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REGIONAL
INTEGRATION AND
ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT IN
AFRICA
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Abstract: Africa has witnessed a period of sustained and impressive economic growth in the past
decade. Yet optimism for the continent’s development coexists with concerns that this surge of
growth is less a reflection of structural improvements to the African economic framework, than it
is a byproduct of increased demand for the continent’s primary commodities; the latter being the
less sustainable path to development. Amidst these fears, it remains evident that Africa’s growth
can be consolidated and potentially transformed into sustainable development for her nations
through the promotion of deeper economic integration between African economies, and as such
African Regional Economic Communities have pursued this agenda. The general approach of
these Regional Economic Communities towards economic integration is one that focuses largely
on trade liberalization, at the expense of needed attention to behind the border issues, such as
supply constraints and the inadequate productive capacities of domestic African economies.
This paper examines this approach towards economic integration, the bottle-necks and obstacles
that characterize it, and the potential for new and better-informed efforts at regional integration
to reap the benefits of a significantly improved economic and political climate abroad the
continent in recent years.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………… 4
2. The fragile nature of Africa’s economic boom………………………………………. 6
3. Regional integration as a means to sustain and consolidate Africa’s economic
growth………………………………………………………………………………… 8
4. The African approach to regional integration……………………………………… 16
5. Current trends..…………………..…………………………………………………… 19
6. Obstacles to trade liberalization……………………………………………………… 21
7. Conclusion: Regional integration and multilateral trade liberization; finding the
balance ………………………………………………………………………………… 23
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1. INTRODUCTION
It has long been established that regional integration fuels growth and socioeconomic
development for the states that engage in this practice. Regional integration schemes, which are
generally of an economic and/or political nature, entail practices that typically promote the
liberalization of trade, and the creation of a larger regional market, both of which facilitate a
more efficient allocation of resources between consumers and producers in the regional
economy, and create market opportunities for economies of scale. In addition, regional
integration initiatives offer opportunities for countries to tackle shared problems such as security
and environmental issues, which lie beyond the capacity of each individual country so
concerned, to singly address.
With the goal of sustainable economic development in mind, and in recognition of the
potential inherent in deeper economic integration to encourage this development, multiple
Regional Economic Communities, comprising neighboring African states, have emerged, as
endorsed by the 1980 Lagos Plan of Action for the Development of Africa and the 1991 Abuja
Treaty. Eight of these communities are currently recognized by the African Union. These are
CEN-SAD: Community of Sahel-Saharan States
COMESA: Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa
EAC: East African Community
ECCAS: Economic Community of Central African States
ECOWAS: Economic Community of West African States
IGAD: Inter-Governmental Authority on Development
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SADC: Southern Africa Development Community
UMA: Arab Maghreb Union
These bodies, while strengthening economic integration between their member states, are
envisaged as the building blocks of an even greater integration project, the creation of an African
Economic Union, by 2028.
This commitment to economic integration among African policy makers is especially
valuable in light of the current details of Africa’s socioeconomic narrative. Africa’s growth in
recent years has outpaced those of most other regions around the globe, with six of the ten
currently fastest growing economies coming from the continent, and an average Gross Domestic
Product growth rate for all the economies within the continent at well beyond four percent
between 2000 and 2008 (Mc. Kinsey, 2010). Initiatives that foster greater economic integration
between the nations in the continent demonstrate the capacity to sustain these positive
developments across the African economic geography.
However more sinister factors necessitate a greater commitment towards regional
integration on the continent. Although Africa’s economic surge is representative of certain
improvements to the general socioeconomic conditions on the continent such as political stability
and greater commitment to democracy among her governments, experts maintain that this
growth is a mere reflection of favorable demand for Africa’s primary exports among foreign
interests. In addition, Africa’s economies are largely undiversified, depending mostly on the
export of one or two key primary commodities for economic growth. Judging by the volatility of
these commodity prices in the past, it is clear that growth and development cannot be sustained
through primary exports alone, and failure to acknowledge this may result in a relapse for
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African economies. As a means to tackle this issue, appropriately implemented integration
initiatives demonstrate the capacity to diversify African exports and production, as well as to
increase the manufacturing capacity of African economies. Yet, besides the fact that they have a
history of failing to achieve their targets, African REC’s have largely adopted an approach to
integration that fails to look beyond tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade, at the expense of
attention towards behind-the-border concerns which must be considered and addressed if there is
to be deeper and more beneficial economic integration on the continent.
