: other  other formal aspects, such as style, composition, narrative structure 

originality (total)  umbrella term for the originality aspects below         cliché / standard the opposite of original (and related terms): cliché, 

predictable, standard, always the same, middle‐of‐the‐road         alternative  alternative (incl. the music genre), different, special, vague        innovative  innovative, progressive, revolutionary, avant‐garde         experimental  literal use of the word ‘experiment(al)’        original: literally  literal use of the word ‘original(ity)’authenticity   

authentic or ‘real’ vs. inauthentic, fake, superficial (excl. the opposition between real artworks and reproductions) 

popularity   references to the popularity or the size of the audience, incl. ‘mass(es)’, ‘large/small films’, ‘popular classical music’ (excl. the more general terms ‘popular music’ and ‘popular culture’) 

commercial  art produced for commercial ends, in order to attract a large audience and make money (incl. art bought as an investment)

well‐known  references to the degree of being well‐known, reputation mainstream  mainstream (literally), Top 40 (as a music ‘genre’), 

general/average social status  (only coded for the specific interview questions in the four 

columns on the right of table 7.1) cultural hierarchy is linked to social hierarchy or to status distinction; high culture is elitist, low culture for the common people 

* The term ‘art’ always refers to items from all cultural fields.

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Bourdieu, P. (1986 [1983]), ‘The forms of capital.’ In: J. Richardson (ed.) Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. New York: Greenwood, pp. 241-258.

Bourdieu, P. (1996 [1992]), The rules of art. Genesis and structure of the literary field. Cambridge: Polity Press.

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Elchardus, M. & J. Siongers (2007), ‘Ethnocentrism, taste and symbolic boundaries.’ Poetics 35(4-5): 215-238.

Elias, N. (1994 [1939]), The civilizing process. Oxford: Blackwell. Elias, N. (1998 [1935]), ‘The kitsch style and the age of kitsch.’ In: J. Goudsblom & S.

Mennell (eds.), The Norbert Elias Reader. Oxford: Blackwell. Eliasoph, N. (1990), ‘Political culture and the presentation of a political self. A study of

the public sphere in the spirit of Erving Goffman.’ Theory and Society 19: 465-494. Elshout, J. (forthcoming), PhD dissertation, University of Amsterdam. Emmison, M. (2003), ‘Social class and cultural mobility. Reconfiguring the cultural

omnivore thesis.’ Journal of Sociology 39(3): 211-230. Featherstone, M. (1991), Consumer culture & postmodernism. London: Sage Publications. Franssen, T., & G. Kuipers (2013), ‘Coping with uncertainty, abundance and strife:

Decision-making processes of Dutch acquisition editors in the global market for translations.’ Poetics 41(1): 48-74.

Friedman, S. (2012), ‘Cultural omnivores or culturally homeless? Exploring the shifting cultural identities of the upwardly mobile.’ Poetics 40: 467-489.

Friedman, S. & G. Kuipers (2013), ‘The divisive power of humour: Comedy, taste and symbolic boundaries.’ Cultural Sociology 7(2): 179-195.

Frith, S. (1996), Performing rites: On the value of popular music. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Furnée, J.H. (2007), Vrijetijdscultuur en sociale verhoudingen in Den Haag, 1850-1890. Groningen: Rijksuniversiteit (dissertation).

Gans, H.J. (1999 [1974]), Popular culture and high culture. An analysis and evaluation of taste. Revised & updated version. New York: Basic Books.

Ganzeboom, H. (1982), ‘Cultuurdeelname als verwerking van informatie of verwerving van status: een confrontatie van twee alternatieve verklarende theorieën aan de hand van reeds verricht onderzoek.’ Mens en Maatschappij 57(4): 341-372.

Ganzeboom, H. (1989), Cultuurdeelname in Nederland. Een empirisch-theoretisch onderzoek naar determinanten van deelname aan culturele activiteiten. Assen: Van Gorcum.

