v o l u m e i v i s s u e 1 - s p r i n g / s u m m e r 2 ...v o l u m e i v i s s u e 1 - s p r i n...

V o l u m e I V I s s u e 1 - S p r i n g / S u m m e r 2 0 0 7

Dronah is an interdisciplinary organisation

consisting of highly motivated professionals from

various fields who share a vision for a better quality

of life – one that is sustainable, environmentally

sensitive and draws on the contemporary without

foregoing the strengths of the traditional. It is our

aim to actively promote sustainable development

through conservation, utilisation of traditional

practices and modern technologies, knowledge

sharing and mutual interaction. The organisation is

focussed on conservation and development of the

built heritage, environment; and art and crafts with

the involvement of local community, in addition to

being engaged in documentation and educational

activities.

Cover photo: Sundarban

ContentsEditorial..................................................................................................................5

Compiling Records

Evolution of the Bohra Masjid in Gujarat A.D. 1650-1950.................................. 7Zameer Basrai

Kalyadeh and Sadalpur: Camp cum Pleasure Resortsof the Malwa Sultans in the 15th century............................................................17Klaus Rotzer

Methods & Approaches

Aspiring for Resurgence: A Case Study of Ajeevali, A Sacred Grovefrom Western Ghats of India................................................................................31Supriya Goturkar Mahabaleshwarkar and Mukul Mahabaleshwarkar

Cultural Significance of Indigenous Institutions and Forest Management inHimachal Pradesh................................................................................................. 41Hement K. Gupta

A Capital in the Making: Sustainable Development in Dehradun..................... 49Meghna Khanna

Effect of Pollution and other Environmental Factors on Monuments.................55S.P.Singh

Ganapati Utsav in Pune: Sense of Place, Space and Pace....................................61Mukta Latkar

Sustainable Solutions

Understanding Sustainability...............................................................................69Akshay Kaul

Poverty Alleviation: The Need for a Holistic Approach.......................................75Vinnie Jouhari

Book Reviewby Azhar Tyabji...................................................................................................83

Events...................................................................................................................84

Heritage Album

Sundarban.............................................................................................................87

Chief EditorShikha Jain

Board of EditorsAjay Khare

Anuradha NambiarCheena KanwalKewal Khanna

Prabha Prabhakar BhardwajSuchandra Bardhan

Editorial AdvisorsAdam Hardy,

PRASADA, Welsh School ofArchitecture, Cardiff, UK

A.G.K. MenonTVB School of Habitat Studies,

New Delhi

Madhuri Desai,University of California, Berkeley,

USA

Rima HoojaMSID India Program,University of Minnesota,

USA

Shankar GhoseCharkha,

Development CommunicationNetwork, New Delhi

Monideep ChattopadhyaySiddaganga Institute of Technology

Tumkur, Karnataka

Layout & DesignSN Graphix

(011) 41831074, 9891299959

Copyright © 2007 Dronah, India

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Tel: 0124-4082081,2381067, Fax: 0124-4269081Email: [email protected]

Website: http://www.dronah.org

ISSN: 0973-502X

Vol IV Issue 1 Spring/Summer 2007

EditorialNature and Culture – a customary symbiotic relationship butdisintegrating relevance in a rapidly urbanising form and architecturetoday, is the focus of this issue.

The first section presents an inquiry into spaces for women in publicarchitecture, emphasising the need to understand the socio-culturalbeliefs that define the boundaries within architectural form. Be itreligious, as in spaces within a masjid, or the camp and pleasureresorts of the Mughals – documented here by Basrai and Rotzerrespectively, the meaning of historic architecture can only becomprehended when the architectural drawings are supported byparallel socio-cultural queries.

The 'Methods and Approaches' section looks at natural resources likeforests through sacred groves, indigenous lifestyles and festivals,historic monuments vis a vis increasing urbanisation, urban spaceand the need for conservation and continuity .

'Sustainable Solutions' includes two articles – the first one presents awide perspective from the philosophical roots of India to the presentday planning dilemma in the Indian cities. To an extent, it helps usunderstand why our cities and educational curriculum are in thepresent state of confusion. The second article in this sectionaddresses the issues and concerns raised in the earlier articles andprovides solutions for better management of indigenous resources,transparency in decision making and an integrated approach toplanning and conservation.

Since its inception, our journal has published articles from experts invaried disciplines to provide examples of a holistic approach todevelopment. While we have received an encouraging response,some of our readers have suggested that the publication should focuson a particular discipline or have more thematic issues. We wouldlike to reiterate that the aim of our journal is to break the'professional cocoons' and encourage interdisciplinary perspectives,hence the diverse selection of articles.

Shikha Jain

Compiling Records

Evolution of the Bohra Masjid in GujaratAD 1650-1950

Zameer Basrai .......................................................... pg.7

A graduate in Architecture from CEPT University, Ahmedabad,

Zameer Basrai is currently practicing as an associate architect

at 'The Busride', an environment design studio based in

Mumbai.

Kalyadeh and Sadalpur

Klaus Rotzer ............................................................. pg.17

Klaus Rotzer is a freelance archaeologist who has lived in

South Asia for 35 years and undertaken significant

documentation of the historic water structures and defence

architecture of India.

Compiling Records 7

ZAMEER BASRAI

Evolution ofthe BohraMasjid inGujaratAD 1650-1950Women's space in the masjid

Interviewees during the documentation process

The Bohras are petty traders who thrived along trading routes and portsin Gujarat and neighbouring states

This paper studies the Bohras of Gujaratand their masjid in an attempt todocument, record and understandcommunity behavior, socio-culturalethos as well as material andconstruction technology.

Research in history, social studies andanthropology has probed deep into thestudy of 'sects and sub-sects' of Islam aswell as the specific socio-politicalcontexts that were instrumental in theirformation. It is essential for research inIslamic architecture to be informed ofthese sectarian differences to achieve acomprehensive understanding of contextand address the peculiarities of theIslamic sects and its manifestations inthe architecture of their institutions.

Divided at its very inception, the roots of Islam can betraced to Mecca in Arabia, where its philosophy wasrevealed to the prophet Mohammed in the early 7thcentury. However, the prophet left no successor inwriting and on his death, the question of who wouldsucceed his caliphate caused the first schism in thereligion.

The Sunnis, one of the two main branches of Islam,commonly described as orthodox (origin Arabic;literally 'custom, normative rule') accepted theleadership of Abu Bakr, a revered leader at the time,and constituted the majority.

The Shias (Also Shi'a), the other branch of Islam,constituted a minority. They rejected the first threecaliphs and regarded Ali, the fourth caliph, asMohammed's true successor (origin Arabic S'-a' whichdenotes 'Of Ali')

The sentiments of the schism are expressed as: 'TheSunnis resent Shiite attacks on their first three caliphs;the Shias can never forgive the Sunnis for theirsupposed betrayal of Ali.'

As the Islamic empire spread outside the ArabianPeninsula, a series of internal rifts caused a furtherdivide in the religion. Each group fought the other toestablish its seat of power. The Bohras too, have beenpart of a peculiar history of Islam in the Indian sub-continent. The Bohras are Shia muslims of the IsmailiMustaaliam sect. They mainly constitute localBrahmin and Vania converts in the state of Gujarat atthe beginning of the 11th century.

This research investigated the evolution of the BohraMasjid in Gujarat from A.D. 1650 (when they sufferedgreatly due to religious persecution by Sunni rulers inthe state) to A.D. 1950 (when they prospered at theheight of British rule in the country). It was during thecolonial rule in the country, when the British adoptedrepressive measures against the Sunni masses, that theBohras stepped out of their past to reconcile with theirchanging context. The masjid spontaneously evolvedwith the rapid changes after the decline of the Mughalsand the rise of colonial power in the country tomanifest itself as a symbol of the economic prosperityand socio-political security of the community.

8 Compiling Records

Sketch elevations, Najmi MasjidSketch of the three storeyed structure of theNajmi Masjid in Surat

The Documentation Process

Compiling Records 9

Sketch plan Husaini Masjid

The juxtaposition of rhythms of structureand ornmentation shown in the plan andreflected in the facade

Since the study explores the relationship between thesocio-political context of the city and women's spacein the masjid; the masjids selected for the study arerepresentative of these different stages in the history ofthe Bohras in Gujarat.These were documented throughobservation, interviews, measured drawings andphotographs.

This direct participation in the documentation processelucidated certain concepts, both spatial and religio-cultural, that are not apparent only through analyticalstudies.

The inquiry into the development of women's space inthe Bohra Masjid is an example of research that ismainly based on the collection of data from primarysources.

Research revealed that historically, the concept of theharem dates back to the warring times in Arabia. Thejenana space in the house developed as an instrumentfor the seclusion of women in the community as didthe religious belief of purdah (or visual separation ofmen and women). Women have historically been

prohibited from entering the courtyard of the masjid;when allowed into the masjid premises, they haveoften had disproportionately small enclosures in theform of galleries or visually partitioned areas. Thecommon understanding of the position and role ofwomen in Islamic communities is often expressed as:'Women are not found in the same rows as men and noprayer is obligatory for them. Menstruating women areaccording to Islamic tradition ritually impure and arenot allowed in the mosque at all. This is the reason forthe tolerance in the question of prayer obligation andprescribed ritual purity.'

The Bohras stand apart as an Islamic sub-sect due totheir distinctive attitudes towards the community andindividual; their institutions bear witness to thesedifferences.

The Bohra masjid, developed over a span of threehundred years, expresses a special importance forwomen within its spatial hierarchies. The jenana orladies’ enclosure is integrated into the masjid form asan upper storey, exclusively used by women forprayers during the month of Ramadan and during large

10 Compiling Records

Shujai Masjid, Ahmedabad, ground floor plan

The ‘hadd vagarno bhag’ on the

ground floor

The ‘hadd vagarno bhag’ on the

first floor

Shujai Masjid, the projected rectangular masjid hall with the ‘hadd vagar nobhag’ spaces

Shujai Masjid, Ahmedabad, first floor plan and section

Shujai Masjid Documentation

Compiling Records 11

The Shujai Masjid (1) is located within theVohrwad, a residential colony of the Bohras

The women’s space on the first floor

The residential scale of the masjid exterior

gatherings for the sermon delivered bythe head priest. On other occasions, apart of the prayer space on the groundfloor was appropriated for womenthrough the use of a curtain.In the masjids built around the 17th -18th century (such as the ShujaiMasjid, Ahmedabad c.1730), the firstfloor was conceived as an attachmentto the main hall below.

The double height void was onlygestural towards a connection. Thelack of ornament, the dung floors, theempty volume of the pitched roof andthe uninspiring directionality of thespace was indicative of the Bohraattitude towards collective space. Thewomen's enclosure on the upper floordid not partake in the experience of themasjid space.


1 2 3


1. The internal volume of the masjid assumedthe nature of the courtyard.

2. The negotiations of the masjid hall withrespect to the irregularity of boundaryconditions acheived certainty through theadoption of the colonial facade and theconsequent geometricization of theinternalvolume. The effective residual spaceswere assigned a special name – hadd vagar nobhag or space outside the boundary. This spacewas used by menstruating women duringcongregational prayer. This space was graduallyformalized into a balcony.

3. The emphasis on women’s space in themasjid became an important determinant of itsform and profile; as the galleries achieved agreater integration into the overall experience ofthe community space.

4. The institution was revealed from within theresidential context. The clock tower, apredominantly colonial urban element, wasincorporated into the masjid as a minaret.

5.The structure evolved to formalize theexperience of the double height in the masjid.

Evolution of the Architectural Form

4 5


In the masjids built during the colonial period(such as the Moti Masjid in Kapadvanj, datable toc. 1880 and the Saifee Masjid, Cambay of AD1931), the upper storey or gallery became asignificant aspect of the volumetric experience ofthe prayer hall. The increased size of the doubleheight void, now adorned by chandeliers,expresses an integration of the double storeyedstructure (and in some cases a three-storeyedstructure with two floors assigned to women).

An attempt at creating equal space for men andwomen can be seen in the planning of the SaifeeMasjid, Cambay.

A significant spatial concept that emerged duringinterviews was the hadd vagar no bhag whichtranslates as 'the space outside of the boundary' inGujarati. It is in this space that menstruatingwomen are allowed to attend the namaz in themasjid premises. However, the namaz prayed inthis area is considered of lesser value than thatprayed within its boundaries. This space wasinitially a resultant of boundary conditions (awedge-like space as in the Shujai Masjid) butassumed a more formal character (a defined roomas in the Saifee Masjid) in the masjids built in thelater periods.

The structure of the double height void is ornate

Location of theSaifee Masjid (1)

Saifee Masjid Documentation


The provision ofa courtyard onthe ground floor

Saifee Masjid, Cambay, ground floor plan

The courtyard of the masjid is also surrounded by a women’sgallery

Saifee Masjid, Cambay, first floor plan and section

Women’s spaceon the first floorof the SaifeeMasjid


The Shujai Masjid, Ahmedabad thus introduces thisspace in the making of the prayer hall. The hadd orboundary of the masjid hall is a notional (projected)rectangle that has one edge coinciding with the QiblaWall and the others maximizing available space withinthe masonry wall enclosure of the hall. Theirregularities of boundary, common in traditionalenvironments, caused the formation of these residualspaces that were assigned the function of hadd vagarno bhag. Before the masjid is declared open to thepublic, the head priest is invited to sanctify itsprecinct. It is he who in the final instance defines theboundaries of the masjid.

The Bohra masjid presents a unique case for studyingthe development of women's space in a masjid. Theprocess of the formalization of the hadd vagar nobhag is one that paralleled the growing importance ofwomen in the Bohra community and the changingconception of women's space in the masjid. TheBohras are petty traders by profession and the menoften leave their homes on business. Women thus takegreater part in the activities of the masjid; this unusualphenomenon is partly due to the fact thatdistinguishing between men and women would havereduced the numbers of the Bohras, already a minority

community, to half. Further research into the socio-cultural aspects of the Bohras reveals that their attitudetowards women is a continuation of their culture priorto their conversion.

The visual image and identity of Islam and itsdevelopment through the years has undoubtedly beendefined by its religious institutions. The creation ofwomen's space in the masjid can be understood as aresponse to a stable socio-political context in the city.Shia communities assumed largely a political stancesto religion. With their incapacity for political conflict,the Shias also became very religious. Though moredogmatic regarding the issues of leadership andreligion, they were open to social reform. Thecomparatively better status that women held in Shiasociety thus became characteristic of their community.

Since the concepts presented in this article further areunique to the case study, it expresses the need forfurther research in Islamic architecture thatacknowledges the subtleties of each sub-sect andcreates a comparative framework to documentphysically the diversity and richness of the Islamicworld.

Notes & References

� Desai, Madhavi (1992) Traditional house

form of Bohras in Gujarat: Architectural

response to cultural ethos, Report,

November

� Engineer, Asghar Ali (1980) The Bohras,

Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd.:

Sahidabad

� Michell, George (ed.) (1978) Architecture

of Islamic world: Its history and social

meaning, William Morrow and Co. Inc.:

New York

� Prochazka, Ajmal Bohumil (1986) ‘The

women’s section in the mosque’,

Architecture of the Islamic cultural sphere

– Mosques, MARP – Muslim architecture

research program, Switzerland: Zurich

� Zakaria, Rafiq (1989) The Struggle within

Islam – The conflict between religion and

politics, Penguin Books (India) Ltd.: New

Delhi

KLAUS ROTZER

Kalyadeh and Sadalpur:The Camps cum Pleasure Resorts of the Malwa Sultans in the 15th Century

The unique positioning of the ruins at the two historic sites ofKalyadeh and Sadalpur provide an interesting insight into the waterarchitecture of the Malwa Sultans. Both sites are located between twoold bridges with rectangular pavilions built on the riverbank andporticos with diverse water features in the riverbed itself. The best timefor using these luxurious bathing sites was between October and April,after the water had subsided, but before it had altogether evaporatedbecause of the heat. During the monsoons, only the pavilions wereused as the rooftops of the porticos would be submerged in theriverbeds. When the water subsided, these features had to be cleaned.

The Kalyadeh pavilion


The Sadalpur pavilion

The old bridge at Sadalpur

The water features of Kalyadeh and Sadalpurreflect an asymmetric and organic architecture.The architectural features situated upstream arereservoirs where water was stored and decanted.Other features, with steps, were for bathing.Those features that were particularly shallowwere made to refresh the air and add to thearchitectural ambience, thereby creating anunreal, paradisiacal space. The still water ofthese basins contrasted with the flowing water ofother features, especially that of the channels ofdifferent undulating and spiral (both inward andoutward flowing) designs.

During the hot days, the porticos offered shadeand coolness and in the evening. The rooftopterraces of these porticos offered an idealpleasure site – open to the sky, with fresh waterflowing below and the green riverbanks on eitherside. Unlike the pavilions on the riverbankswhich could be closed off, the porticos in theriverbed were mostly open structures reflecting acollective lifestyle.


KKAALLYYAADDEEHH

Kalyadeh, legendary for Lord Krishna'sconquest over the monstrous cobraKaliya, is located about 10 km. fromUjjain on the Sipra River. A legend of theBhagoria Bhils relates that it was at thisplace that their hero Gadakhar trapped theblood-thirsty goddesses and evicted themfrom Ujjain. This is also the site for thebattle of 1418 AD between the Sultans ofMalwa and Gujarat. According toinscriptions, a few buildings at this sitewere erected in 1458 by Sultan MahmudKhalji of Malwa (r. 1436-69). However,the accounts of the Mughal EmperorJahangir suggest that the site dates fromthe reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Khalji(r. 1500-10). Emperor Akbar also visitedKalyadeh in 1599 and 1600, whileenroute to the Deccan and his sonJahangir, rested here in 1616 and 1621during his journey.

The Kalyadeh riverbed pool (B in Plan on page 23)

The geometric and serpentine patterns of the water channels leading from the riverbed at Kalyadeh

From the north to the south, the site of Kalyadehcomprises an island, a branch of the Sipra River, andits southern bank. It is limited on the east by a dam-bridge (A) that gives access to the island and thepavilion that stands there. The western limit is nolonger visible.

The pavilion is built on a basement to protect it fromflooding. It consists of two levels. The ground levelhas two rooms separated by a central hall. A gallerywith a central projection enlarges the hall towards thesouth. At the upper level is a room roofed with adome on the western end; the remainder is occupiedby a roof terrace. The terrace is surrounded by a highcrenulated parapet with openings filled with jaliscreens that offer ventilation and views of the


The Kalyadeh riverbed and its porticos


Another view of the Kalyadeh riverbed and its porticos

landscape and activities below. While this upper levelwas both a private space and a lookout, the lowerspace was largely open and could have served as anaudience hall.