This paper contends that in the interest of sustainable development for African nations,
regional integration policies will have to address concerns beyond trade liberalization at the
borders, and take into account the behind-the-border concerns such as the domestic production
capacities, and the market environment of African economies.
2. THE FRAGILE NATURE OF AFRICA’S ECONOMIC BOOM
Africa’s recent economic progress has been rather impressive. The Gross Domestic
Product growth rate averaged over the entire region is expected to hover around five percent1 for
the next few years (African Economic Outlook, 2013) with certain countries like Ethiopia and
Rwanda in the Sub-Saharan region in particular achieving figures as high as 8% (World Bank,
2013).2 More significantly, this growth has resulted in poverty eradication, with the poverty rate
in Africa falling from 56.5% percent to 48.5% between 1990 and 2010 (World Bank, 2013).3
While this recent economic surge, all the more astounding in light of the global economic
slowdown, may be attributable in part to structural improvements to Africa’s socioeconomic and
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political framework, it is also heavily dependent on the price of commodities and primary
exports, which have soared in recent years, propped up by demand from a growing middle class
in emerging economies like China and India.
Indeed, while Africa’s manufacturing capacity has remained stagnated over the past four
decades, and the percentage of manufactured goods as a share of total exports has reduced
(World Bank, 2013), primary exports, and fuels in particular have largely made up the bulk of
African exports. New discoveries of petroleum in Ghana, Ethiopia, and Uganda, among other
countries suggest that this trend may continue if not well addressed. Most African countries,
besides having primary commodities as their predominant exports, also demonstrate the tendency
to depend greatly on the production and export of only one or two key commodities in particular.
Petroleum as a share of Nigeria’s total exports, for instance, stood at about 97% between 1980
and 2010 (UNECA, 2013).4 In addition, Africa’s pronounced infrastructural deficit and lack of
an enabling environment to encourage entrepreneurship and businesses, largely constrains even
greater prospects for development and economic growth on the continent.
Africa’s growth cannot be termed sustainable if it continues to derive mostly from the
prices for its primary exports, which have proven to be rather volatile in the past. The slump of
these prices in the 1980’s significantly contributed to Africa’s economic stagnation at about that
same period, which has now come to be termed as Africa’s lost decade. The commodity prices
that so favor African exports, have faced downward pressures in recent times (Chatterjee, Aroop,
2013)5, indicating that if African governments are to bring about sustainable economic
development, they will need to refocus their growth and developmental policies on initiatives
that promote economic diversification and industrialization. This is not to suggest that African 4
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economies are to completely desert the production of primary exports, in which they do possess a
comparative advantage; after all, they have made significant contributions to African growth of
recent, and they possess the potential to continue to do so in the coming years. But, in the interest
of sustaining these recent positive trends, African governments should not completely hinge the
growth and development of their economies on these commodities.
3. REGIONAL INTEGRATION AS A MEANS TO SUSTAIN AND CONSOLIDATE
AFRICA’S ECONOMIC GROWTH
Numerous understandings and perceptions of regional integration exist. According to
Hans Van Ginkel, regional integration refers to the process by which states within a particular
region increase their level of interaction with regards to economic, security, political, as well as
cultural and social issues (Van Ginkel, H., Van Langenhove L., 2003) 6 Philip de Lombaerde and
Luk Van Lagenhove posit that regional integration is the worldwide phenomenon of territorial
systems that increase their level of interaction between their components and create new forms of
organization, co-existing with traditional state-led organizations at the national level (De
Lombaerde, Phillip and Van Langenhove L., 2007).7 Luk Van Lagenhove also contends that
regional integration initiatives fulfill the following eight functions8;
• The strengthening of trade integration in the region
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• The creation of an appropriate enabling environment for private sector
development
• The development of infrastructure programmes in support of economic growth
and regional integration
• The development of strong public sector institutions and good governance;
• The reduction of social exclusion and the development of an inclusive civil
society
• Contribution to peace and security in the region
• The building of environment programmes at the regional level
• The strengthening of the region’s interaction with other regions of the world
These definitions acknowledge that regional integration must entail some form of cooperation
between multiple states, in recognition of the benefits that this cooperation can provide for the
parties involved. The scope of this cooperation is not necessarily limited, but is enhanced by the
instances of convergences between the interests and goals of the parties involved, and these
interests and goals may derive from sociocultural, political, and/or economic factors.