Ghilazghi, S. (2012), Allemaal hetzelfde toch. Onderzoek naar distincties binnen het genre hiphop. Amsterdam: Bachelor’s thesis University of Amsterdam.

Giddens, A. (1991), Modernity and self-identity. Self and society in the late modern age. Cambridge: Polity Press.

  

308  

De Graaf, P.M. & R. Luijkx (1995), ‘Paden naar succes: geboorte of diploma’s?’ In: J. Dronkers & W.C. Ultee (red.), Verschuivende ongelijkheid in Nederland. Sociale gelaagdheid en mobiliteit. Assen: Van Gorcum: pp. 31-45.

De Haan, J. & W. Knulst (2000), Het bereik van de kunsten. Een onderzoek naar veranderingen in de belangstelling voor beeldende kunst en podiumkunst sinds de jaren zeventig. Den Haag: Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau.

De Jong, O. (2013), ‘Peil het menselijk leven steeds dieper.’ NRC Handelsblad 22-3-2013. De Marchi, N. & H.J. van Miegroet (1996), ‘Pricing invention: “Originals,” “copies,” and

their relative value in seventeenth century Netherlandish art markets.’ In: V.A. Ginsburgh & P.-M. Menger, Economics of the arts. Selected essays. Amsterdam: Elsevier.

De Meyer, G. (2004), Cultuur met een kleine c. Leuven: Acco. De Meyer, G. (2006), De beste smaak is de slechte smaak. Populaire cultuur en

complexiteit. Leuven: Acco. De Stigter-Speksnijder, M. (2007), ‘De Aker en Getsewoud.’ In: Lupi, T. et al. (red.),

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Summary Cultural taste is generally not perceived as something neutral. Although the expression ‘there is no disputing about taste’ is often used, people do dispute about tastes. They attach meanings to tastes, they attribute status to certain tastes and they rank tastes in a hierarchical order. ‘Good tastes’ stand opposite to ‘bad tastes’, and ‘high culture’ to ‘low culture’. According to Pierre Bourdieu, cultural tastes plays an important role in shaping and reproducing social hierarchy. High status people distinguish themselves with their ‘high cultural’ taste from those below. However, during the twentieth century, more and more voices have emerged on the fading of the boundaries between high and low culture. Cultural producers increasingly mix high and low art (e.g., in pop art); media and other ‘gatekeepers’ discuss them side by side; and (higher educated) consumers have become ‘cultural omnivores’. These developments went hand in hand with a declining importance of social hierarchy in general, more informal relations between social groups and increasing emphasis on individual choices. Hence, according to many critics, concepts such as ‘high culture’ and ‘low culture’ have lost their significance. Cultural items are – or should be – regarded as equal, rather than as hierarchical.

Sociologists raised the question whether this blurring of boundaries and this broadening of tastes go together with decreasing cultural distinction. If one likes items from both high and low culture, why would one distinguish from others? However, many of them found that the broadness of people’s tastes must be downplayed and that cultural distinction often occurs within domains and genres: one can have, for instance, a good or bad taste within hip hop. Moreover, I argue that the concepts ‘high culture’ and ‘low culture’ as such should not be predetermined in order to measure cultural omnivorousness, which often happens in quantitative research. These are socially constructed concepts, of which the meanings can change over time. Jazz was once regarded as low culture, whereas nowadays many jazz genres are mainly appreciated by high status people. ‘High culture’ as a domain might remain significant, but one can wonder whether everyone defines it in the same way and whether the criteria to define cultural hierarchy have changed. For instance, does high culture consist of ‘the classics’ that have survived the ages, and/or does the concept refer to original, innovative and authentic art?

In this dissertation, I ask the question whether and how people in the Netherlands actually perceive cultural hierarchy. Do concepts such as ‘high culture’ and ‘low culture’ mean anything to them, and if so, how do they define them? Besides the perceptions, definitions and classifications of cultural hierarchy, I also study how people practise cultural hierarchy in daily life, i.e., whether they express looking down on, or up to, others’ tastes. Finally, I study the opinions people have on these matters; one can perceive

  

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