At Kalyadeh, the constructed space in the riverconstitutes the heart of the complex. It is linked to thebank to the south by two staircases, and to the riverbedby two staircases that descend to the water. A fifthstaircase leads up to the island on which stands thepavilion. The space is limited on the south by a longgallery, which backs onto the riverbank and has acentral, irregular projection. Certain pillars of thisprojection have prow-shaped projections to resist theforce of the water during flooding. The purpose of thisgallery was to offer shade while the water basins

within the gallery provided coolness, pleasurablereflection and opportunities to sport in the water. Thegallery forms a single covered space. The only roomthat could be closed by doors was situated at theeastern end.

The bed of the river between the gallery and the islandis covered by a platform of mortared masonry. Herestand two pavilions (E and F) and 16 pools of differentdimensions and depths, distributed without order. Thetwo biggest pools, located on the east, create a voidbetween the platform and the dam bridge. Theirfunction is to decant/clean the water and feed the otherpools. The other pools follow a hierarchy of sorts. Themost important pools (B and C) have steps descendingto the water. The disposition of pool B is the most


Views through sequential Islamic arches in the corridor

interesting because it reveals both symmetry andsurprise. It is a square basin with an octagonalisland in the centre and steps all around, their risebroken by a balcony centrally positioned on eachside. This regular scheme prefigures the Mughalaesthetic. Indeed, the octagonal pavilion on theisland was added by Jahangir in 1621. The basin isfed by three channels that are disposed in anirregular fashion. The first channel imitates asmall river with an island (Figure 1a, G); thesecond has a regular geometrical design (Figure1a, H and J); the third is straight but passesthrough a small octagonal basin.

At the northern part of the platform there are eightrectangular pools disposed around pavilion F. PoolD and the channels that lead into and out from ittogether constitute an asymmetrical axis betweenthe southern and northern parts of the platform. Itseems evident that the pools B and C, located inthe southern part of the platform, were reservedfor the use of elites while those in the northern

part of the platform were used by those of inferiorrank. The southern bank of the river was a parkwith trees at the same level as the roof terrace ofthe gallery.

Sadalpur is isolated in the middle of thecountryside, 15 km. from Dhar, beside theMhowa-Nimach road, on an intermittent stream.There are no extant inscriptions carrying the dateof its foundation. The existing architecturalevidence on site indicates that it may be dated toAD 1500. Accounts of the Jahangiri era attributedthe construction of Sadalpur to Sultan Nasiruddin.

Being more isolated than Kalyadeh, and for a longtime abandoned, Sadalpur has preserved twobridges that constitute the northern and southernlimits of the site. Again, the pylons of thesebridges have prow-shaped projections on theupstream faces to reduce water pressure in timesof flood. A gigantic boabab tree is the last remnantof the park that was created on both sides of the

Kalyadeh, District Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh)Royal leisure space Built on the bed of Sipra Riverattributed to the sultanate of Malwa, about 1458AD

Fig.1

Fig.1A


Fig. 2. Sadalpur, District Dhar (Madhya Pradesh)Jal Mahal or Water PalaceSultanate of Malwa, circa 1500 ADGround Plan


Fig. 3. Sadalpur, District Dhar (Madhya Pradesh)Jal Mahal or Water Palace

The Sadalpur boabab

river. (This species was introduced by African slavesbrought to Mandu in the 15th century.)

Two buildings disposed in an ‘L’ formation constitutethe centre of Sadalpur: a pavilion on the eastern bank,and a large portico across the riverbed (Figure 3).

The pavilion is rectangular, with its main facade onthe west looking towards the river. There are threedoorways with arched bays above. Brackets support anangled eave which provides shade. On the other threefacades, the eaves are replaced by regularly spacedholes for pigeons. An apse-like projection marks thesouthern facade. A dome rises from the middle of theroof terrace, which is surrounded by a crenulatedparapet. The pavilion is divided internally into threespaces.

The portico across the riverbed is ‘L’ shaped in plan(Figure 2). The central part (A), with octagonal pillars,is situated between two water bodies on the north andsouth; it was entirely submerged during the rainyseason. If the water was not too deep, spaces B and Ccould have been be used to view the river flowingbetween the ‘forest’ of octagonal pillars. These pillarsare octagonal in shape to better resist the waterpressure. At the end of the rainy season, the floor of


The square still-water pond ( Fig. 2, Part J )

section A would emerge. Cut into the floor wereminiature water channels in rectilinear and undulatingpatterns (a, c and d); water sprung up from four holes(e). Two underground channels (b) fed pool L whenthe upstream reservoir was at its lowest level. Clearly,space A was the most architecturally sophisticatedpart of the portico in terms of the water channels cutinto the floor, the octagonal pillars with mouldedbases, the elegant profiles of the arches that theysupport, and the dome above carried on kite-shapependentives. A further point is that space A has anorth-south axis of symmetry, which is materializedby channel (d), the only one which is perfectlyrectilinear. Space C of the portico also has a north-south axis marked by a channel, which feeds the

Sadalpur, distant view of the water systems

covered part of pool K. The other rooms and galleriesof the portico (B, D, E, F and M) are disposed withoutany symmetry. Two staircases give access to the roofterrace. Staircase H is straight and is never underwater. It serves as a link between the pavilion and theroof terrace. Staircase G is more complex: the bottomsteps, in part-octagonal formation, lead to a landingfrom where a straight flight ascends between two wallsto the terrace. This serves as a link between the porticoand the terrace. The terrace itself constitutes one largespace which was used as a meeting place beneath thestars during the evening. This contrasted with theportico beneath, which was used primarily during thedaytime as it was protected from the sun.

CCOOMMPPAARRIISSOONN WWIITTHH OOTTHHEERR SSIITTEESS

The essential trait of the monuments at Kalyadeh andSadalpur is their unique situation on the beds of rivers.Other similar sites also exist in Central India.

In Khandesh, 21 km. from Burhanpur, on the riverBadi Utaoli, the site of Mahalgura presents somesimilarities. Two small dams, 90 m. apart, traverse theriver. The first dam, 4 m. high, serves as a reservoir. Itis hidden by a cascade of water during the rainyseason. The bed of the river between the two dams hasbeen surfaced with mortar. Two pavilions stand on thebanks on either side. It is said that in the 16th centurythe royal family of Khandesh came here for picnics.Mandu has striking similarities with these structures.The palace of the Malwa Sultans, largely built between1401 and 1526 with the last remodeling done in 1616for the reception of Jahangir, is laid out on two sidesof Munj Talab, an approximately square artificial lake.A number of pools, water basins and baodis lined the

banks of the lake and an island. The southern bank ofthe island of Munj Talab is lined with pavilions opento the north, facing an open space where there aredifferent pools and water basins disposed without anyobvious order. Ramps and steps facilitate access to thewater of the lake. In contrast with the still water of thelake and the pools and basins, flowing water wascarried by an aqueduct raised on cylindrical pillars.This running water fed various channels and fountains.

The third similar site in the region is a military camp ofthe Malwa Sultans, near the village of Nalcha, 6 km.from Mandu, the ruins of which are of some interest(Figure 4, page 28). In Nalcha, a large water body ofthe 10th-11th-century Paramara period was reused laterby the Malwa Sultans. In the south-west corner thereare buildings distributed in an L-shaped formation.There was a garden to the south with four domedpavilions. An island in the middle of the talab wasreached by a bridge from the southern bank. To thenorth, there was a mosque and a tomb of a saint. Thehistorian Ferishta tells us that it was at Nalcha that theMalwa Sultans organized the army before everymilitary campaign. It was also here that on their returnfrom these campaigns the army and the Sultan waitedfor the auspicious moment, decided by the courtastrologers, to triumphantly enter the capital city ofMandu. It was at Nalcha that Jahangir based his campwhen he visited Malwa. The most important elementof the Nalcha complex is the talab, and its ghats andramps for the bathing of elephants. This is hardly asurprise for in Nalcha’s hot climate water was anessential element needed by all. There is no trace ofswimming pools at Nalcha, but the ghat itself couldhave served this purpose. The existence of a gardenwith pavilions is certain, while the broad earthen banks


Water resurgence (Fig. 2, Part E) Rectangular still-water pool (Fig. 2, Part K)

of the talab offered a surface suitable for the tents ofthe royal camp. The presence of a religious zone witha mosque and tomb suggests that the site was notmerely a transitory camp but a terminus where theSultan, his courtiers and army could spend some time.In addition, 1 km. north-west of the talab there is asmall dam, on which there is a building known as'Malcolm' Kothi, near which it is still possible torecognize several pools.

CCOONNCCLLUUSSIIOONN

The camps cum pleasure resorts of the Malwa Sultansof the 15th century merit a thorough study through themethodical excavation of the listed sites. The surface

survey of the sites presented here and the writings ofFerishta and Jahangir permit us to advance thefollowing seven conjectures:1. In the 15th century and beginning of the 16th

century, the Malwa Sultans lived in tented campsfor a part of the year. In this regard they followedthe customs of their Turkish ancestors as well asthose of the other tribes of Central Asia. Formilitary campaigns and tours of inspection, theSultans were accompanied by the army, court andharem. In case of defeat, the harem could becaptured by the enemy, as happened to MahmudKhalji on his unfortunate expedition to theDeccan. Kalyadeh and Sadalpur were sites wherethe royal camp frequently halted for longer stays.


Fig. 4. Nalcha, District Dhar (M.P.), The Royal Talab

The evidence for this are the stone structures withwhich these sites were furnished. A century later,when Akbar and Jahangir crossed Malwa, they toocamped here.

2. These sites were hierarchically organised. Nalchawas a terminus not far away from the capital ofMandu. The departure and return of the Sultanand his retinue was organized here during variouscampaigns, expeditions and activities in a mannerthat demanded an almost theatrical production.Sadalpur was a simple halt in the countryside. Asevidenced by the small audience hall in thepavilion at Kalyadeh, the Sultan also had to meetthe notables of Ujjain for the administration of theregion.

3. The sites are always chosen with respect to water.They are located near either reservoirs or rivers.

This is not surprising when we consider the hotclimate and the large numbers of people andanimals on the move. The elephants, in particularhad to be bathed daily.

4. In times of war, soldiers, horses and elephantswere an essential part of this moving crowd, butthey were accompanied by servants and women aswell as heavy luggage. The Sultan also took partof his harem on these expeditions. During times ofpeace, the moving crowd was not much different.However, the court and the harem were moreimportant than the army and the pools ofKalyadeh and Sadalpur were used for leisure. Thesame site could be a military camp or a leisureresort depending on the political circumstances.

5. The harem of the Sultan was constituted by ladiesof very different origin. In the time of SultanGhiyathuddin Khalji (r. 1469-1500) there aresupposed to have been 15,000 women, of which500 were Turkish and 500 African. There werealso Indian women of different castes and tribes,including Bhil and Gond princesses of Malwa.That this female world of the Malwa Sultans washierarchically organized is suggested by the waterfeatures of Kalyadeh. However, the society of theharem did not reflect the caste society of theHindu world; it was much more cosmopolitan.Every lady was to some extent the ambassador ofa particular culture whose social origins wereextremely diverse. The Turkish and Africanwomen, for example, had been captured by slavemerchants and sold at specialized markets. Buttheir slave status was no handicap in their rise topositions of power.


Royal enclosure and the aqueduct at Mandu

Notes & References

� Beveridge, H. (ed.), A. Rogers (tr.) (1968) The Tuzuk-i Jahangiri or

Memoirs of Jahangir, Munshiram Manoharlal: Delhi

� Firishta, Gulshan-i-Ibrahimi, J. Briggs (trans.) (1971), History of the

rise of the Muhammadan power in India, Calcutta

� Hermans, M. (1964) ‘Die Bhagoria Bhil’, Wiesbaden, Vol. 1, p. 308.

� Robbins, K. and J. McLeod (eds.) (2006) African elites in India,

Mapin Publishing: Ahmedabad

� Yazdani, G. (1929) Mandu: The City of Joy, University Press: Oxford

Methods & Approaches 41

Cultural Significance ofIndigenous Institutions andForest Management inHimachal Pradesh

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

Sustainable management of the rich forest resources in the ecologicallysensitive Himalayan State of Himachal Pradesh contributes significantlytowards the environmental stability and economic development of thestate, region and the country. Forests are crucial to the livelihoods of amajority of local people who are dependent on them for fuel wood, fodder,grazing, timber and non-timber forest produce. The conservation andmanagement of forest resources have been undertaken with the activeparticipation of local people. The existence of local institutions ofcooperative labour, sacred groves, informal village councils and villagedeity systems present a strong evidence of survival of commons in theHimalayan cultural landscape. This paper focuses on the management ofcommercially important forest products by indigenous institutions and theconservation practices followed for the maintenance of sacred/templegroves in the villages. The analysis of indigenous systems of managementthrough local institutions reveals a strong positive relationship betweensocial capital and natural resource management techniques at grassrootslevel. Traditional initiatives and participatory systems in indigenouscommunities thus have a potentially significant role in policy support andthe creation of sustainable livelihoods.

Hemant K. Gupta is an Indian ForestService Officer currently serving as

Regional Director, Forest Survey of India,Shimla. He has researched many aspects

of Forestry and Natural ResourceManagement in the north-western

Himalayan region. He has participated innational and international conferences onthe subject and has been instrumental increating regular updates with the help ofGIS on the status of forests in Himachal

Pradesh.

HEMANT K. GUPTA

IINNTTRROODDUUCCTTIIOONN

There is a widespread recognition throughout theglobe that regions of ecological prudence exhibit asymbiotic relationship between habitats and culture(Arizpe, 1996). This explicates that culture and theenvironment are complimentary in various stages oftheir evolution. Traditional societies have evolved withtheir environment, modifying nature but activelymaintaining it in a diverse and productive state basedon their indigenous knowledge, socio-culturalpractices and/ or religious beliefs (Gadgil and Berkes,1991, Ramakrishnan, 1998). India stands at the end ofa very long and illustrious tradition in which theimportance of nature is recognized, celebrated andvalued. In the cultural history of India nature has beenadmitted, respected, feared and loved both for itsinstrumental and intrinsic value (James, 2000).

Traditionally, mountain societies have had manynatural resources-linked institutions. The concepts ofsacred species, sacred groves and sacred landscapesbelong to this category. However, the guidingprinciples that regulate the use of natural resources are

embedded in the codified and often non-codifiedinstitutions that they have evolved. Modern economicand scientific rationality, however, precludes thesesocio-cultural practices, sometimes even amongsttraditional societies. An integrated approach to naturalresource management, which uses cultural, economicand ecological principles to redress developmentalissues in a more holistic way is therefore required.These societies are no longer immune to the changesoccurring in the world. The predominant culture ofover-exploiting natural resources is making a dent inthese societies, resulting in the erosion of their time-tested and valued institutions. At present, when socialfragmentation has almost reached the family level andindividual interests get priority, community functionstake a backseat. Gadgil and Guha (1992) argue that theemergence of sacred institutions were intended toboost social solidarity rather than to createenvironmental consciousness per se, thus contradictingarguments supportive of ecological prudence on thebasis that traditional societies have always operatedfrom a resource-rich environment in the past. Yet, whilesuch religious norms explicitly foster social solidarity,the conservation values are fulfilled ipso-facto.

42 Methods & Approaches

The Himalayas

The social institutions linked to biological resourcemanagement are often suspected to be religious myths.However, a concept such as that of the 'sacred grove'often has spatial dimensions and specificities. Oneshould conceptualise a broader hierarchy of socialinstitutions or sacred entities, i.e. spatially diffusedlandscapes spatially defined sacred landscapes orsacred groves and sacred species. The topmost in thishierarchy have institutions that have the leastspecificity but the greatest zone of influence. Leastspecificity means a lower number of prescriptions andprohibitions in terms of practicing cultural norms.Next in this hierarchy would be spatially definedlandscapes with well-defined institutional norms. Theconcept of sacred groves falls into this category.Sacred species stand as a class apart, though there maybe restrictions on their usage (Sinha B. et al 2000,Rama Krishnan, 1996).

Sustainable forest management of pristine forestresources in the ecologically sensitive Himalayascontributes significantly towards the environmentalstability and economical development of the area.Examples of traditional systems of managingcommercially important forest products like ediblepine nuts, cumin, morels, medicinal plants, grasses andwillow are common. Local institutions play animportant role in the regulated collection anddistribution of such forest products (Gupta, 2005).Some of the successfully functioning examples of suchtraditional systems are very old and even the localswho remained active participants in their practice donot know the period when these were initiated andmatured to their present status. Cases in whichcommittees of local deities, with nominated and/orelected members, plan and organize their functioningwithout written procedures, are widespread.Participatory approaches vary from case to case butpeople have great faith in the decision-making andconflict resolving capacity of these committees, asthey are neither political nor administrative (Dhiman,2005).

Messershmidt (1995) further argues that "theperception, control and management of commonproperty and natural resources are best understood inthe context of culture as it is through their acquiredknowledge that people interpret experiences togenerate social behaviour." Moench also found that thesuccess of informal forest management in the hills ofUttaranchal in India was due to their homogeneity andthe higher proportion of culturally rich groups in thesociety. When discussing forest management, it seems

appropriate to view the existence of local institutionsfirst, as these are the basis of collective action. Forestmanagement is not an individual enterprise as itconcerns all potential users (Speth, 1990).

Social scientists argue that the theological and culturalaspects of the forest have to be considered in planningand managing such resources; many forestry projectshave failed where these were not considered.

TTHHEE SSTTUUDDYY AARREEAA

The people of Himachal Pradesh are bound by the tiesof common religion, though religious observancesdiffer. By and large they have maintained their originalform of worship. The large majority of people areHindu by faith and devoted to traditional gods. Thepeople have a firm, almost blind, belief in villagedeities, whether it be a divinity, a hero or deota. Thedeity is a protector and a source of inspiration for allvillagers. It is considered the ishth of the populationinhabiting a village. Almost every village has a templewhere they congregate for common worship (Mian1999; Thakur, 1998).


A village deity


The deities are carried on palanquins during importantreligious occasions fairs and festivals. The deities arepropitiated to obtain timely rain, a good harvest orother favours. People believe that their gods aregenerally well disposed towards the worshippers, andconfer their blessings on them. If, however, they arenot appropriately appeased, they become angry and intheir wrath, allow the evil spirits to prey on people inthe form of epidemics and natural calamities.

Often associated with such deities is a rich body offolklore which illuminates the history of the humangroups that worship them. Such folklore can beparticularly fascinating when it appears to have itsorigin in the conflict of interests amongst thosedifferent human groups (Gadgil, 2001). Theunderstanding of the institution of deota (the villagegod) is important in the local context with respect tonatural resource management. The village gods arebelieved to effectively control the socio-religioussystem of that particular settlement. The institution ofthe village gods is the main custodian of mostactivities in a village society and the village god

becomes a symbol of its culture. This institutioninfluences marriages and deaths and directs thefollowers to allow or disallow a new visitor to thevillage. With this cultural phenomenon as a context,the village society has grown like a family in perfectharmony (Sharma, 2005). The village deities inHimachal Pradesh are not simply objects of worshipbut also govern the social, cultural, moral, economic,religious and political life of the village. The localdeity is not just a remote being represented by idols indesignated village temples for those seeking spiritualsolace. Instead, they are more like Greek or Romanimmortals, possessing all the emotions and feelings ofmortal men.