Regional Integration Agreements vary by virtue of the extent to which they propose to
actually integrate the national economies of the member states involved. Generally there are five
sequential arrangements of regional integration, each building on those that precede it, in
accordance with their level of depth:
Preferential Trade Area: Such an arrangement encourages intra-regional trade by partially, but
not entirely, eliminating tariffs and/or quotas on goods traded between the countries in the
stipulated region, as compared to the tariffs or quotas imposed on third party goods.
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Free Trade Area: In a free trade area, trade liberalization is facilitated by the complete
eradication of tariffs and import quotas between the countries within the delineated region. In
this arrangement, the governments of the member states are not denied the opportunity to
determine their individual trade policies with economies that are external to the free trade area.
However, the creation of a free trade area typically requires, on the part of each member state,
the establishment of Rules of Origin, a set of legal requirements based on which imported goods
can be classified as either goods produced within and/or by states in the region, or goods
produced by states external to that region.
Customs Union: In addition to the complete eradication of tariff barriers to trade as provided for
in a free trade area, a Customs Union ensures that the countries within the region maintain a
Common External Tariff on goods from countries that are external to this region. Thus,
governments so involved must cede some measure of sovereignty, particularly in the
determination of their trade policies with those interests external to the customs union.
Common Market: Common markets involve a greater measure of integration, by facilitating, in
addition to the liberalization of trade, the free mobility of the factors of production within the
region. This ensures efficiency in the allocation of market resources within the region, which
bodes well for greater welfare within the regional economy. This mode of integration as a result
of its depth, and the greater degree of mutual interdependence between the economies of the
states involved, necessitates a significant harmonization of fiscal and/or monetary policies, in
recognition of the consequences that the policy decisions of one government may duly have on
another’s economy. Supposing for instance, that a government lowers its income tax rates as
compared to those of the other states, it will witness an influx of labor, an important factor of
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production, from the countries in the common market, quite obviously to the disfavor of the
latter states.
Economic Union: Where the common market necessitates a broad convergence of fiscal and
monetary policies,9 the economic union enforces that these policies are more or less uniform.
The economic union is the deepest form of economic integration,10and in addition to other
attempts at harmonization such as the creation of a single central bank within the region, it may
involve the adoption of a common currency for those states that are members of the union.
Political Union: A political union centralizes political authority in a single governmental
framework for the entire region, and provides shared legislative, political, and constitutional
structures for the member states within the union. This comes at the expense of autonomy for
these states, since they hand over their sovereignty to the centralized institution. However it
provides a greater capacity to streamline and render uniform, the economic policies of the
member states involved, thus reducing the probability of conflict based on diverging interests,
between the member states within the union.
Table 1: Features of Integration
Type of
Arrangement
Free trade
among
members
Common
commercial
policy
Free factor
mobility
Common
Monetary
and fiscal
One
government
9 10
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policy
Preferential
Trade Area
No No No No No
Free Trade
Area
Yes No No No No
Customs
Union
Yes Yes No No No
Common
Market
Yes Yes Yes No No
Economic
Union
Yes Yes Yes Yes No
Political
Union
Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Source: Assessing Regional Integration in Africa V, UNECA 2012
The demonstrated interest by African governments in regional integration, as evidenced
in their membership of at least one of the Regional Economic Communities, is in full recognition
of the developmental benefits that regional integration provides for their national economies.
Effective regional integration benefits national economies, for instance, in the sense that it
enables the countries so involved to develop and benefit from shared infrastructure, which
otherwise would be beyond the scope or financial capacities of a single country to create. In
addition, trade liberalization policies, which largely accompany economic integration, create the
opportunity for the diffusion of business ideas and technological spillovers abroad the regional
market, which bodes well for economic growth and development in the long run. Strictly from a
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firm’s perspective, encouraging trade liberalization also increases the scope for the adoption of
economies of scale, which, juxtaposed with competition brought about by the entry of more
firms into the market, engenders greater cost-efficiency (both time and monetary), and
qualitative improvements to the goods and services provided by the firms for the consumers.
These potential benefits are especially valuable in light of Africa’s specific economic
condition. Africa’s national economies are generally characterized by small market sizes, with
eleven countries in the continent harboring populations below three million,11 and fourteen with a
GDP of less than $ 5 billion according to data from the World Bank, which greatly limits the
scope for the adoption of economies of scale by firms within the countries. This is also
somewhat challenging for African governments in that it complicates attempts to create public
infrastructure, which would enhance economic development. In some cases the small sizes of the
domestic markets are incapable of supporting the provision of the necessary infrastructure.