TTHHEE VVIILLLLAAGGEE GGOODDSS

Shuttleworth (1917), Rosser (1960) stated that in thevillage of Malana in Kullu, the power and influence ofthe local deity Jamlu formed an integral part of socialcontrol generally and of the political and judicialmachinery in particular. There are three permanentmembers holding hereditary office. In hierarchical

The Study Area: Himachal Pradesh, Land of Deities and Sacred Groves


order, they are the karmishth (god's "manager"), thepujari (the priest) and the gur ("the mouthpiece" of thegod). The pujari and gur are powerful figures in thevillage society due largely to the fact that they possessa virtual monopoly in interpreting the "will of god" – avital consideration to a local community, particularlywhen a dispute arises. At certain ceremonies the gurgoes into a state of possession in which he becomesthe vehicle of communication between the god andvillagers. Then there is a group of musicians(chhatadi) who lead the ceremonial processions andinform the villagers about significant occasions and thedates of rituals and functions. The musicians are lowercaste men except for them, all other members of adeity committee belong to the upper castes. Men of themost powerful households within the village often holdpositions on the deity’s committee. Only the highercaste (that of the Rajput) has the right to carry thepalanquin of the deity. Harijans are not supposed totouch the deota idol and are not allowed to enterRajput households during the deity's visit. Rajputs canvisit Harijan households but may accept only milk;they cannot have water or any other food. Thecollective social gathering is held in a large open spaceand not under any common roof.

Although from a modern perspective, there may seemto be serious issues regarding lack of gender and casteequity in these institutions, for generations thedecisions of the deota committee on the managementof the deity’s affairs – including the management ofdevbans – have been accepted and endorsed by theentire community.

The deota office bearers do not hold any political post.The village committee is responsible for coordinatingall religious and social functions in the village (Rosser,1960; Singh and Sikka, 1992). The institution of deotain Kullu has been compared to the scenario commonlyfound in the village communities of North Thailand asstudied by Potter (1976). The village shrine was builtfor the guardian spirit known as Phi Sua Ban for theprotection against evil spirits. It was believed thatefforts by individual villagers or by households werenot enough to resist the spirits. Once the territoryprotected by the village guardian spirit is blended withthe village's collective obligations, the residents of thatterritory also come to recognize standards of behaviourthat have to be maintained so that no one in the villagewould act in a way that could anger the guardian spirit,for should it no longer protect the village, all thevillagers would be in jeopardy. Therefore, onevillager's irreverent act is not just the problem of that

individual; it is the problem of the whole village.Within this sphere of belief, the villages in northernThailand can be recognized as territorial organizationsin which the villagers have a feeling of attachment andobligation to their own village (Potter, 1976). For theabove reason, membership of the villagers has to beclearly defined in order to identify who belongs towhich village and who does not. Similarly, eachvillage in Kullu has its own deota who has a shrineand is comparable to the guardian spirit described byPotter.

Above and below: Worship in the village republics ofHimachal Pradesh.


SSAACCRREEDD GGRROOVVEESS:: IINNTTEERRSSEECCTTIIOONN OOFFCCOOMMMMOONN RREESSOOUURRCCEE MMAANNAAGGEEMMEENNTTAANNDD BBEELLIIEEFFSS

Sacred groves form a major component ofenvironmental protection in the Himalayas. They arebelieved to be a part of traditional societies since pre-Vedic times. The Aryans assimilated this value systemand later attached sacredness to various species. InHimachal Pradesh, the tradition of sacred groves isgenerally known as devban. They are a unique naturalresource in this region. The tradition is common inparts of Shimla, Mandi, Kullu and the Lahaul-Spitidistricts. All these districts have dense forest cover asper the Forest Survey of India except Lahaul and Spitiwhere groves are useful in maintaining the perennialsources of water in harsh climatic conditions (Chattreet al, 1998). The groves range in size from clumps of afew trees to forest tracts spread over hectares.However, controlled resource use of large groves bylocal people is a common occurence. There are about10,000 temples in the state with well-definedmanagement committees and biradari panchyats (castecouncils). Almost all the major deities in the state havetheir own groves. In fact, in the Western Himalayas,where the penetration of the State Forest Departmentis more than a century old, sacred groves constitute theonly ecosystems whose management is still vestedwith local communities. They are consideredsignificant for their ecological value as well as thesocial sustainability of the institutions that supportthem. Institutions that are a centre of significant power

and influence in rural society are crucial for localforest management (Vasan, 2002). Shipin, about 12kms from Shimla, is believed to be the biggest cedargrove in this district and is home to trees that arehundreds of years old. Villagers who pass through thegrove dust their clothes to make sure that they do notcarry away anything belonging to the grove. Trees inthe area cannot be cut or felled and all dead woodfound in the forest is used in the temple located insidethe grove.

Devbans are managed and used on the basis of ruleswhich are specific to each. In all, however, asignificant distinction is made between using the forestfor the deity's own needs (such as in temple repairsand in communal cooking during fairs) and for the useof common folk ( as fuel wood, fodder, timber etc).Human use is believed to be determined in accordancewith the deity's wishes. There is no single set of ruleswhich is operative for all devbans or for all times.

General Rules and Sanctions for access and usage of aSacred Grove

1) Total or partial ban on removal of forest producefrom the grove.

2) Usage of axes or any such tools in the grove isstrictly prohibited. If a person knowingly orunknowingly does so, the transgressor has to offeran animal sacrifice.

3) If any bushes are to be removed, only authorisedpersons can do so, and that too only with theirbare hands.

4) Leather shoes or goods are not allowed inside thegrove.

5) Persons of all castes, including children, can goinside the nagauni or the protected area but theyare prohibited from entering the saur or the sacredwater body.

6) Women have restricted entry; menstruating womenare prohibited from entry at all times.

7) Only the local people those who are ill (skindisease) or want a wish granted are allowed tobathe in the saur. Separate arrangements exist forlower castes.

8) Night halts inside the grove are generallyprohibited but shepherds are granted specialpermission and may be allowed to collect woodand twigs manually.

9) Hunting of wild animals and consumption ofnarcotics are strictly prohibited inside the grove.

10) Domestic cattle are allowed to graze inside thegrove.

Sacred Forest Groves


11) All expenditure related to the protection andmanagement of the sacred grove, including thatundertaken for celebrations and other rituals, isborne collectively by the whole village.

Belief about the sanctity of groves

There are many beliefs held by the local people aboutthe sanctity of sacred groves. For example:1) There are no reported incidents of attack by wildanimals upon domestic cattle while grazing insidethe grove. It is believed that the behaviour of wildanimals towards cattle is modified due to thesanctity of the grove.

2) The grove offers a legitimate place for adjudicationof intractable disputes between two parties. Thedeota committee decides the punishment to bemeted out to the loser; it then must be followedboth in letter and spirit.

3) It is also believed that excessive rain or droughtmay be caused locally due to desecration of thegrove e.g. due to bone/ meat that is accidentallybrought into the grove by crows, jackals etc. Aceremony is performed to consecrate the area andto appease the deity who would eventually helpresolve the problem.

4) These beliefs and faith in the supernatural powersof the deity together with fear of punishment for theerring individuals means that rules and sanctionsmust be obeyed by the local community.

Relevance for Policy and Joint Forest Management

Sacred groves and deity worship are a part of localfaith. Formed as a religious system of forestclassification, they came to represent aninstitutionalized expression of criteria which definessocial behaviour in a particular area. They symbolizethe needs that people believe forests satisfy. Thisclassification embodies values, motives, capacities andmanifests institutions that govern the behaviour oflocal people. They co-exist on land that has also beenclassified in legal, economic or ecological terms. Forexample, the groves in Kullu are classified as‘unprotected forests’. The religious classifications ofpatches of forest and trees have a pervasive andpowerful effect on how people perceive, allocate anduse forests and differentiate land on its merits andpurposes.

Although these religious classifications are notrecognized by the forest policy and state laws in India,their role in the conservation of forests are obvious

when seen in the light of the simultaneous decimationof the nation's forests and the preservation of localforests with religious value, often in the same place bythe same people. However, the secular states do notrecognize the religious association of traditionalinstitutions and ignore a possibly significant factor inthe development of forest policy. The religious codesfor forests in India are deeply entrenched in thenation's history, landscape and culture, as is evidentfrom the presence of sacred forests and trees. They aresupported by an oral record of prescription, evidenceand judgment that extends across several thousands ofyears (Chandrakanth and Romm, 1991). They appearto command more compliance in daily social life thanthe state's forest laws and regulations (Gadgil andGuha, 1992).

The success of Joint Forest Management (JFM) interms of ensuring sustainable forest managementdepends upon increasing the recognition, the scopeand the support for choices that religious valuesencourage and inculcate among people to generateself-regulating conservation practices.

The JFM programmes in Himachal Pradesh arefocused on the development of co-operativeplantations involving the state Forest Department andvillage institutions such as the Village ForestDevelopment Committee or other existing

Dense forestation


organizations. The success of JFM depends entirelyupon the local group's willingness and ability tomaintain new plantations and protect existing forestsby regulating access and use. These are precisely thechoices that are important in maintaining the sacredforest groves on which villagers are most likely todraw upon for the motivation necessary for JFM.


Religious order effects human interests and actions.Any conservation programme should be free toincorporate whatever rituals local groups may want toassociate with for an effective decision mechanism. Asdescribed before, the resilience of sacred groves andthe influence of the deity committee can besuccessfully used to enhance projects such as JFM.Rules of management of devbans are often based onlocal conditions and beliefs and are locale specificrather then general. This diversity is a critical socialand ecological characteristic that needs to beemphasized in the creation of joint managementinstitutions.

Community based management is crucially dependenton the availability of livelihood alternatives. Anotheradvantage of this model is that the enforcement ofrules is based on the membership of the individual in aparticular community with collective beliefs. Thusthere is little expenditure entailed in the enforcementof rules. JFM can learn from this model by relying onsocial fencing rather than establishing additionalguards. Also, the deity committee is a strongtraditional power centre that can and should beharnessed for joint management. Although equityconcerns persist, such indigenous institutions tend tobe more resilient in the long term compared to externalinitiatives.

Joint Forest Management, Sanjhi Van Yojna and ForestDevelopment Agencies are new experiments inHimachal Pradesh. A comparison of the characteristicsof each of these institutions highlights their relativestrengths. The negative aspects of traditionalinstitutions are equity concerns. Landless and lowercaste villagers, immigrants and women are excludedfor the most part. In contrast, the new forestmanagement practices are more broad-based and giveimportance to equity at least in membership. They aremore universal models that can be applied to thewhole state. However, they are less participatory sincethe Forest Department retains control over manyaspects of management and merely provides villagerswith recommendatory powers. In the case of thedevbans that are an integral part of rural Himachal,their management by villagers and their prospects oftheir future sustainability are functions of their socialcontext. Changing social parameters such as beliefs,understanding of the common good, the influence ofprivate property in rural mountainous society and thegovernment forest policy have all impacted thisinstitution in dynamic ways.

In the context of the ‘sacred’, decisions regarding theconservation and sustainable use of resources havealways been determined by traditional institutions inthe past. Realising that institutions incorporate changesas societies evolve, indigenous institutions too have toundergo changes and adapt to present day demandsand changing societal value systems. Understandingthe dynamics of institutional arrangement in ahistorical and cultural context will enable us to adaptthem to present day needs. Indigenous institutionsavailable for natural resource management must beharmonized with modern interventions introduced byvarious governmental agencies in order to synthesizeculture and conservation.


A Capital in the Making:Sustainable Development inDehradun

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

In addition to fulfilling the functional requirements of a town, capitalcities are expected to have organised spaces glorifying the government'stemporal seat of power, namely the judiciary, executive and legislative,an efficient transport network and infrastructural development. Buildinga new capital is a time-consuming process and needs huge investments.Declaring existing towns as the capital saves investments made in theinitial stages but the pressure on housing, chaos in transportation,unemployment, inadequate utility and service infrastructure eventuallybecome issues of major concern. (Bansal Arjita, 2002).

Due to its size and better linkage to Delhi and other towns in the region,Dehradun was declared the capital of the Uttaranchal region withoutany extension of its existing urban area. After becoming a provisionalstate capital of Uttaranchal, its commercial as well as institutionalimportance has increased manifold. The tremendous increase in the stategovernment activities and budgetary outlay and the consequentconcentration of banks, financial institutions, offices, retail shops andshowrooms, has placed a lot of pressure on building activities, increasedthe need for built-up space and caused a hike in local land value. Thispaper discusses the urban issues pertaining to Dehradun based onindicators for basic urban services, traffic and transportation and thepotential of the city.

Meghna Khanna is currently studying forher Masters in Transport Planning at the

University of Michigan, USA. Shecompleted her Bachelors in Physical

Planning from the School of Planning &Architecture, Delhi in 2004. She has

formerly worked with SENESConsultants, Lea Associates, International

Council for Local EnvironmentalInitiatives (ICLEI) at Delhi and at the

Garhwal Mandal Vikas Nigam atDehradun.

MEGHNA KHANNA

SSOOCCIIOO--EECCOONNOOMMIICC CCHHAARRAACCTTEERR

One of the main objectives of preparing a developmentstrategy for Dehradun was to achieve a better qualityof life for the city. To this end, a study of the socio-economic characteristics of Dehradun city wasundertaken. This discussion includes the demographicprofile of the city, its economic base and the socio-economic issues that were identified in the study.

The growth rate of income for 2000-2001 was 9.5%higher than the state average of 9.2%, thus clearlyindicating higher levels of economic growth.Economic analysis show a dependency ratio of 1.9.The city’s economy is dominated by the tertiary sector,which constitutes about 76.44 % and consists mainlyof governmental activity.

Trade and commerce are the second most importantareas of activity, primarily due to the city’s function asthe capital and as a commercial hub for the region.

The secondary sector is the second most importanteconomic base of the city. It generates an employmentof 20.11%. The prime industries are textile based andengineering. The primary agricultural activity is verynominal, with wheat and sugarcane cultivationforming the main components.

LLAANNDD UUSSEE

To conceive and develop an integrated and functionalcity structure for Dehradun it is necessary tounderstand the existing land use pattern or dispositionof various activities in all its intent, growth trends andphysical limitations.

The physical expansion of Dehradun has been strictlygoverned by its physiography. The existence of anumber of seasonal rivers, dissected topography, andthe hills in the north, east and northwest have resultedin a sporadic growth, especially in the northern parts.This topography has not only influenced the directionof the city’s growth but also conditioned its shape. Themain city growth is restricted to the area between theBindal river and Rispana Rao, spreading around theClock Tower. Restricted ribbon growth has resultedalong the Rajpur and Sahastradhara roads.

RREEVVIIEEWW OOFF MMAASSTTEERR PPLLAANN

The Dehradun master plan 1982-2001 was made withthe objective of achieving the planned growth ofDehradun and its environs. It was prepared by the U.P.


Name

Pop. City

Outside

Name

Area in Sq.kms

65

167

232

1981

2,11,838

7,536

219,37

1991

2,70,159

8,208

278,367

2001

4,47,808

13,007

460,815

Table 1. Population trend: Notified area

The study has been carried out by dividing the areainto seven zones; the Municipal area has beenidentified as one zone

Demographic characteristics� Total population 4,47,808 in 2001� Population Density 6551 persons per sq.km� Sex ratio 893 females per 1000 males� Total Number of Wards 45

Residential

Commercial

Industrial

Public ans Semi- public

Govt. and Semi-govt.offices

Recreational areas,Parks and open spaces

Orchards and gardens

Circulation

Water bodies

Undefined uses

Land for futuredevelopment

Total

Table 2. Change of Landuse Pattern: Urbanisable Area

Source: Master Plan for Dehradun, MDDA

Land use 1989

Area in ha

1589

81

113

802

267

156

206

203

332

55

2697

6500

Area in ha

2769

267.8

323

768

289

209

230.75

369

1195

78

-

6500

%

41.78

2.14

2.98

21.00

7.00

4.10

5.40

5.35

8.74

1.45

41.4

%

42.60

4.12

4.97

11.82

4.45

3.22

3.55

5.68

8.39

1.20

1999

Town & Country Planning Department and wasreviewed by the Ministry of Environment and Forests,Government of India and subsequently enforced byM.D.D.A after its notification by Uttar PradeshGovernment in 1985. The master plan for Dehradun(1982-2001) was designed for a population of 6.00lakh spread over an area of 6500 hectare.

The slow, restrictive and indirect implementationprocess of the master plan and the lack of a strategy forinfrastructure development has been a major hindrance.There is no established mechanism to mobilizesufficient financial resources for infrastructuredevelopment. There are problems related to illegalconstruction, sub-division of land in violation of theMaster Plan, encroachments on public land, roads,natural ravines and the riverbeds, which have led to theunmanageable growth of squatters and slums. Theenforcement has not been very effective anddemolitions are not a regular exercise. Above all, thelack of coordination among various agencies related tourban development activities is the main cause of themaster plan’s failure.

After becoming the interim capital of Uttaranchal,Dehradun faced a tremendous pressure on the existingurban infrastructure and suffered from traffic andcongestion. In the changed scenario, MDDA has takenup various planning proposals – both short term &long term – to tackle the existing problems of the cityand cope with its future requirements. The Dehradunmaster plan 2001 has to be revised. In order to preparea master plan that may extend to 2021, the MDDA isalready carrying out a physical survey to prepare thebase map and identify potential areas for urbanexpansion and future planning.

The demand for residential area has increased over aperiod of time. The percentage of area undertransportation is just 6 percent, a relatively low figureas compared to the UDPFI guidelines, which stipulate10-15 percent. In contrast, the percentage of landunder various uses such as residential, public, semi-public, government and semi-government etc. hasdecreased owing to the approximately twofold increasein the total urbanisable area. The percentage ofindustrial and commercial use has, however, increasedby 2 and 1.98 percent respectively. This shows theincreasing requirement and strengthening of theeconomic base of the city.

UURRBBAANN SSEERRVVIICCEESS

The availability and adequacy of urban services areimportant indicators to assess the quality of life of acity. An attempt has been made here to assess thestatus of urban services in the city of Dehradun. Forthe purpose of the study, urban services have beenlimited to the core. The details of each of them arelisted as under.

Climate and Infrastructure

� Water supply� Storm water drainage� Sewerage and sanitation� Solid waste management� Roads and street lights

In assessing the level of infrastructure services, theremust be some way of measuring the infrastructurelevel quantitatively. The infrastructure indicators areused for this purpose. Indicators are models that mergeor simplify a complex subject or number of variablesinto a single number or numbers, which can be easilyunderstood by decision makers. The indicators are usergenerated, so that differences in the values ofindicators are more important than their absolutevalues. In their indicators program, ‘Monitoring theCity’, Volume.2, (1995) UNCHS defined indicators asfollows: "An indicator is a tool for monitoring andreviewing the condition of cities, providing abenchmark for the development of urban conditionsand urban policy over space and time. A goodindicator should be simple, reliable, sensitive tochange, and should be expressed quantitatively."

Indicators are often valuable not as an absolutemeasure of a particular phenomena, but rather in thecontext of change over time, distribution over space ordistribution over social groups. When compared toguidelines, the existing urban services show a majorgap in the coverage of the water supply and seweragenetwork. Even for the solid waste management, thecollection performance is only 50 percent which isrelatively low as compared to the standards of 90percent. The urban services studied for the fivedivisions of the municipal area indicated that themunicipal area is already suffering from the lack of theurban services. These facilities therefore need to beupgraded not only to meet the present demand but alsothat of the future.


RREEGGIIOONNAALL LLIINNKKAAGGEESS

Dehradun city is the administrative headquarter of theDehradun District. Thus, it is the administrative hubof the district. The length of the railway line in theDehradun district is 64.50 kms. A total length of 2383kms of roads serve the district. Of the total roadlength, the State Public Works Department manages1528 kms of which the State Highway accounts for144 kms. The main district roads cover 265 km. Inaddition other district and village roads cover 1119kms. While 501 kms of roads are managed by the localbodies, about 354 kms are managed by other statedepartments. With its concentrated economic base andits status as the administrative city of the district,Dehradun receives an average of 1,14,000 floatingpopulation daily. Dehradun is also connected throughthe rail network.

RROOAADD NNEETTWWOORRKKSS

Dehradun has a good road network of radial patternwherein all the roads of the following city radiate fromthe city centre outwards. The area under roads isapproximately 5 percent of the total area of the city,which is below the standard of 15-18 percent of thetotal area. Nearly 69 percent of the total road length ispaved. � Saharanpur road (with master plan right of way 4mand existing width less than 25m) connecting thecity core to Saharanpur in the south.

� Rajpur road acts as the north-south corridor of thecity (master plan right of way 30m in the city and36m at the outskirts, but presently less than 20m).

� Haridwar road connecting Haridwar towards thesoutheast. (In the master plan right of way 30 m inthe city and 45 m at the outskirts, but presently lessthan 25 m)

� Gandhi Road, connecting the Haridwar Road and theRajpur road in the heart of the city.


Residential

No agency to take housing projectsNo group housing projects

Commercial

Proposed district centers have not developedThe Core area acts as an major commercial center

Industrial

Industrial sector has shown an increase

Transport

Area under transport sector is 5 %Bypass under completion

Growth

Physiography conditions not suitable for development in North due to Mussorie- Dehradun Road being the major arteryMigration due to the declaration of capitalLand availability towards south and the Sahastradhara road

Institutional Set-ups

Additional land to be acquired for the capital setupsLand availability towards south and the Sahastradhara road

Master plan

Statutory development though implemented partlyDelay in full implementation of statutory development plan

Still noticeable increase in land for residential purpose.

Commercial area is generally 2 to 5% of the total area butin Dehradun it is 4% Owing to the status of being declared a capital

Industrial sector has increased 5%Inspite of Dehradun being declared as " EnvironmentallyFragile Zone" as per the Uttar Pradesh Act

Low as compared to the Norm of 10 - 12%Led to passage of unwanted through traffic in the city core. Less land available for the capacity augmentation ofoverburdened roads

Future growth restricted towards south and south east

Proliferation Of illegal slums and squatter settlements

Haphazard development of the offices

Unable to address growing demandDevelopment plan has become incompatible with declarationof Dehradun as capital

Assesment IssuesTable 3


Other important roads include the Kaulagarh Road,Chakrata Road, New Cantt Road and the EC Road.Irregular carriageway widths and narrow road widthsat main entry points are the main problems.Furthermore, encroachments constrict the alreadylimited right of way.

DDEEVVEELLOOPPMMEENNTT IISSSSUUEESS

The key development issues of Dehradun are:a) Basic Urban Services:i. Water supply - The issues related to water supplyas identified in the above analysis of urban servicesare augmentation of the treatment facility,extending supply networks and increasing thenumber of connections.

ii. Storm water drainage - The issues identified in thiscase are poor coverage, poor maintenance andblockage of outlets.

iii. Solid waste Management - There is no properprimary collection of waste and many collectionsites are open.

iv. Sewerage and sanitation - Non-existence ofsewerage network in more than 50% of the areaand treatment facilities and untreated wastedisposed directly in soil.

b) Urban environment Issues:Dehradun’s population is increasing but thedevelopment of basic urban services is not beingprovided at the same pace as the increase in thefunction of the city. Although the source availabilityand treatment facilities is adequate, the city facesvarious problems in terms of supply facilities. Thesection of the city’s population that does not receiveadequate urban services faces problems such as:i. Environmental degradationii. Unhygienic living conditioniii. Forest covered has diminished over time, 365 casesof forestland having been appropriated bygovernment for infrastructure purposes. TheHorticultural Act has been misused for thedecimation of Dehradun's lichee orchards.

The key development issue arising out of this is toprovide adequate coverage of these services.

c) Traffic:Dehradun city is served by a radial pattern ofmovement. Due to the absence of a bypass, the cityhas been experiencing intra-regional traffic problems.The city lacks: i. Traffic management systemii. Parkingiii. Encroachment along major junctionsiv. Signaling

d) Spatial Development and Implementation:Spatial planning and implementation is an importantcomponent of a city’s development strategy.Therefore, the issues related to the same are worthhighlighting.The main role of the Mussorie-DehradunDevelopment authority is to prepare and implementthe Development Plan. However, its co-ordinationwith other line Departments is weak. Furthermore, theMDDA depends on budgetary provision for theimplementation of Development plan, but the fundsare not released as per the requirement of theDevelopment plan. It is evident from the review of theStatutory Development Plan that the above-mentionedreasons were responsible for the partial success ofPhysical Development. There are conflicts betweenthe interests of futuristic planning and that ofcontemporary society, lack of integration between thedevelopment plan and the economic plan/five yearplan and a lack of continuous revision.


Dehradun is envisaged as a strong vibrant economy.Considering its development potential and physicalconstraints for future growth, the physical growth hasbeen envisaged on the southern side of the city. Thereasons attributed include adequate land availabilityand a relatively better road network with the newtransportation corridor coming in the area. With itsnew found status as a capital, the city requires asustainable development strategy that addresses theurban issues outlined in this paper.


Notes & References

� Anuradha Banerjee, K.N. Reddy and P. Paul

(2002), Application of Remote Sensing and

GIS in Demographic and Socio-Economic

Analysis of Dehradun City, IIRS, Dehradun,

Uttaranchal

� Academy for Mountain Environ, Urban

Environmental Maps of Dehradun, A Report

submitted to RHUDO/USAID, New Delhi,

March 1996

� Bhatnagar N.K & Chandra R (2002),

Planning of Cities of Uttaranchal in Relation

to Vernacular Architecture, National

Conference on Planning of cities of

Uttaranchal, the Uttaranchal Architects

Association, Dehradun, March 16-17, 2002

� Chopra, R. (2000), ‘Dehra Doon's Water

Supply’, A Critical Evaluation of Master plan

of Dehradun, Citizen Action Group pp 89-102

� Census of India, Dehradun, 1991

� Dutta B.C (2003), Shimla Vision Statement-

2021, Planning for Hill State, Institute of

Town Planners, 2003

� Garg, R.K, Gupta. V.K (1996), Built- form

and Construction Practices in Garhwal

� Govt. of India (1996), Ministry of

Environment and Forests, Action Plan for

Himalayas, G.B. Pant Institute of Himalayas,

Kullu, Himachal Pradesh

� International Seminar on Civil Engineering

Practice in 21st Century, the Institution of

Engineers (I), Roorkee, Feb 26-28, 1996

� Jain R.K (2002), Infrastructure Planning for

Hill Towns, National Conference on Planning

of Cities of Uttaranchal, the Uttaranchal

Architects Association, Dehradun, March 16-

17, 2002

� Unknown (1981) Gandhinagar: New capital

of Gujarat, Government Central press:

Gandhinagar

� Kalia, R (1994) Bhubaneswar from a temple

town to a capital city, Oxford university

press, Bombay

� Planning and Development of Tourism

(1999), Spatio - Economic Development

Record, Vol.6 No.3, June

� Pubby Vipin (1996) Shimla: Now and then,

Indus publishing Company, 2nd Edition

� Ramachandran H Carrying Capacity of

Mussorie, Concert Publishing Company:

New Delhi

� Shah C (2001), Perspective Progressive &

Constructive Planning of Uttaranchal,

National Conference on Planning of cities of

Uttaranchal, The Uttaranchal Architects


� Town and Country Planning Organisation

(1961), Gandhinagar-the capital of Gujarat

Preliminary report, Govt. of Gujarat:

Ahmedabad

� Town and Country Planning Organisation

(1971-1980), Report of panel of experts on

the site of the capital of Nagaland.

� TCPO, Master plan for Dehradun 1982-

2001, Town and Country Planning

department, Uttar Pradesh, September 1982

� Tolia .R .S, Uttaranchal Bharat Ka Danswa

Himalayi Rajya, Bhavishya Ki Aur, Center for

Development Studies, U.P Administration

Academy, Nainital, Uttaranchal

� UNCHS (1995), Monitoring the City, volume-

2, Indicator Program

� UNDP Human Development Report (1992)

� Tyagi. A (2002), Vision for Capital Planning -

Relevance for Infant states, National

Conference on Planning of cities of

Uttaranchal, the Uttaranchal Architects



Effect of Pollution and otherEnvironmental Factors onMonuments

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

Alteration is the continuous and inevitable response of a rock to aconstantly changing environment. With the accelerated pace ofadvancement and industrialisation, the constituent minerals of the rockin monuments have started experiencing disturbances in their chemicalcomposition. The various atmospheric pollutants which effectmonuments are discussed in this article.


The people of India are heirs to priceless cultural wealth in the form ofmonuments, archival materials, archaeological sites, artifacts and a vastvariety of museum materials. To protect this cumulative heritage forposterity is indeed a challenging task. In a country the size of India, witha variety of geophysical features and climatic variations, the preservationof the thousands of monuments across the country is an uphill task. Ourenvironment is changing fast. The degree of sulphur dioxide, oxygen,dust and water in the atmosphere this year are different from what theywere last year. Since monuments are exposed directly to the atmosphere,they suffer chemical and physical alterations. The resultant problems areoften complex and varied, making a single solution impossible.

S.P. Singh is presently working asDirector of Conservation at National

Museum at New Delhi. He obtained hisM.Sc. (Chemistry) from I.I.T. Delhi.Before joining the National Museum

Conservation Laboratory, New Delhi, in1972, he completed the 9-months

UNESCO training course organized bythe National Museum, New Delhi andICCROM jointly. Later he worked forthe National Archives of India, New

Delhi, and the Archaeological Survey ofIndia on various positions and eventually

returned to the National Museum asChemist. He has been actively

associated with the teaching of ArtConservation at the National Museum

Institute (Deemed University), NewDelhi, for the last ten years.

S.P. SINGH


Environmental pollution may effect monumentsthrough (i) degradation of atmosphere, (ii) landpollution by the public due to the increase ofpopulation and a general lack of awareness about thehistoric monuments, (iii) water pollution causingbiodegradation of monuments and spoiling theiraesthetic, and (iv) noise pollution due to loud speakersand aeroplanes flying over the monuments (which alsodamage stone structures physically).

Air pollution is more harmful than land pollution,water pollution and noise pollution etc. The latter’seffects are yet to be studied with reference to Indianmonuments whereas the effect of air pollution onmonument has received considerable attention fromvarious Indian experts. Some such studies arediscussed in this article.

AAIIRR PPOOLLLLUUTTIIOONN

One major component of environmental change is therise of air pollution levels. Since monuments areexposed to all sorts of air pollution caused by powerhouses, industries, and vehicular exhaust, the damageoccurs in varied forms such as exfoliation, darkeningof the painted surfaces in the monuments, soiling,abrasion as well as physical and chemical rupturing.Pollutants not only disfigure the aesthetic beauty of themonuments but also accelerate the rate of their decay.Due to an ever increasing global trend towardsurbanisation and industrial revolution, there is nearexpansional rate of change of weathering of monuments(Winkler, 1975, 1976). During the present century,monuments situated in the developed cities of the worldhave suffered extensive deterioration (Table 1).

References

Caetano &Curtius(1983), Fassina(1986), Keppens et al.(1987)

Livingston (1981)

Peruzzi et al. (1978)

Alcaeda & Martin(1988)

Bugess & Schaffer(1952)

Efes & Lukat (1976)Malesani & Vannucci(1974)

Nijs (1985)

Frediani et al. (1976)Fassina et al. (1976)

Winkler (1975)

Butin et al.(1985)Winkler (1975,1976)

Bertolaccini et al.(1975)

Leysen et al. (1987)

Fassina (1986b)

Damage

Pollution effected

Statues effected

Thick black crust solidity loss,efflorescence

Carbonaceous matter gypsumformed between 1-17%

Weathered upto 3mm

Pollution effected

Gypsum layer formation ofcalcite matrix

Sulphate deposition

Complete destruction due toPollution

Blisters of stone, blackenedcrust

Gypsum formation 70% blackdue to unburnt materialdeposition

Black crust of carbon material& sulphate formation

Increase of layers ofsulphation. Blackcarbonaceous matter

Stone

Sandstone / Marble

Marble Sandstone

Dolomatic Stone

Calcitic Stone

Limestone

Sandstone

Sandy limestone

Marble

Sandstone

Limestone

Sandstone /Limestone

Limestone

Marble

Country

Italy

U.S.A.

Italy

Spain

U.S.A.

Germany

Belgium

Italy

Germany

U.K.

Italy

Belgium

Italy

Monuments

Boboli's Garden,Florence

Bowling GreenCustom House, N.Y.

CA Granda MilanBuilding

Cathedral of Seville

Cteopatra's Needle,N.Y. City

Cologne Cathedral

Flanders Monument

Florentine Architecture

Herten Castle

Lincon Cathedral

Table 1. A list of the world monuments affected by air pollution


Compared to the monuments in U.S.A., Italy, Germanyand France, Indian monuments are still to fall prey toadverse environmental factors as most them aresituated in a rural atmosphere where the rate ofweathering of stone is slow (Table 2). The exceptionsare the Taj Mahal & Delhi’s Red Fort.

Relative humidity plays a prominent role in thedisfigurement of monuments. The monuments ofVenice have gathered 1 mm to 3 mm of black scab(Fassina et al 1976) due to their proximity to the seaand the high level of air pollution caused by smokeand other tarry matter. It has been shown by Winkler(1975, 1976) that high relative humidity readilyconverts the oxides of sulphur into corrosive sulphuricacid droplets. 0.15 ppm (or 300mg/m³) of sulphuricacid can produce 10 ug/m³ of hydrogen sulphate at15% humidity and twice as much in foggy condition at100% relative humidity. Temporary packs of sulphate

emissions of 1ppm can produce as much as 500 ug/m³of hydrogen sulphate in the atmosphere. This amountcan have a catastrophic effect on stone and metals.

EEFFFFEECCTTSS OOFF TTAARRRRYY--PPOOLLLLUUTTAANNTTSS

The blackening of stonework is caused by particulateair pollutants which consist of carbon and associatedtarry matter. In particularly sheltered parts oflimestone walls, the pollutants are cemented to thewall by gypsum, formed as a result of the chemicalattack on the limestone by sulphur-based acids. Asgypsum is slightly soluble in water, any dirt thatadheres to rain-washed areas of limestone is regularlyremoved. However, in the semi-sheltered areas, aheavy black deposit accumulates. If this remainsuntouched for many years, the tarry matters builds upin the pores of the stone to such an extent that anyeventual removal of the sooty matter by artificial

Monument

Ajanta

Dwarkadish Temple (Gujarat)

Fatehpur Sikri, Agra

Khajuraho Temples,(Madhya Pradesh)

Konark, Puri (Orissa)

Red Fort, Agra

Red Fort, Delhi

Shore Temple,Mahabalipuram,Madras

Taj Mahal, Agra

Type of

Volcanic traprock

Limestone, Shelly

Sandstone, Marble

Sandstone

Khandolite

Sandstone, Marble

Sandstone, Marble

Granite andChronokite

Marble, Sandstone

Meteorologicalconditions stone

Rain-fall 720 mm, heavyprecipitation, dryweather for months,temperature 19°C to36°C.

Humid weather, salineatmosphere, temperature15°C to 35°C

Dry climate, temperature5°C to 45°C

Dry climate, extremevariation of temperature(10°Cto 40°C) lowhumidity

Mainly humid weatherdue to sea, temperature12°C to 35°C, salinecondi tions

Dry Climate, temperature5°C to 45°C, humiditylow

Dry Climate,temperature5°C to 45°C

Humid weather,temperature 10°C, salineatmosphere

Mainly dry, NW winds,temperature 5°C to40°C, humidity 20 to75%

Environmental effects

Paint affected by moist condition, free from pollution,microbiological damagenoticed

Salt affected growth of mossand lichen

Growth of moss and lichen,dust levels higher

Noise pollution, dusty blackened atmospheric conditions

Salt laden winds, moistconditions. Heavily saltaffected mosses and lichens

Higher SO2 levels than Taj

Heavy pollution due to acidicparticulates

Salt affected

10 - 15ug/m³of sulphurdioxide levels, heavy dust fallSPM levels; peak SO² levelsupto 250 ug/m³ duringwinters

References

Tilak et al. (1970)

Lal (1978, 1985)

Lal (1976)

Lal (1978, 1985)

Lal (1978, 1985)

Lal (1978, 1985)

Shri & Tandon (1994)

Bahadur (1994)

Shri (1989)

Table 2. Data on the effects of environmental conditions on Indian monuments


washing leaves the stone with a tarry, light brownstain. The stain intensifies as the limestone dries out.On a stone that was originally pale in colour, this canbe rather disfiguring.

Sandstone behaves differently. The particulatepollutants are very firmly held by sandstone evenwhere the stone is washed by the rain. Artificialwashing with water will not remove them. Tarrymatter penetrates quite deeply into the pores ofsandstone. Fortunately, the average sandstone is darkerthan the average limestone and the staining is lessobvious and hence more readily accepted.

In Stockholm, the colour of the plaster finish ofbuildings appears rather dark. Holmstrom (personalcommunication) states that this condition is due to thesettling of black dust from motor tyres and asphalt onthe roughly rendered surfaces of the buildings andsuggests that a smooth finish to the plaster wouldreduce this effect. In St. Paul's Cathedral, London(England), the dust was analysed and at least half ofthe material was found to be caused by human detritus(a by-product of the millions of tourists who visit thecathedral).

The particulate matter causes soiling and abrasion. Itacts as an agent for bio-deterioration too. Anotherproblem is that their repeated removal from the surfaceof the monuments causes an appreciable interventionin the condition of the monuments surface.

PPOOLLLLUUTTAANNTT IINNTTEERRAACCTTIIOONNSS

The major stones used for construction and sculptureare marble, limestone, granite and slate. Marble, ametamorphic product of limestone, is composedalmost entirely of calcium carbonate in the form ofcalcite. Sandstone consists of grains of quartz andsilicon dioxide, cemented together to form a solidrock. The cement can be either calcite or silicate basedminerals.

The primary air pollutants causing damage to stone aresulphur compounds. These can be in gaseous form assulphur dioxide, in particulates such as sulphatecompounds or in precipitation as aqueous sulphatesand sulphuric acid. They originate primarily from thecombustion of sources such as burning coal or residualoil. A comparable series exists for nitrogen as nitrogenoxide or nitrogen dioxide in gaseous form, nitratecompounds in particulate form, and aqueous nitrates ornitric acid in precipitation. The nitrogen-based

pollutants also come from combustion sources butunlike sulphur compounds, they are largely derivedfrom vehicular emissions. Another atmosphericconstituent, carbon dioxide, must also be considered.Although it is generally regarded as an air pollutant, itacts as a major agent of stone weathering in the formof carbonic acid in precipitation and groundwater.Carbon dioxide is also created in the combustionprocess and can be found at elevated concentrations inurban areas.

EEFFFFEECCTTSS OONN SSTTOONNEE MMOONNUUMMEENNTTSS

Limestone and Marbles

The particulate pollution makes buildings dirty and thetarry matter occasionally causes staining. The acidicpollutants greatly enhance the rate of acid-based decayof limestone. However, even if there were no man-made pollutants, the carbondioxide present in the airand the sulphur based acids that are released duringthe decay of sea-weed would be sufficient to cause thedecay of this type of building material.

The main aggressor in acid attack is sulphur dioxide.Highly soluble in water, it reacts with water to formsulphurous acid. Two reactions may follow:1. Sulphurous acid + oxygen from the air could

produce sulphuric acid, which would then attackthe limestone to give calcium sulphate and water.The calcium sulphate then absorbs water andcrystallises as the mineral gypsum.

2. Sulphurous acid can directly attack the limestoneto give calcium sulphite, which then combineswith oxygen from the air to produce calciumsulphate. This also crystallises as gypsum.

The first of these paths is probably more prevalent,particularly under damp, foggy conditions. The secondcan also apply where calcium sulphite is present in thegypsum coating of the exposed limestone surface. Inany event, the gypsum coating slows the attack.Further action depends on how often the affected stoneis washed by the rain.

The slightly soluble gypsum is steadily removed fromthose parts of limestone-faced buildings that arefrequently washed by the rain along with any dirt thathas been fixed to the limestone surface by the gypsumwhen it first crystallised. The external parts of alimestone-faced building that are sheltered from therain behave very differently. When there is no rain-water to keep these areas clear, droplets of acid in the


polluted air continue to condense on them under foggyconditions. The acid will react with any unchangedlimestone surface and bind to any available surface.Thus, these areas become darker and the skin on thembecomes less and less permeable. In urban districtswhere the particulate pollution is high, the surfacesoften become black. The fate of the impermeable skindepends on the resistance of the limestone toweathering. The most durable limestones appear to beable to retain a dirty, inert skin more or lessindefinitely. Occasional blisters will gradually form.Sometimes the blisters are very flat and their limits arenot easily discernible. More often, they have a clearform and develop until they burst. The stoneimmediately behind the skin of the blister decays topowder or a pack of lightly connected flakes. Much ofthis decayed stone will fall away in time, thuspresenting a fresh limestone surface for further attack.

In rain-washed parts of a building faced withmagnesium limestone, acids derived from the sulphur-based gases in the air will normally attack the stonesurface and produce calcium sulphate and magnesiumsulphate. The rate of attack varies from one type ofmagnesium limestone to another and is believed to beat a minimum when the ratio of magnesium limestoneto calcium limestone approaches that of a truedolomite.

MMAARRBBLLEE

Because marbles consists essentially of calciumcarbonate, these initially undergo the same chemicalreactions as limestone when they are in moist aircontaining sulphur-based acids. A skin of gypsum isformed that can incorporate some dirt particles. Aswith limestones, further reaction depends on whetherthe marble is well washed by rain. In well-washedareas, the gypsum is dissolved, no dirt accumulatesand the marble surface is gradually weathered away.But, since the surface is usually nearly free frompores, more crystallization of gypsum occurs. Thus,the rate of erosion is normally considerably less thanwith limestone in the same environment thoughpolished marble will lose its smooth surface faster.

SSAANNDDSSTTOONNEE,, SSLLAATTEESS AANNDD GGRRAANNIITTEESS

The majority of sandstones consist of grains of quartz(a crystalline form of silica), cemented together bysilica in a less well-crystallized form. Iron oxides orhydroxides are sometimes accompanied by grains of

feldspars and micas. Quartz-based sandstones are veryresistant to sulphur-based acids in the air but these canbecome very dirty. They tend to be dirtier in the rain-washed areas than in the sheltered parts of thebuilding. In this sense their behaviour is quite differentfrom that of limestones or marbles. Very occasionally,sulphur-based acids in the air will attack an ironcompound in a sandstone and then convert it to asoluble form. This can then migrate to the surface ofthe stone, where lime, derived perhaps from mortar,reconverts it to a rusty-looking insoluble form. Suchdeposits can remain unnoticed beneath the soot layeruntil the sandstone is cleared by a mechanical orchemical process.

Some sandstones are cemented with dolomite. Ingeneral, these withstand the acid-polluted atmospherebetter than calcareous sandstone, particularly whenample cementing material is present. This is probablybecause dolomite is far less readily attacked by acidsthan calcite. When a dolomitic sandstone seems torespond like a calcareous sandstone, the cementgenerally contains calcite as well as dolomite. It isusually the calcite that is attacked by the acid.

Closely allied to the attack by acidic gases oncalcareous sandstone is the attack by such gases oncertain roofing slates that contain up to 13% calcite.Sulphur-based acidic gases in the air dissolve in rainwater and are held in the overlap between adjacentslates in a roof. They form acids which attack thecalcite in slates, thus weakening the slates bycrystallisation so that in time the surface of the slatesbetween the lap can be easily scratched even by afingernail. Eventually, the fixing holes become soenlarged that the slate slips from its position.

In contrast, acidic pollutants in the air are unlikely tocause any significant decay of the granites used forbuilding. However, the natural decay of stones getsaccelerated due to many reasons, including acid rain.This accelerates the leaching rate of soils and byextension, changes the growth rate of vegetation.Likens (1972) claimed that the average pH ofrainwater in the Rhine-Ruhr industrial area ofGermany dropped from about five to less than fourbetween the years 1956 and 1966. The decrease ofrainwater pH in the last 20 years in England and otherareas of the world is due to the increase in the use offuel oil and natural gas as well as the treating of sootby mandatory industrial dust precipitators.


Notes & References

� Alcaeda, M. and A. Martin (1988)

Macroscopical study of stone alteration of

the Cathedral of Seville, Paper presented at

the VI International Congress on

Deterioration and Conservation of Stone,

Tarun, Sept. 12-14, pp. 216-224

� Bahadur A.K. (1994) ‘Impact of environment

on Shore Temple, Mahabalipuram

(Tamilnadu), India’, Conservation of Cultural

Property in India, Vol. 27. pp. 62-73.

� Bertolaccini, M.A., S. Cerquiglini, V. Fassina

and G. Torraca (1975) ‘Study of some

gaseous and particulate pollutants in the

atmosphere of Venice 1972-73 and their

effect on deterioration of Istrian stone’,

Report to UNESCO, ICCROM Rome.

� Bugess and R.J. Schaffer (1952)

‘Cleopatra’s needle’, Chemistry and

Industry, pp. 1026

� Building Effects Review Group. The effect

of acid deposition on building and building

materials in the U.K., HMSO: London

� Butlin, R.N., R.U. Cooke, S.M. Jaynes, and

A.S. Sharp (1985) ‘Research on limestone

decay in the U.K.’, Proceedings of the Vth

International Congress on Deterioration and

Conservation of Stone, Lausanne, pp. 537-

546

� Caetano, L. and A. Curtius (1983) ‘Atomic

absorption determination of minor elements

in rocks and soils from lithium metaborate

flux-fusion dissolution’, Microchimica Acta

Vol. 2, pp. 125-130

� De Monte, M., C. Sabboni, and O. Vittori

(1981) ‘Airborne carbon particles and marble

deterioration’, Atmos. Environ, Vol. 15, pp.

652-654

� Efes, V. and S. Luckat (1976) ‘Relation

between corrosion and sandstone and

update rates of air pollution of the Cologne

Cathedral’, The International Symposium on

Deterioration of Building Materials, N.T.U.:

Athens, pp. 193-200.

� Fassina, V., L. Lazzarini and G. Biscontin

(1976) ‘Effects of atmospheric pollutants on

the composition of black crust deposited on

Venetian marbles and stones’, IInd

International Symposium on the

Deterioration of Building Stones, N.T.U.:

Athens, pp. 201-211.

� Fassina, V. (1978) ‘Survey of air pollution

and deterioration of stonework in Venice’,

Atmos. Environ., Vol. 12, pp. 2205-2211

� Fassina, V. (1986a) Environmental pollution

in relation to stone decay, Paper presented

at the VIth International Congress on Air

Pollution and Conservation, Rome.

� Fassina V. (1986b) The stone decay of main

portal of Saint Marks Basilica in relation to

natural weathering agents and air pollution,

Paper presented at the VIth International

Congress on Air Pollution and Conservation,

Rome

� Frediani, P., P.G. Malesani and S. Vannucci

(1976) Weathering of Florentine stone,

Athens, pp. 117-119

� Johansson, L.G., O.Lindquist and R. Mangio

(1986) A study of the corrosion of

calcareous stones exposed to humid air

containing SO2 and NO2, Preprinted papers

for symposium on Air Pollution and

Conservation, Rome.

� Keppens, E., E. Rockens, and R. Van

Grieken (1987) ‘Effect of pollution on sandy

limestones of historical cathedral in Belgium’

in G. Felix (ed.) Proceedings of the Vth

International Congress on Deterioration and

Conservation of Stone, Ecole Polytechnique

Federale de Lausanne: Lausanne, pp. 499-

507

� Lal, B.B. (1978) ‘Weathering and

preservation of stone monuments under

tropical conditions’, International Symposium

on Deterioration and Protection of Stone

Monuments, Paris, pp. 1-9

� Leysen, L., E. Rockens, Z. Komy, and R.

Van Grieken (1987) ‘A study of the

weathering of a historic building’, Analytica

Chimica Acta Vol. 195, pp. 247-255

� Likens, G.E., F.H. Bormann, and N.M.

Johnson (1972), Environment, Vol. 14, pp.33

� Livingston, R.A. (1981) ‘The air pollution

contribution to stone deterioration’, in

Technology and Conservation, pp. 36-39

� Malesani, P. and S. Vannucci (1974)

‘Baboli’s Garden (Florence)’, Studies in

Conservation, IIC: London, Vol. 19, pp. 36-

50

� Nijs, R. (1985) ‘Petrographical

characterization of calcareous building

stones in Northern Belgium’ in G. Felix (ed.)

Proceeding Vth Internaional Congress on

Deterioration and Conservation of Stone.

Ecole, Polytechnique, Federale, Lausanne,

Italy, pp. 13-21

� Pellitzer, R. and G. Sabatini (1975) ‘Rock

alteration in natural environment of Bolonga’

in R. Ross Mananesi (ed.) Understanding

degradation: The conservation of stone,

Bologna, pp. 3-22

� Peruzzi, R., G. Alessandrini, Liboriola G.

Giambelli, and L. De Captione (1978)

Characteristics of decay of materials used in

Ca Granda (Milan Building), Paper

presented at the International Symposium

Rilem, Deterioration and Protection of Stone

Monuments, Paris

� Shri, S.P. (1985) ‘Changing environment and

Indian monuments’, Conservation of Cultural

Property, Vol. 18-20, pp. 91-97

� Shri, S.P. (1989) ‘Stone problems on the

surface of the Taj’, Conservation of Cultural

Property in India, Vol. 21, pp. 91-95

� Shri, S.P. and Aparna Tandon (1994) ‘Effect

of air pollution on Red Fort, Delhi’, J. Indian

Nat. Group Internat. Assoc. Bridge Struct.

Engg. Vol. 24, pp. 37-48.

� Tilak, S.T., B.R.N. Sharma, B.R. Sen Gupta,

and R.L. Kulkarni (1970) ‘The deterioration

of microbiological studies at Ajanta and

Ellora,’ O.P. Agarwal (ed.) Proceeding of the

Vth Seminar, Indian Association for the

study of Conservation of Cultural Property in

India, New Delhi, pp. 77-82

� Winkler, E.M. (1975) ‘Weathering rates of

stone in urban atmosphere’, Proceedings of

an International Symposium, Bologona, pp.

27-36.

� Winkler, E.M. (1976) ‘Natural dust and acid

rain’, Water Air Soil Pollution, Vol. 6, pp.

293-302


Ganapati Utsav in Pune: Senseof Place, Space and Pace

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

Festivals form an integral part of the Indian way of life. The ritualsassociated with them are the expressions of one's culture and arereflected images of one's age-old heritage and habits. The physical formsof the celebration have been observed to change from time to time, yetthe cultural identity, the conceptual ideologies and the celebrations arenot seen to be compromised on any of the grounds.


In the Indian context, place concerns more than a function and the utilityattached to it. The conception and understanding of space is more afunction of the circumstances and perception of activities than directnames and areas. The same places assume different meanings andreferences depending upon the contextual activities that the usercomfortably performs there.

What is most interesting is that the socio-religious context still plays avery important role in moulding the Indian individual and this is aptlyreflected in the handling of cultural activities in contemporaryurbanscapes. Times have changed and so do concepts but dynamic spaceunfolds themselves in a charismatic manner and style with the passage oftime. The best example that so perfectly and directly deals with thisphenomenon of place, space and pace in contemporary times is theGanapati Utsav celebrated publicly in the city of Pune. Ganesh pandals

Mukta Latkar, an architect and planner, isan assistant professor with the Bharati

Vidyapeeth, College of Architecture, Pune.

MUKTA LATKAR

(stalls) are erected at various locations in the city tocelebrate the arrival and departure of the Lord amongsthis masses during a festival held over 10 long days.

These magical 10 days of the Lord Ganapati'sexistence amongst the people (and more importantlythe immersion procession on the last day) completelytransform all the city’s, spaces and drastically effectthe pace of life of the city dwellers. What is verysignificant is that all this is done with the same fervor,voluntarily and in good faith for hundreds of yearsnow in the city of Pune. The same commercial zonesand streets completely transform themselves as perthe demands of the religious activities. The planningand the management of all the areas, the usage ofvarious places and the performances of the built spacesmetamorphosise to suit the needs of the festival andquickly revert to their original form on the completionof the festival.

HHIISSTTOORRIICCAALL BBAACCKKGGRROOUUNNDD

The birth anniversary of Lord Ganapati is celebratedon the fourth day of the bright half of Bhadrapad(August/September). This festival is celebrated for 10days, from the Ganashchaturthi or birthday of the deityto the Anantchaturdashi, the final tenth day of hisimmersion. Everyone loves Lord Ganapati with hiscurving trunk, pot-belly and floppy ears. He is thebenevolent protector of the innocent and the ruthlessdestroyer of the evil.

Since the days of Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, thefounder of the Maratha Empire, this Ganapati festivalhas been celebrated on a grand scale in Pune. Later,the Peshwas (the prime ministers) themselves

participated in this festival because Ganesh was theirfamily deity. Today this festival is the most colourfuland happy event in the religious, social and culturallife of India, especially that of Pune. With the end ofthe Peshwa regime this festival lost its glamour andcame to be observed privately in the households only.

In 1893, a crucial juncture of India's history when thenation was under the yoke of Britsh slavery,Lokmanya Tilak realised the importance and themassive popularity of this festival and initiated itsnationwide celebrations. Tilak saw in the festival away of uniting people in a common cause and apossible means of bringing about a politicalconsciousness under the guise of religiouscelebrations, with freedom for India being theultimate goal. It became a platform for a politicalawakening among people and aided in creating anuprising to gain freedom from British imperialism.Tilak’s unique move ensured that the festivalblossomed into its present popularity among thegeneral public.

All the roads in the city are draped with rich, brightand colourful fabrics and the repetition of thesetemporary elements gives a homogenous character tothe otherwise heterogeneous roads. The changes in thestreetscapes completely transform the humanscapesand roadscapes of the typical core areas. Theconversion is reflected through the changingenclosures. These enclosures give an entirely differentscale and proportion to the already existingcommercial streets. Vehicular streets are converted intopedestrian walkways. The vehicular movement comesto a standstill. The continuous scaffoldings add to thethe feeling of visual continuity throughout the areas.


Shopping areas become viewing galleries during the festival

Rangoli patterns being made during the festivalnow include logos of sponsors

UUNNIITTYY AAMMOONNGG CCIITTIIZZEENNSS TTHHRROOUUGGHH AALLLL SSTTAAGGEESS

The popularity of the festival not only associates itselfwith the deity or local beliefs but also merges with thechanging forms and transforming urbanscapes bywhich the festival so comfortably accommodates itselfwithin the local context. The last day of the immersionprocession is the peak of the festival. Lord Ganapati isparaded through the streets with great pride andemotion before he is immersed in the waters.

The processional route taken over the last hundreds ofyears is neither natural nor designed but evolved. Theotherwise commercial hub of the city, the Laxmi Road,transformsinto the processional route with all therequired changes. All the routine activities come to astandstill as the transactional areas are converted to

accommodate the festival celebrations. The shop steps,the parking areas and the mall entrances are adaptedinto spectator balconies once they are barricaded andconverted into areas for people to stand and watch thespeculate unfolding before them.

The wholeness or the completion of the entire urbanspace is experienced in the 'temporary temples' craftedfor the festival. Every enthusiastic face, every activity,every colour of the street drapery, every garment of thedevotees, the peculiar aroma of the gulal and thecrackers add to the imageability of that space.

As expressed through the changing scales, scapes andcolours, the festivities on the road solemnise themarriage of the new concepts of celebration with thetraditional ceremonial rituals of importance. Theimmersion of the gods, more numerous now than in


In the aftermath of the festival, a quiet street


yesteryears, take a long time, often more than 30 hoursat a stretch. The authorities and the organisers havemade efforts to reduce this duration, but their effortshave been unsuccessful.

GGRRAANNDD IIMMMMEERRSSIIOONN

The entire town gathers along the processional route tobid adieu to their favourite god. The activities in thetown come to a standstill so that the public maywholeheartedly participate and enjoy the festival of thedeity. People are completely forgetful of the placesthey stand in as they watch the deity being taken onprocession, experiencing the spaces created by thechanged scenarios and activities around them andunaware of the passage of time until Lord Ganapatileaves after having graced the town with his piouspresence for all of 10 days.

The roads are decorated with beautiful rangoli, festivedecorations drawn as symbols of sanctity and religiousgaiety. The volunteers who walk back with their deityof honor render the entire processional road of aboutthree to four kms with colourful rangolis. A colourfulcarpet of rangoli adorns the entire processional route.Hundreds of volunteers are engaged in laying thesepayghadi or red carpets for their favourite deity towalk upon. Great efforts are taken to receive him atevery corner and at every junction along the route withlarge expanses of the rangoli carpet to ensure aglorious farewell to the deity. The changing times alsosee a commercial flavour to the festivities with manyestablishments sponsoring the effort.

Even today, history and mythology walk hand in handin these processional celebrations. Traditionaloccupations are revived. Mythological stories are

Container for the nirmalaya,the floral offering


reenacted and historical events relived to remind all ofthe historical and cultural richness displayed.Lokmanya Tilak would be a very proud man today ifhe could witness the scale and fervour of the festivitiesthat he is credited with having initiated.

The commercial hub of the city of Pune, i.e. the LaxmiRoad, Tilak Road and Jangli Maharaj Road, remaincompletely closed to vehicular traffic during the tenthday of the procession. The entire traffic is re-routed tofacilitate the smooth flow of the crowds that throng theprocession to watch Lord Ganapati on his way back tothe river. There are great restrictions on parking and onthe movement of pedestrians in the central part of thecity.

What is more, the parking ban is also applicable to thelanes and bylanes that join the main processional

routes. The busiest vehicular core of the citytransforms into the most crowded pedestrian precinct.

A special barricade is constructed on the processionalroute to facilitate the pedestrians as they watch theLord. The steps of the huge malls, otherwise guardedby the watchmen, turn into viewing balconies for thepeople of the city. The otherwise out-of-bound officialareas are opened to the public so that they may followthe progress of the procession. People thoroughlyenjoy their stay on the roads throughout the night,sitting on the shop steps, standing on the balconies,watching the series of idols pass by, completelyoblivious to the world around them.

The narrowness of the roads and the magnificence ofthe procession completely transforms the scale and theambience of the surroundings. A number of strategicviewpoints are specially crowded at to get that mostcoveted darshan of all the idols, especially at nightwhen the important ones are carried, ablaze with theirfantastic light decorations.

TTRRAADDIITTIIOONN:: EENNVVIIRROONNMMEENNTT FFRRIIEENNDDLLYY

Rituals demand that the idol of Lord Ganapati must beimmersed in water. However, these days the idol ismade of non-biodegradable plaster of Paris instead ofthe traditionally used shadu (a type of clay) whichdissolves in the water. Consequently, the river water isbeing greatly polluted. Efforts have been initiated tokeep the ritualistic concepts intact while modifyingconventions to adapt to the changing problems. Off-late the festival have taken on an eco-friendly tingewith authorities and organisations getting together toensure that the rivers and canals do not get polluted.

There are about four lakh idols which are immersedevery year. As awareness regarding environmentalissues increases, 60 to 70 percent of these get tankimmersed rather than river-immersed, saving the everincreasing pollution of the river. Donation of the idolsof Lord Ganapati is also encouraged. The PuneMunicipal Corporation, the local authority managingthe festival, puts up temporary immersion tanks atvarious places along the river. It also helps intransporting the donated idols to a nearby quarry.

The floral offerings or the nirmalya are collected invarious traditionally shaped waste collectioncontainers at major immersion ghats. 10 to 15 tons ofnirmalya are collected in the city by the localauthorities; these are then used for making manure.

Lok Manya Tilak, custodian of the festival

This exercise is carried out by the garden departmentof the corporation. When composted manure is ready,it is distributed free to the citizens.


What could be better than this example of the city ofPune to demonstrate the power of positivetransformation in traditions and human understandingsof place, space and pace? Utsavs have becomefestivals, immersions have become eco-friendly, andManache Ganapati (Ganapati's of precedent honour)changed routes to decrease the immersion hours. It isthe people's festival celebrating the place of the Lordin the space of their urban hearts (core commercialareas) at the pace that the contemporary times demand.

With the passage of time, concepts havemetamorphosised, their scales have been modified ascommercialisation interferes, legalities dominate andenvironmental considerations enter the fray. Theadministration excercises controls but everyone stillfeels a part of the moment. A once household festival,the Ganapati celebrations have today found a place onthe world tourism map. They represent the celebrationsof human happiness and a glorification of god’sexistence amongst the masses.

Within a day, life in the city is back to normal, thechaotic traffic and the watch-driven public return andeverybody looks forward to the arrival of the 'Bappa'(Lord Ganapati) the next year when he will beimmersed with the same respect and gaiety yet again.


Sustainable Solutions

Sustainable Solutions 69

Understanding Sustainability

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

Sustainability in the Indian context can be understood as a livingpractice rooted in the philosophical tradition of Unity as in the monistictraditions of Kashmir Shaivism. The present practice in the spatialdisciplines are detached from the deeper cultural and philosophicalbasis of unity and coexistence, thus leading to a crisis in the planning ofcities, architectural practice and architectural education.


It is true that the word sustainability or sustainable development hasbecome much maligned and clichéd. Often, it is used as a fashionablestatement or a tag to appear progressive. Even the 1987 definition, usedin the Brundtland Report at the World Commission on Environment andDevelopment, falls short of expectation. "Sustainable development (is)that (which) meets the needs of the present (generation) withoutcompromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs."1

When we look at our natural and cultural history and practices, it ispossible to get deeper insights into our identity as a people with certainrooted values. People whose thinking and actions were largely guided bythe principles of union, living in harmony with the self and the other asone. These values and philosophical traditions once brought prosperityand abundance to this culture. Today, we hesitate to talk and deliberateabout such metaphysical terms . We lack direct experience and areignorant of the real meaning of this philosophical tradition.

Akshay Kaul is a specialist in the field ofecological planning, landscape and

architecture. He received his Master'sdegree in Landscape Architecture fromthe College of Environmental Scienceand Forestry at the State University ofNew York, Syracuse, USA. He was a

visiting faculty at the School of Planningand Architecture, New Delhi, TVB

School of Habitat Studies New Delhi,Sushant School of Art and Architecture,

Gurgaon, He runs a practice inpartnership under the banner,

‘Professional for Planning, Architectureand Landscape’, New Delhi.

AKSHAY KAUL

70 Sustainable Solutions

In some enlightened corners of the world, includingours, knowledge of this philosophy and livingprinciples is beginning to dawn. Trikha Shavism orKashmir Shaivism2 is understood to most closelydescribe our existence. B N Pandit, Jaideva Singh,Paul M Ortega, William Mahoney, and many othersare spending time to understand and interpret it insimpler terms after having studied under their masters.3

AADDVVAAIITTAA -- NNOONN DDUUAALLIISSMM -- MMOONNIISSTTIICCPPHHIILLOOSSOOPPHHYY44

The thoughts "I am separate, I am different and I amthe Doer,"5 also known as the three Anava mala,6creates a world of fragmentation and discord. It isopposed to the thoughts of unity or union and all thatexists is part of Nature or Consciousness. Cursoryreflections of this also forms the definition of the termecology, as "the science that studies the interaction oforganisms with other organisms and with theirenvironment."

It is not in the scope of this article to understand thepractices that lead to the direct experience andrevelation of philosophy. It will suffice here tounderstand Trikha Shaivism or Kashmir Shaivism asan Advaita philosophy (not religion) of non-dualism

and non-anthropocentric thinking in which all lifeforms partake equally as consciousness.

Sustainability is about survival, Advaita philosophy isabout 'ananda'.7 It takes many a lifetime for such aphilosophy to be formulated and become a livingtradition while it only takes a few generations for it tobe wiped out as a cultural practice. We see itsmanifestation in earlier form of arts, language,agriculture, landscape, clothing, food and healthtraditions. It has traveled through Tibet, Japan andChina. It created a silent revolution in their cultures.Hu Shih, the former Chinese ambassador to the USAfelt that, “India conquered and dominated Chinaculturally for 20 centuries without ever having to senda single soldier across her border.”8

Although today we are not conscious of this philosophyand its values, we are still reaping the benefits of it, ifonly through our genetic intelligence.

PPIICCKKIINNGG IITT UUPP FFRROOMM WWHHEERREE WWEE LLEEFFTT

" I have traveled across the length and breadth of Indiaand I have not seen one person who is a beggar, whois a thief. Such wealth I have seen in this country, suchhigh moral values, people of such calibre, that I do not

Conflicting Indian and Western elements


think we would ever conquer this country, unless webreak the very backbone of this nation, which is herheritage, spirituality and, therefore, I propose that wereplace her old and ancient education system, herculture, for if the Indians think that all that is foreignand English is good and greater than their own, theywill lose their self-esteem, their native culture and theywill become what we want them, a truly dominatednation." 9

So said, Lord Macaualay in his speech at the BritishParliament on Feb. 2, 1835. Although its attributionis still unconfirmed, this statement expresses apredominant attitude that was partly responsible forthe downward spiral of this culture.

LLOOOOKKIINNGG WWIITTHHIINN AANNDD NNOOTT OOUUTTSSIIDDEE

We suffer as a culture because at all levels we areconstantly accepting what is projected byeconomically more prosperous countries as acceptableideas, codes, morals and cultural icons. We areregaining our foothold as an economic power. Our lowpurchasing power allows us only low budget ideas,technology, tools, materials, etc. This is uniquelyexpressed in our thinking and in our spatialdisciplines.

The world's best planners don't make it here nor do theconscientious architects or landscape architects. It isthe average one that lands up here and we hold themin high esteem. We believe that whatever is inside isnot good and whatever is outside is acceptable. So thethousands of new townships and the buildings that aremushrooming across the country arise from 'conceptdesign' provided in Singapore, Dubai or still fartherfrom the reality of India.

OOUURR PPLLAANNNNIINNGG AANNDD DDEEVVEELLOOPPMMEENNTTIINNSSTTIITTUUTTIIOONNSS

If we examine the structure and functioning of thestate agencies responsible for the growth anddevelopment of our cities one gets a clearerunderstanding of our present state of affairs.

The typical structure is headed by a Town Planner witha background in architecture and in town planning.This planning structure often operates from an isolatedcell and is detached from other parallel civicinstitutions. The planning and implementinginstitutions do not operate as a single entity. Civicbodies like the Municipal Corporation and planning

agencies have had little infusion of new blood over theyears. They have both the paucity of good qualifiedhuman resources and the numbers required to carry onthe daunting tasks of planning and maintaining healthyand vibrant cities.

The planning departments suffer from a lack of humanresources and are burdened with much administrativework, including numerous meetings – durbar likeunproductive sessions with ministers and varioussecretaries. Often, they are roped in to answer queriesin the assembly sessions that leave them with littletime to contribute meaningfully to their planning andadministrative responsibilities.

This antiquated structure has two separate departments– engineering and town planning – with inadequatefinancial autonomy to seek professional assistance.Sixty years since Independence and the lowest quotedtender still takes precedence over quality across thecountry. The engineering departments with theirhierarchy of superintendent, executive and assistantengineers take over the project once it is handed overby the planning team. With no composite team ofallied professions for guidance, the projects result in

A Bunglow house in Gurgaon today


average design and workmanship that requires regularcapital inflow.

Cities are living entities meant not only for survivalbut also for the celebration of life. They are as much aplace to dream and cherish life as natural settings.With the availability of spatial data and throughintermittent ground checks, it is possible to establishcomprehensive maps for maintenance, developmentand growth. Maps on land-use, infrastructure, heritage(both natural and cultural) including water, forestcharacter and cover, soils, agricultural landscape andtypes, building material resource and waste dischargeneed to be generated. These exist as bits ofinformation in various departments scattered bydistance and lacking qualified personnel to collate andmake the data available as a planning tool. Planningthat happens in vacuum results in projects like the TajCorridor, Singur, Gurgaon Malls, DDA Hotels, Mallproject at Vasant Kunj, the filling of Jamuna floodplains under the disguise of religion to createAkshardham and finally, the Commonwealth GamesVillage.

There exists a lot of room for an interdisciplinaryapproach and the systematic development of interestgroups within the Planning Department. Citizens aswell as qualified professionals should assist the cityplanning and execution team in this ongoing process.

The challenge is immense and so is the potential forcreating new models and paradigms. The presentRajasthan Government's initiative, the State UrbanAgenda for Rajasthan (SUARAJ) has created such anopening. Janaagrah,10 an NGO, is a forum that worksrelentlessly with the government, providing assistanceat the policy level and despite its strengthening ourinstitutions. The JNNURM provides incredibleopportunities (despite its shortcomings) as funds roll infor urban development. Government institutions areforced to get their acts together. These areopportunities from where new paradigms and learningscould surface if an initiative is sustained. As mycontribution to the civil society, I feel fortunate toadvise and contribute to SUARAJ. This organisationgives hope for the future of governance, new ways ofbuilding bridges, bringing fresh ideas, information,working attitude and knowledge. I must say that it hasnot been easy for any of us but even the smallestcontribution is of the greatest satisfaction in what isotherwise an inertia filled non-inclusive governancesystem.

PPRRAACCTTIICCEE OOFF TTHHEE SSPPAATTIIAALLDDIISSCCIIPPLLIINNEESS

Can we imagine the challenges, opportunities andleadership we are bestowed upon as professionals whoinfluence the destiny of others through the very act ofcreating habitats for the human mind and body?

The premise that cities are a living environment ofnatural processes and systems needs to gainawareness. Our training in the discipline of spatialplanning and design, including that of architects,contractors, developers, builders, landscape architects,planners, project mangers, vendors and laborersworking on site, is detached from our sensitivity. Thehuman body and the mind and its direct connectionwith the sun, moon, the air we breathe, the water wedrink and many more simple phenomena is missing.The complexity and sensitivity needed to understandthe needs of human beings is lost as people lose theirown sensitivity and reason to exist.

With the rapid pace of growth, architectural practice isbecoming increasingly based on ideas of expression,of materials and finishes with expensive natural orsynthesized materials being wrapped around a box.Fortunately, additional training as a landscape architectallows a little more sensitivity towards natural systemsand processes. Unless one is sensitive or trained it isdifficult to understand the need for a synthesis ofnatural processes and systems with the other spatialdisciplines.

The first sutra in Pratabhijna Hrdayam, a text writtenby Sage Khemaraja on Kashmir Shavism, says, citihsvatantra vishwa- sidhi -hetu, ie. ‘consciousness in herfreedom brings about the attainment of the universe.’11The most simplistic interpretation of this statement isthat the very nature of consciousness to be free. Whenfree it is in its expanded form and that is the veryspace from where creativity manifests. In a vacuum ofindividual grounding techniques and practices, theresulting practice of spatial disciplines drifts aimlessly.

Instead of being free, we constantly bind ourselveswith the past, subconsciously bind ourselves to ourrole models or our clan and remain confinedthroughout life with our united knowledge as truths.Rarely are we free to think for ourselves apart fromthe acceptable style and predominant expressions thatare part of the dominant or popular culture. LikeJoseph Campbell once said “at some point the herowithin needs to comes out and become a man.” For a

long time after Independence, India saw buildingsexpressed with straight lines and rounder corners, withsymbolic jharokhas and chatris, either emulateddirectly or stylised into straight lines. Where did thisarchitectural expression come from and why? Were westill pleasing our hero Walter Gropius or followingCorbusier's 'poetry in concrete' subconsciously?

Almost, 40 years after Independence, at the time of theFestival of India, came the exhibition ‘Vistara’. Itbegan to talk of who we are, albeit as an expression.Perhaps the traditional architecture section could havecontinued the search for placing the built expressionsin the deeper ecological and spiritual context of thisculture. It is time to take this dialogue further. Theanswer will stem from within, when like SwamiMuktananda, says, 'Where are you going ?'12 becomesan ongoing quest for a seeker.

In our practice at professional for planning,architecture, and landscape we work under one roof toprovide architectural, landscape, planning and interiordesign services. We are beginning to see its benefits aswe work towards being close to natural process andsystems. Our training as landscape architects gives usa greater leverage in this effort. It is a slow, consciousprocess but our buildings are beginning to grow more

harmonious with their surroundings and vice versa. Weare able to work on more complex issues in planningand landscape, at scales varying from terrace gardensto city planning, from a single client to advising theState. There is still a long way to go for us. Yet, it isdeeply gratifying that we have reached a point in ourjourney when people pause and experience innersilence and tranquility in our landscapes andacknowledge it.

AARRCCHHIITTEECCTTUURRAALL EEDDUUCCAATTIIOONN

A standardised architectural curriculum across the 12ecological zones in the country is the first step towardsalienating ourselves from our immediate existence.Each ecological zone brings with its diversity andidentity and with it a unique set of attributes,individuals, plants, soil, water, landform, settlements,buildings, festivals, traditions, hopes and aspirations.Current standardised pedagogy leaves very little roomfor nurturing this valuable diversity and individualexcellence.

So how is the architectural education here anydifferent from that in other cultures? Modeled directlyon the Bauhaus school of thought and imported by analien culture, its relevance, especially in small towns


Faceless skylines with increasing urbanisation

where students and clients both struggle to expressthemselves in English, is questionable. It promotespeople to look, behave, speak, think and dress alike,thus alienating them from their innate intelligence andself esteem.

This alienation is strengthened in the curriculum byhaving design exercises created in the vacuum ofnatural or human ecological context. The naturalcontext is usually limited to the movement of the sun,wind and of course, maximising the view from thebuilding. There exists very little horizontalcoordination and learning within the different coursesand in structuring the linear progression in thecurriculum. Very few schools have any researchprogrammes where the basis of learning is directexperience or documentation, that involves more thanmeasuring buildings.

Finally, design studios alienate the individualcompletely from the society in which he has to serve.The design studio seems to reinforce the false identity

of the individual, "I am separate, I am different and Iam the Doer," and in the process creates a prima donnain the society who is unfit to serve and function in it.

Some schools have tried to address these issues atundergraduate levels – the TVB School at Delhi wasone such architectural programme. Building in thecontext with interesting studio programmes andhorizontal integration formed part of the learning. Itsstrength was the summer and winter vacationprograms where direct experience was encouragedthrough continuous documentation of buildings andsettlements in different ecological zones of India.However, the program lost its vitality before attainingmaturity due to a bid towards standardisation by theCouncil of Architecture.

I believe it is possible to sensitise students to begin tothink about the existence of the natural and culturallandscape. It is possible to take a graduate student oflandscape towards developing greater stewardship ofthe land, both urban and rural.


Notes & References1 http://www.bathtram.org/tfb/2 Singh, Jaideva (1979) ‘Trikha Shavism or

Kashmir Shaivism’, Siva Sutra, The Yoga of

Supreme Identity, Motilal Banarsidass

Publishers: Delhi 3 Masters: Swami Muktananda (1908 – 1982)

http://www.siddhayoga.org/guru-

muktananda-baba.html and Swami Laxman

Joo (1907 – 1991)

http://www.ikashmir.net/lakshmanjoo/index.ht

ml

4 Unknown (1975) ‘Introduction to Kashmir

Shaivism’, Siddha Peeth, SYDA Foundation:

California 5 Swami Shantananda et al (2003) ‘Sutra 9’,

The Splendor of Recognition, SYDA

Foundation: South Fallsburg, New York. 6 Swami Shantananda et al (2003) ‘Sutra 9’,

The Splendor of Recognition, SYDA

Foundation: South Fallsburg, New York. 7 Ananda: A Blissful State8 Attributed to the Hu Shih (1938 – 1942)

www.thinkexist.com/quotation/india_conquer

ed_and_dominated_china_culturally/188786.

html9 Lindsay, Robert (2006)

robertlindsay.blogspot.com/2006/06/lord-

macaulays-speech-to-british.html11 www.janaagraha.org and Swami

Shantananda, et. al. (2003) ‘Sutra 1’, The

Splendor of Recognition, SYDA Foundation:

South Fallsburg, New York12 Swami Muktananda (2000) Where are you

going? Chitshakti Publications: Thane,

Maharastra


Poverty Alleviation: The Needfor Holistic Approach

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

Dwelling upon the issue of poverty and its manifestation, this paperaddresses the growing population and increasing urbanisation whichmake it essential to target the needs of the urban poor. It also raisesissues related to the provision of drinking water and sanitation, housingand infrastructure management. The paper concludes by emphasising theimportance of better management of indigenous resources, pragmaticand transparent decision making, involving local communities andadopting an integrated approach. In various segments, some examples ofsuccess using indigenous interventions have been discussed.


The Brundtland Report established the concept of sustainabledevelopment as that which meets the needs of the present generationwithout compromising the ability of future generations to meet theirneeds. The consideration of intergenerational justice and a concern forthe poor in each generation gave the entire discourse an ethical force.With so many advancements in science and technology, differenteconomics need to tackle the menace of poverty on a war footing.

The World Development Report 2000/2001 states that poverty is apronounced deprivation in well-being. The voices of poor people beareloquent testimony to its meaning. To be poor is to be hungry, to lackshelter and clothing, to be sick and not be cared for, to be illiterate and

Vinnie Jauhari received her PhD onCorporate Entrepreneurship from the

Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi, herPost-Doc from the United Nations

University, Tokyo in the area ofTechnology and Society and an MBA

(Gold Medalist) (Marketing). She headsthe University Relations Division atHewlett Packards India. She is also

currently Adjunct Professor and earlierthe Head of the School of Management

and Entrepreneurship at IIMT. She is bringing out a Special Issue of the

International Journal of HospitalityManagement as a Guest Editor.

VINNIE JAUHARI

not schooled. The report accepts the now traditionalview of poverty as encompassing not only materialdeprivation (measured by an appropriate concept ofincome or consumption) but also low achievements ineducation and health. The report also broadens thenotion of poverty to include vulnerability and exposureto risk, voicelessness and powerlessness. All theseforms of deprivation severely restrict what AmartyaSen calls the capabilities that a person has, i.e. thesubstantive freedom he or she enjoys to lead the kindof life he or she values. By giving a bettercharacterisation of the experience of poverty, thisbroader approach to deprivation increases theunderstanding of its causes. This deeper understandingbrings to the fore more areas of action and policy onthe poverty reduction agenda.

The Human Development Report (1997) states,"The progress in human development and ineradicating poverty has often been won throughuprisings and rebellions against states that haveadvanced the interests of the economically powerfulwhile tolerating rigid class divisions, unbearableeconomic conditions and human suffering and poverty.History is marked by uprisings and rebellions sparkedby poverty."

History provides enough evidence to deduce that anysociety should not be stretched to a point where only arevolution could bring about a change. Such a stage isaccompanied by violence, turbulence and lot of socialunrest. If the entire social fabric decays, then whatgood are scientific achievements and material wealthwhen the very survival of life becomes questionable?

To promote social progress and raise the standard ofliving within the wider concept of freedom, theinternational human rights laws (as enshrined in theUN Charter, the Universal Declaration of HumanRights and other treaties and declarations) recogniseeconomic and social rights with the aim of attackingpoverty and its consequences. Among these rights arean adequate standard of living, food, housing,education, health, work, social security and a share inthe benefits of social progress (www.un.org/overview).

India's anti-poverty strategy comprises of a wide rangeof poverty alleviation and employment generationprogrammes, many of which have been in operationfor several years. Some of the anti-povertyprogrammes operational in India are:� Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP)� Training of Rural Youth for Self Employment

(TRSEM)� The Programme of Development of Women and

Children in Rural Areas (DWRCA)� Jawahar Rozgar Yojana (JRY)� Employment Assurance Scheme (EAS)� Million Wells Scheme (MWS)� National Social Assistance Programme� Swarna Jayanti Shahari Rozgar Yojana (SJSRY)� Prime Minister's Rozgar Yojana (PMRY)

The data drawn from the Ministry of Rural Areas andEmployment and other concerned departments(Economic Survey 1998-99, Ministry of Industry,Govt. of India) indicates a large gap between thetargets set for various schemes and their actualachievements. In many cases it is even less than 50percent. In such a state of affairs, the desiredobjectives are difficult to achieve. Hence, there is aneed for people to get involved in the povertyalleviation programmes.

To alleviate poverty in both urban and rural areas,there is a need for simultaneous interventions at thegrass root levels such as education, provision ofemployment, housing, water, health and empowermentof people, specially women. The Barefoot College atthe Social Work Research Center (SWRC) is anexample of how a local, completely illiterate,community could be employed and educated to uselocal knowledge and technology for water and food,and manage itself as a sustainable unit. SEWA isanother organisation which empowers the poor self-employed people and develops interventions that cutacross different sectors such as shelter, employment,health, education, crèches, standing up for the cause of


Increasing traffic and congestion

self-employed workers and raising issues on theirbehalf. Initiatives such as SPARC focus on the use oflocal technology in the area of shelter and theempowerment of women. The Building CentreMovement also focuses on the provision of shelter topoor communities. The Barefoot College exemplifiesthe need for education to be rooted in the groundreality of working children who have to supplementtheir parents’ livelihood. It runs night schools andempowers children by giving them responsibilities forvarious tasks. The interventions across varioussegments should be such that: � they generate employment� they involve people in the process� they help fulfil basic minimum needs� There is sufficient continuity and financial stability

for them to sustain themselves independently.

PPOOPPUULLAATTIIOONN GGRROOWWTTHH AANNDD TTHHEE UURRBBAANNPPOOOORR

According to OECD estimates, India would be theworld's third largest economy by the year 2050. Thepopulation of India is expected to increase from 1029million to 1400 million during the period 2001-2026,an increase of 36 percent in 25 years at the rate of 1.2percent per annum (Census of India). This will put anadditional load on the current infrastructure of thesecities. On one hand, there is a growing movementtowards investments in IT and education at the schoollevel. On the other hand, the urban poor will alsocontinue to grow in numbers.

By 2041, the urban population in India will surpassthat of China (Chakrabarti, 2006). The number ofmetropolitan cities in the country has grown from onein 1901 to five in 1951 and 23 in 1991. There wereseven mega cities in India by 2006. (See Table 1).

This growth process is accompanied by seriousshortages in power, water, sewerage, developed land,housing, transportation, communication and otherfacilities (Chakrabarti, 2006). Imperfections in landand housing markets and exhorbitant increases in landprices have left the urban poor with virtually noalternative but to seek housing in the mushroomingslums. About 1/3rd of urban dwellers live below thepoverty line in sub-human conditions in such slums,without access to the basic minimum facilities such asdrinking water, sanitation, medical care and publichygiene (CSO, 1997). These slums then become apotential cause of crime and civil unrest. Poor healthconditions trigger various diseases. The financial loss

in terms of productivity has been quantified at Rs. 360billion (US$ 9bn) annually (Ministry of UrbanDevelopment 2000 Annual Report 1999-2000 NewDelhi.).There is a need for adopting innovative, lowcost and environmentally sustainable technologies forsolving some of India's pressing urban problems.

DDRRIINNKKIINNGG WWAATTEERR PPRROOVVIISSIIOONN

India has witnessed a phenomenal development ofwater resources and self-sufficiency in food grains anddrinking water infrastructure for about 85 percent ofIndia's urban and rural population. However, thisachievement has been at the cost of ground waterdepletion, water logging, water quality degradationand pollution, and an increase in salinity levels inmany areas. The primary responsibility for providingdrinking water and sanitation facilities in the countryrests with the State Governments and morespecifically, with the local bodies in urban areas. Thenodal agencies for rural and urban water supply andsanitation are the Rajiv Gandhi National DrinkingWater Mission and the Ministry of UrbanDevelopment and Poverty Alleviation; in addition, avariety of other institutes play direct/indirect roles.

Between 91-93 percent of India's urban populationderive their drinking water from protected sources,leaving an unserved population of between 7-9percent. Water quality problems include fluoride (66mn people across 17 states are estimated to be at risk),excess arsenic in ground water (nearby 13.8 mn peoplein 75 blocks are reported at risk), varying iron levels,presence of nitrates and heavy metals, bacteriologicalcontamination and salinity.

On the sanitation front, only 18-19 percent of all ruralhouseholds have a toilet. In 1990, it was merely 10percent. At the same time, 75 to 81 percent of allurban households in India now have toilets, anincrease from 1990 figures of around 64 percent.Sanitation beyond home toilets is a different story. Outof 300 Class-I cities, about 70 percent have partialsewage systems and sewage treatment facilities. Of the


No of Metro Cities(Population) (1 million +)

Population (million)

% Urban Population

1981

12

42

26

1991

23

70

32

2001

35

108

37.8

Source: CPHEEO

Table 1


SI.No.

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

Name of Million Plus MunicipalCorporations

2

TOTAL

Greater Mumbai

Delhi

Kolkata

Chennai

Bangalore

Hyderabad

Ahmadabad

Surat

Kanpur

Pune

Jaipur

Lucknow

Nagpur

Indore

Bhopal

Ludhiana

Patna

Vadodara

Agra

Thane

Kalyan-Dombivli

Varanasi

Nashik

Meerut

Faridabad

Pimpri Chinchwad

Haora

State/Unionterritory

3

Maharashtra

Delhi

West Bengal

Tamil Nadu

Karnataka

Andhra Pradesh

Gujarat

Gujarat

Uttar Pradesh

Maharastra

Rajasthan

Uttar Pradesh

Maharashtra

Madhya Pradesh

Madhya Pradesh

Punjab

Bihar

Gujarat

Uttar Pradesh

Maharastra

Maharashtra

Uttar Pradesh

Maharashtra

Uttar Pradesh

Haryana

Maharashtra

West Bengal

Total population

4

73,345,775

11,978,450

9,879,172

4,572,876

4,343,645

4,301,326

3,637,483

3,520,085

2,433,835

2,551,337

2,538,473

2,322,575

2,185,927

2,052,066

1,474,968

1,437,354

1,398,467

1,366,444

1,306,227

1,275,134

1,262,551

1,193,512

1,091,918

1,077,236

1,068,772

1,055,938

1,012,472

1,007,532

Total slumpopulation

5

17,696,950

6,475,440

1,851,231

1,485,309

819,873

430,501

626,849

473,662

508,485

367,980

492,179

368,570

179,176

737,219

260,975

125,720

314,904

3,592

186,020

121,761

351,065

34,860

137,977

138,797

471,581

490,981

123,957

118,286

Percentage ofslum populationto total population

6

24.1

54.1

18.7

32.5

18.9

10.0

17.2

13.5

20.9

14.4

19.4

15.9

8.2

35.9

17.7

8.7

22.5

0.3

14.2

9.5

27.8

2.9

12.6

12.9

44.1

46.5

12.2

11.7

Table 2Total Population, Slum Population and their percentage in Municipal Corporation with

Population above one Million (2001)

Table 2. Percentage of population in India in slums (Slum statistics, Census Report, Government of India


total wastewater generated in the metropolitan cities,barely 30 percent is treated before disposal. Theuntreated water flows into rivers, lakes, ground-waterand coastal water, thus causing serious water pollution.The Midnapur model has become one of the mostsustainable alternate delivery systems for sanitation. Atits heart is a network of private production centres andretail outlets for sanitation products, coupled withextensive publicity and social marketing.

Lack of water supply and sanitation has dangerousimplications, especially for children. Children are mostvulnerable to the preventable diseases which resultfrom lack of water, dirty water and lack of sanitation.In India, 0.4 to 0.5 million children die every yearfrom diarrhoeal diseases and dehydration and millionsexperience more than 15 attacks of serious diarrhoeabefore the age of five.

HHOOUUSSIINNGG

Housing is a basic necessity as well as an importanteconomic activity which is a part of the constructionindustry. The Working Group on Housing for the TenthPlan has observed that around 90 percent of housingshortages pertain to the weaker section. There is aneed to increase the supply of affordable housing tothe economically weaker sections and the low incomecategory though a proper programme of allocation ofland, extension of funding assistance and provision ofsupport services. The problem of the urban shelter-lessand pavement dwellers has not been given theconsideration that is necessary in a pro-poor State, asseen from the lack of progress in the Night Shelter

Scheme. The Working Group on Housing hasestimated the urban housing shortage at the beginningof the Tenth Plan at 8.89 million units. The totalnumber of houses required cumulatively during theTenth Plan period is assessed at 22.44 million. 54percent of India's land area is vulnerable toearthquakes, 8-4 percent to cyclonic wind and stormsurges, and 4.9 percent is vulnerable to flood damage.To deal with the problems of the urban poor, land mustbe provided at affordable prices. Class V towns (thosewith a population between 5000-10,000) register ahigh percentage of households not covered by toilets,electricity, and drinking water (61 percent, 41 percentand 28 percent respectively in 1991). The shortagesare very serious for urban centres with populations ofless than 50,000. There is a need for greaterinvolvement of the State and the Central Governmentin upgrading the infrastructure of small towns.

As shelter is a basic need, cost-effective housingtechnologies become imperative. In the level of lowincome there is a need for appropriate and cost-effective technologies to combat the problems of:� Rising costs� Access to materials� Lack of accessibility of innovations to the common

man� Lack of awareness of these innovations in

professionals working in this sector� Lack of exposure amongst the construction workers

and artisans who are the main link in utilizing theseoptions

� Lopsided impact on environment in terms ofdepletion of natural resources

� Lack of support through building regulatory media,codes and schedule of rates

The Building Centre Movement in India has emergedas a grass root level intervention with the objectivesof:� Transfer of technology� Training of artisans� Production of elements� Construction and guidance

The building centre movement has taken long strides.From Nirmithi Kendra in Quilon in 1986 in Kerala toJammu in 1995, there have been 385 building centers.

LLEESSSSOONNSS LLEEAARRNNTT

Based on the above analysis, one can deduce thefollowing.

Condition of water bodies in most Indian cities


Documentation of indigenous technologies

This points to the the importance of indigenousknowledge. Despite technological advances, theproblems of drinking water and sanitation are stillprevalent. In the olden days, they did not have traineddoctors, architects or biologists. They did not dependon theory but applied the wisdom they had acquiredover the centuries. Many communities are so fed upwith the current state of affairs that they demand theybe left alone to identify and solve their own problems(Roy 1999) with the aid of their indigenous knowledge.Greiner (1998) defines indigenous knowledge (IK) asthe unique, traditional, local knowledge existing withinand developed around the specific conditions ofwomen and men indigenous to a particular geographicarea. Indigenous knowledge can provide insights intothe issues of food security, health, education andnatural ecological initiatives. The advantage ofindigenous knowledge is that it is dynamic in characterand has the capacity to evolve since people have beenusing it to survive through the centuries. It needs to bedocumented and stored in a systematic manner. Thesolution does not lie in inflicting western solutions oncommunities. Such interventions fail to induce peopleto participate in them because of the absence ofinstruments and mechanisms that enable them to usetheir own knowledge.

The use of traditional knowledge, skills and wisdompromotes active community involvement becausepeople depend more on each other. The use oftraditional knowledge demystifies the localtechnologies that will be the basis for sustainablesolutions in the future. The more people whounderstand and try out a technology, the greater thechance of that technology being accepted. In 1997-98,through the use of ancient technologies, a total of 12million litres of rainwater was collected in 100 schoolsattended by 3,000 children at the Barefoot Schools.The cost was a mere USD 0.10 a litre. The schoolshave teachers with no qualifications. Over 150 youngpeople from nine states of India have been trained asbarefoot solar engineers. They have equipped over2,000 houses in the Himalayas with solar electricity.The practice could be transferred to other places andsituations, but it is essential that several conditions bemet: � That they be sustainable� That they be rooted in the ground realities. � That they accommodate the huge numbers� That they trap investments.(www.unesco.org/most/bpik16.htm), ‘The Barefoot

College: Promoting Productive Employment forYouth’).

Solutions have to be built around the people throughtheir involvement

Another important aspect is the total involvement ofthe people at the grass root levels. No external agentcan bring about changes in a community. The solutionfor any community has to be a sustainable process.This can only happen if the use of local know-how isusefully channelised so that it can be sustained in thelong run. The case of the Barefoot College at Tiloniaas discussed in the paper is an example of the same.People need to be sensitised to the change. Acceptanceof change is far easier when there is a suitable climatecreated for the same.

Dissemination of information to the poor

The government needs to communicate moreinformation to the poor about available programmesand the implementation of the same. For example, themuch hyped Swarna Jayanti Sahari Yojana and theSwarn Jayanti Swarojgar Yojana, which were launchedin April 1999, have failed to benefit even 5 percent oftheir target in Orissa. Although meant to help peoplerise above the poverty line, not a single personreceived even a rupee as a loan in the last two years,since the scheme began (www.ndtv.com, Mar1, 2001;Pro-poor Policies let down by the lack of reform). InKhurda district, out of a total of 20,000 families livingbelow the poverty line, only 4,500 of them weresponsored for loans by the government. The banksanctioned 1273 loans out of which only 904 peoplehave so far received the money.

Better Management of Resources

A recent news item reported in the press is an eyeopener. The drought-effected people in 10 districts ofRajasthan went on protest to highlight the fact thatthough the Food Corporation of India godowns werebursting with food grains, people remain hungry. TheFCI has nearly 410 lac tonnes of food grains ingodowns in India. Nearly an estimated 139 lac tones isin excess. It costs the government Rs 4,20,000 lakhsjust to store these food grains in Rajasthan(www.ndtv.com, May 17, 2001). The FoodCorporation of India has in recent years beengrappling with the problem of how to take care of thehuge surplus food grain which is fattening anevergrowing army of rodents or simply rotting away in


its badly managed warehouses. (Times of India, May11, 2001). It is evident that there is a pressing need forbetter management of resources.

Political will to take pragmatic decisions

The income and consumption patterns of the poor arechanging. There has occured a shift from coarse grainsto wheat, paddy and oilseeds. Singh (2001) hasanalysed the dynamics of the cropping patterns. A dropof 50 percent in the cultivated area of sorghum, littlemillet and finger millet has occured just in the pastdecade. It was in the 1980s that the Public DistributionSystem (PDS) became a welfare instrument to provideessential items at nearly half the market price. Neithercrop loans nor crop insurance are available for thesegroups. There are no subsidies. The promisedminimum support price of coarse grains is denied tofarmers due to the lack of governmental non-intervention. The chemical composition of coursegrains is better than rice and wheat in many cases.Pearl millets have a higher concentration of protein, fatand minerals, particularly of calcium.

On December 3 2005, Prime Minister ManmohanSingh launched "the single largest initiative of theGovernment of India for a planned development ofcities in India." The programme is the JawaharlalNehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM).The Centre set aside Rs 50,000 crores underJNNURM, covering a period of seven years. AnotherRs 50,000 crores were to be raised through privatesector participation. Down to Earth (August 31, 2006pg. 30) indicates that, "in a tearing hurry, JNNURMdirectorate had cleared over 23 infrastructure projectsworth Rs 86,482.95 crore to meet the March 31deadline. Only nine projects worth Rs 803.19 croreare for the urban poor under BSUP. An analysis of theprojects cleared under UIG shows that water supplyprojects seem to be favoured with over 11 projectsworth Rs 48,026 crore cleared by March 31, 2006.This is followed by drainage at five (Rs 19,901 crore),transport at four (Rs 14,756 crore) and sewerage atthree (Rs 3,800 crore). All these projects are in thestates of Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh andMaharashtra. Urban planners and environmentalistsclaim that this is nothing short of catastrophic sincegreater water supply means more waste water andsewage and none of the recipient cities are equipped tohandle the increased sewage load. The presentJNNURM funds will increase serious environmentalproblems. Contractors will build huge infrastructurewhich will effect the city's natural drainage system.

The fresh water situation in the world and Indiaspecifically is critical.UNDP assesses that by 2018,India will be a water-stressed country and by 2050, inirreversible crisis. JNNURM should mandate theprotection of surface and ground water and theprevention of global warming as first principles andparameters around which to formulate CityDevelopment Plans.

TTRRAANNSSPPAARREENNCCYY

Transparency in operations is required. A review ofliterature suggests that poverty has a relationship withpolitical corruption. The Human Development Report(1997, page 95) mentions that poverty often serves thevested interests of the economically powerful, whomay depend on the poverty stricken to ensure that theirsocieties run smoothly. A mobile pool of low paid andunorganised workers is useful for doing the "dirty,dangerous and difficult" work that others refuse to do.Corruption in government increases poverty in manyways. Most directly, it diverts resources to the richwho can afford to pay bribes and away from the poorpeople who cannot (Transparency International, 1996).Corruption also skews decisions in favor of capital-intensive enterprise and away from labor-intensiveactivities more likely to benefit the poor. Furthermore,corruption weakens the government and lessens theirability to fight poverty. It reduces tax revenues andthus the sources for public services. More generally,corruption eats away at the fabric of public life,leading to increased lawlessness and the underminingof social and political stability.

It is important to bring information to the doorsteps ofthe poor. There is an urgent need to ensure access tomodern information technology in rural areas ordisadvantaged communities to disseminate simple,practical knowledge which will save their lives,increase awareness and stimulate development.Properly used, media can help reduce conflict andstrengthen local organisation. It helps reduce povertyby providing information on how people elsewhere arehandling similar situations. The poor have inadequateaccess to information, technology, expertise andresources.

LLIINNKKAAGGEESS BBEETTWWEEEENN DDIIFFFFEERREENNTTSSEECCTTOORRSS

Interventions taken in one sector have an impact onothers, and there are strong interlinkages betweenthem. For example, improving health outcomes not

only improves wellbeing but also increases incomeearning potential. Increasing education not onlyimproves wellbeing but also leads to better healthoutcomes and higher incomes. Providing protection forpoor people not only makes them feel less vulnerablebut also allows them to take advantage of higher risk-higher return opportunities. Increasing poor peoplesvoice and participation not only addresses their senseof exclusion, it also leads to better targeting of healthand education services to their needs.

Survival within poverty includes many strategies;these must be combined in a process aimed not just atincome in the broadest sense but also at assuranceagainst the stresses and shocks to which poor peopleare particularly vulnerable. One such strategy is a

mixture of jobs, some temporary, some full time, someself-employed, some working for others. Technologycould play a vital role in the elimination of illiteracy.For example, information technology could be utilisedto ensure that education reaches the most distantlocations. It could create a difference through thedissemination of information by various means in therural areas. It could address concerns such as theproblems faced by craftsmen, farmers or persons whorun leather tanneries among others. Another importantaspect that can be addressed by the use of IT could bethe conversion of their entire literature in a languagethat the masses understand. But IT alone cannot be asolution. The solution has to be rooted in the reality ofthe situation.


Notes & References

� Central Statistical Organisation (1997)

Compendium of Environmental Statistics,

Government of India.

� Chakrabarti, P.G. Dhar (2006) Urban Crisis

in India: New Initiatives for Sustainable

Cities, UNRISD.

� Grenier, Louise (1998) Working With

Indigenous Knowledge: A Guide for

Researchers, IRDC.

� Roy, Bunker (1999) Capacity and

Competence of Communities: Totally

Misunderstood, DRA Conference, May 23.

http://www.mailbase. ac.uk/lists/dra/1999-

05/0045.html

� Roy, Bunker (2001) Management of Water

Resources at Local Level - The Repair and

Maintenance of Hand Pumps,

http://www.unv.org/projects/sl/collect/swrc1.h

tm

� Mazdoorkisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS),

Collector to Collectives,

www.timesofindia.com, August 7, 2000

� SPARC Bombay, Communicating life stories

on the issue of Shelter through the medium

of Audio Tapes

www.unv.org/projects/sl/collect/swrc6.htm

� Sengupta, N.K. (1992) Unshackling of

Indian Industry, New Delhi: World Vision.

� Times of India (2001) A Shameful Hunger,

May 11.

� Transparency International (1996)

Sharpening the Response against Global

Corruption: Transparency International

Global Report 1996, Berlin

� United Nations Environment Programme,

'Freshwater Pollution', UNEP/GEMS

Environment Library No. 6 (1991)

� Parayatna Sansthan, Solvta, Dist. Jaipur,

Roof Water Collection for the Provision of

Safe Drinking Water

(www.unv.org/projects/collect/swrc2.htm).

May 10, 2001.

� Sambhavna Trust, Bhopal People's Health

and Documentation Clinic

www.altindia.net/bhopal/Sambhavna_bhopal

.htmwww.altindia.net/bhopal/Sambhavna_bh

opal.htm

� SPARC Bombay (2001), Communicating life

stories on the Issue of Shelter through the

medium of Audio Tapes.

www.unv.org/projects/sl/collect/swrc6.htm.

� www.ndtv.com, 2001, Propoor Policies let

down by the lack of reform, Mar1

Someone once said that Edward Said'spathbreaking study of Orientalism in the late1970s was something everybody anyway knew,but that it actually took a Said to quietly come

along and articulate it well enough for us to appreciate theelegance and frightening enormity of its logic. HowardDavis's book, The Culture of Building, is that sort of book– clearly argued, beautifully illustrated in colour,impressively substantiated at every turn; and many of uswill agree with his ideas. What's more, it's by a seasonedprofessor of architecture, a nuts-and-bolts practitionerwho places all that history in relation to (what we used tothink to be) humdrum office politics.

The author's credentials apart, however, this book shouldbe required reading for all Indian students of architectureand urban design, for several compelling reasons.

First, it recalls, quite elegantly, Spiro Kostof'scomparative historiography and interpretation ofarchitecture in its very different social contexts (I amthinking, in particular, of Kostof's sweeping critiques ofThe City Shaped and The City Assembled), whichpresented the reader with a veritable smorgasbord ofwords and pictures, combining architectural and urbanhistory for the eager undergraduate. And yet, while thesimilarity between Kostof and Davis's theses lies in their

common intent to establish connections between people,places and things (admittedly, at quite different scales ofdescription), Davis starts rather more empirically withdescribing typologies of relationships between peopleinvolved in the world of construction alone – between thearchitect and her client, and everyone associated with aproject in-between. The professional networks whichcharacterize these relationships are what Davis calls veryspecific "cultures" of building, where the accent is notonly on a building's function, meaning and appearance,but more significantly on the transactions and decisionswhich went into its making. In Davis's reckoning, culturesof building have come a long way since Nikolaus Pevsnerfamously suggested that "[a] bicycle shed is a building;Lincoln Cathedral is a piece of architecture." The booksupports the argument that a bicycle shed is equallyarchitectural, and amply illustrates this with terrificexamples from round the world.

The book is divided into three parts. Part I considersbuildings as 'cultural products,' drawing its examples fromsuch varied contexts as informal settlements in Pune,medieval settlements and Renaissance Florence, toLondon in the 1700s and then modern-day New York.Part II considers 'rules and knowledge about building',examining how architects and builders have organizedthemselves institutionally over the centuries, how moneyflows in the building business, and how agreements,contracts and systems of regulation have come to shapeunique building cultures. Part III considers the problem ofcraftsmanship in an age where craft is missing from thevocabulary of Big Development, arguing that it isperfectly reasonable (and, as he actually demonstrates,possible) to build houses of quality in quantity.

As a comment, specifically, on the politics of decision-making about the built environment, ‘The Culture ofBuilding’ suggests that, instead of merely reductivelydichotomizing architectural production (East versus West,colonizer versus colonized, digital technology versus so-called indigenous knowledge), it makes sense to lookmore critically at how people in the business ofconstruction have dealt with one another, and then howtheir professional networks have drawn from, and in turninfluenced, the larger societal cultures of which they are apart, with a view to promoting 'healthier' contemporary

Book Review 83

Book Review

The Culture of Building, byHoward Davis.New York, Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1999,ISBN: 9780195305937385 p. col. ill., plans,facsims, 27 cm. Includesbibliographic referencesand index.

LEGITIMATING THE BICYCLE SHED AS ARCHITECTURE

84 Book Review / Events

building practices, more responsive to social needs andrapidly changing environments. This does not mean thatBig Development is by definition a Bad Idea, but that"[i]t only means that the reality of the existing buildingculture, no matter how objectionable it may appear to be,must nevertheless be taken very seriously…as a systemthat includes, in and among its problems and dominantinstitutions, all the attempts at change and resistance –the cracks in the concrete pavement"; there are, the authorsays, "changes in the business world, with businessesbecoming more client-and worker-centered and movingaway from top-down management" which have to beconsidered by those who make a business out of building.As Davis colourfully puts it, there is still opportunity for"plain-speaking common sense instead of bureaucraticgobbledegook" – which should be a final, thought-provoking word for any young architect expecting to signa public-private partnership contract, years from now.

Let me cut to the quick of my proposal, then, rather thandwelling on details and nuances. I vote that we make thisbook an urgent addition to architecture college libraries.Even as the Indian architectural academy respondsgrumpily to the juggernaut of bureaucratic educationalpolicy, our schools and colleges in India have to producearchitects mature enough to critically question aggressive21st century trends in real-estate development, thesuppositions and potential (ah, yes) behind the JawaharlalNehru National Urban Renewal Mission, and (oh, no) the'Hafeez Contractorisation' of architectural patronage andfunction. Impressionable students must read this book ifthey want to think a bit more critically about theformation, practice, contracting and regulation of ideas inthe world of building.

– by Azhar Tyabji

HERITAGE AND THE ENVIROMENT 2007Date: June 19 - June 22, 2007Location: ScotlandLandscape and the environment are critical concepts andrealities of contemporary culture and politics. To be betterunderstood requires scrutiny of 'the past' incorporatingmultiple sources of evidence and deepening insights. What arethese insights and how will they inform perceptions, decisionsand actions of the present and the future? The conference aimsto:- Compare Gaelic concepts of heritage and the environment

with other particular concepts;- Locate the particular contexts of heritage and the

environment within the universal;- Encourage the community voice in the discussions; and- Posit a way forward for future discussion and research.

This conference will examine the role of the environment andgive fresh insights into the relationship of people and theenvironment. Interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary, and localand global conversations will occur across traditional subjectareas and in a variety of contexts. Underlying these ideas willbe the consideration of how Gaelic culture, both tangible andintangible, will add significantly to larger discourses oflandscape and the environment. In a departure fromconventional approaches we are keen to explore these issuesfrom the widest possible perspective acknowledging both theparticular and the universal.Website: http://www.smo.uhi.ac.uk/mce2007/index.php

TRADIONAL MEDITERRANEAN ARCHITECTURE:PRESENT AND FUTUREDate: July 12, 2007 - July 15, 2007Location: BarcelonaThe fundamental aim of the Rehabimed project in theframework of the European Euromed Heritage programme isto promote the rehabilitation of traditional architecture in allMediterranean countries. We consider this the way forward tosustainable development.For more information on paper submission guidelines and fordetailed conference information.Website: http://www.rehabimed.net/conferencia

STUDIES ON HISTORICAL HERITAGEDate: September 17, 2007 - September 21, 2007The symposium aims to provide an international andmultidisciplinary meeting for researchers and practitioners topresent and discuss the past, present and future of historicalart and architectural heritage and their environments. It willbring together historians, art historians, archaeologists,architects, engineers, scientists, building surveyors, urbanplanners, and other specialists to exchange their analytical,experimental, historical and constructional experiences andstudies in preservation of historical heritage.Symposium Topics:- Historical Aspects, Architectural Aspects, Archaeological

Aspects- Information System - Documentation;- Evaluation - Experimental Methods and Tests

Events

Events 85

- Structural Behavior – Static, Dynamic- Numerical Analysis, Intervention, Restoration and

Prevention Techniques, Preservation in MuseumExhibitions and Storage Areas

- Environmental Aspects, Planning the Future of HistoricUrban Areas, Heritage Management, Case Studies.

Website: http://www.shh07.yildiz.edu.tr/

GREEN BUILDING CONGRESSDate: September 19, 2007 - September 22, 2007Location: ChennaiThe objectives of the Green Building Congress 2007 are tocreate awareness, provide a platform for networking, promotebusiness opportunities and facilitate market transformation ofgreen products.

The achievements of the Green Building Congress 2006include:- Influenced several state Governments on policy issues;- 25 ongoing green building projects with a total built-in

area of 20 million sq.ft;- Involvement of key stakeholders representing building

industry;- Introduction of new Green Building products in the

country;- Launch of LEED India - Green Building Rating System to

suit Indian context;- Focus Areas: Latest Architectural trends in Green

Buildings International Experiences on Green Buildings;- LEED Rating System, Green Building Materials;- Equipment and Technologies;Email: [email protected]: http://www.igbc.in/igbc/Final.pdf

CALL FOR ARTICLESThe editors of the Vernacular Architecture Forum's scholarly refereedjournal, Buildings and Landscapes: Journal of the VernacularArchitecture Forum, invite submissions of articles that explore theways vernacular architecture constructs the everyday. Our subjectmatter includes all aspects of vernacular architecture and everydayurban and rural landscapes seen through interdisciplinary andmultidisciplinary methods. We are particularly interested in articles thatincorporate field work as a component of the research.

Buildings and Landscapes has recently changed from a bi-annualvolume to an annual journal, and will become semi-annual in 2009. It isnot necessary for articles to have been presented at VAF annualmeetings. All scholars in the field are eligible to submit manuscripts.

Manuscripts should be prepared to conform to the Chicago Manual ofStyle. Contributors agree that manuscripts submitted to Buildings andLandscapes will not be submitted for publication elsewhere while underreview by the journal. Two hard copies of the manuscript andphotocopied reproductions of the illustrations should be sent directly toeach of the two editors. Please feel free to direct any inquiries to eithereditor via email.

Howard DavisProfessor of Architecture

School of Architecture and Allied Arts1206 University of OregonEugene, Oregon 97403-1206

[email protected]

Louis P. NelsonAssistant Professor of Architectural History

School of ArchitectureCampbell Hall

University of VirginiaCharlottesville, VA 22904-4122

[email protected]

Information about the Vernacular ArchitectureForum may be found on its

website, www.vernaculararchitectureforum.org

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Heritage Album 87

Heritage Album

The Sundarban forest of India andBangladesh, the single largest mangrovecover in the world is located within thelatitude 21 00 N-22 31 N and longitudebetween 88 10 E - 92 15 E at theestuarine phase of the Ganga-Brahmaputra river System in SouthBengal. The Indian Sundarban is situatedat the southern tip of the Gangetic WestBengal bordering the Bay of Bengal andconsists of 104 islands with 56 islands ofMangroves under 15 forest blocks. Theentire mangrove forest extends over anarea of 4,262 sq. km, of which 2,320 sq.km is forest and the rest is water(Mukherjee, 1975), This area is calledSundarban owing to the dominance of thetree species Heritiera fomes, locally knownas Sundari because of its elegance (Jainand Sastry, 1983).

Photo Credits:AICTE R&D Project onSundarban, Departmentof Architecture, JadavpurUniversity, Kolkata-32 Local construction workers

The unpolluted landscape of Manasa Dwip, Sagar Island

SUNDARBAN

88 Heritage Album

Village women and involved in tiger prawn seed collection is oneof the major ecological issues of the region

A Riparian economy

This region has acquired international status as theSundarban Biosphere Reserve as well as a WorldHeritage Site (UNESCO & IUCN, 1989). It has also beendeclared a Ramsar Site in the year 2003.

The key characteristics of the Sundarban BiosphereReserve are:

BotanicalIt is the largest deltaic mangrove containing about 50different mangroves and mangrove associated species,many of which are rare.It comprising of around 90% of the total mangrove speciesof Indian sub-continent.

ZoologicalIt contains a Tiger Reserve with the largest tigerpopulation (2585 SQ.KM.)It has 4 wild life sanctuaries -- Sajnekhali wildlife sanctuary (362 SQ. Km.)- Lothian island wildlife sanctuary (38 SQ. Km.)- Haliday island wildlife sanctuary (5.95 SQ. Km.)- Bhagabatpur crocodile park

Also, it is a habitat for nearly 90 percent of the aquaticspecies of the East Coast. Sundarban got its formalrecognition in the year 1830 when Sir James Princepdelineated its northern limit. At that time the Commissionerand the Surveyor of the Sundarban Commission wereWilliam Dampier and Lt. Hodges respectively. TheNorthern limit of Sundarbans was named the Dampier-Hodges Line after these two gentlemen.

One of the many creeks that cris-cross the islands

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V o l u m e I V I s s u e 1 - S p r i n g / S u m m e r 2 0 0 7

Dronah is an interdisciplinary organisation

consisting of highly motivated professionals from

various fields who share a vision for a better quality

of life – one that is sustainable, environmentally

sensitive and draws on the contemporary without

foregoing the strengths of the traditional. It is our

aim to actively promote sustainable development

through conservation, utilisation of traditional

practices and modern technologies, knowledge

sharing and mutual interaction. The organisation is

focussed on conservation and development of the

built heritage, environment; and art and crafts with

the involvement of local community, in addition to

being engaged in documentation and educational

activities.

Cover photo: Sundarban

v o l u m e i v i s s u e 1 - s p r i n g / s u m m e r 2 ...v o l u m e i v i s s u e 1 - s p r i n...

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