According to United Nations Economic Commission for Africa for instance, most African
economies are incapable of supporting a viable steel project, one of the demands of any
meaningful effort towards industrialization, individually12. Electricity shortage in Uganda is
similarly attributable to constraints imposed by the size of the domestic economy, denying the
country substantial annual economic growth (UK Department For International Development,
2011)13. However, a comprehensive approach to these issues, entailing their solution on a
regional level, through the creation of shared regional electricity grids in Uganda’s case, for
example, will facilitate the expansion of the domestic markets beyond their borders, encouraging
economies of scale, and provide scope for cooperation between national governments in tackling
Africa’s significant infrastructure deficiencies.11
12
13
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The current imbalance in the commodity structure of Africa’s exports in favor of primary
commodities, and fuels in particular can also be addressed and rectified through effective
regional economic integration. It is recognized that regional integration is not an end in itself, but
an important path that paves the way towards globalization and effective and welfare-procuring
integration between economies across various regions around the world. However, despite the
significant potential benefits that it may yield in terms of increased trade for the global economy,
the trend towards globalization does encourage individual economies to specialize in the
production of goods and services in which they possess a comparative advantage. These are
primary commodities in the case of most African economies. If African governments were to
embrace multilateral trade liberalization, thus advancing globalization, without adequately
pursuing regional integration, African economies may well remain undiversified and incapable
of achieving more sustainable economic development.
But, with deeper economic integration, and enhanced trade between the countries on the
continent, African economies will witness value addition in their manufacturing sectors, as
against specialization in raw unprocessed primary products (Mathilde Douillet and Karl Pauw,
2012).14 This in itself is not a prerequisite for economic growth, but at the very least, it will
encourage economic diversification, and ensure greater competitiveness of African goods in the
global market, thus preventing the scenario where African governments continuously hinge their
growth and economic development on capricious commodity prices.
In addition to all these, cohesive integration in the face of the challenge of global
warming and climate change can ensure that African nations develop in a manner that does not
jeopardize the safety of the environment, and implicitly the development of future generations of
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Africans. Indeed, global warming is a trend that is obviously detrimental to the development of
the global economy in the long run, and it is recognized that sustainable economic development
must take into account its general impact on the environment in this respect. Most domestic
African developmental agendas focus on industrialization, a process which has largely proved
destructive to the global environment in the past when its benefits have not been appropriately
weighed against its cost to the environment. With particular reference to Africa, although land on
the continent is not especially more fertile than those in other regions, Africa remains the
continent with the greatest expanse of arable land,15 and the nations on the continent demonstrate
a comparative advantage in the production of agricultural goods (which are primary
commodities)16. Although a focus on industrialization can and should be rationalized in terms of
its potential to diversify the African economies, this approach should not come at the expense of
the destruction of Africa’s arable land, a scenario which, if not preemptively checked, will
become increasingly more likely judging by the signs of climate change on the continent. The
Sahara desert for instance continues to encroach into countries like Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon,
and Chad in West Africa and has significantly contributed to shrinking Lake Chad from 25,000
square kilometers to 1,500 square kilometers between 1963 and 2001 (UN, 2012)17. To say that
this poses a threat to the livelihoods of those agriculturists and fisher-men that live within the
region, and the national economies as a whole, is an understatement.
However, regional cooperation will enable African nations to address these issues
collectively. The Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC), consisting of those countries that are
nearest to Lake Chad, which jointly cooperate to effectively preserve and manage the use of this
15
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valuable resource, gives evidence to this18. The project is not undertaken by a single nation,
seeing as it is beyond the scope of a single nation to do so. Fully acknowledging that the benefits
of this project were applicable to all, it involved the cooperation of the respective governments of
Chad, Cameroon, Niger, Nigeria, and the Central African Republic. Even more notable is the
potential for regional integration to effectively decelerate the onslaught of climate change,
through the effective harmonization of economic policies within that region that take into full
recognition their effects on the environment. In addition to the fact that shared energy
infrastructure across a region will induce economies of scale, lowering the costs of these projects
and ensuring more efficient allocation of energy resources by reducing the likelihood of waste,
African Regional Economic Communities, if vested with the needed authority, can dictate
policies that ensure greater use of sustainable energy resources among their member states.
In essence, regional economic integration is without a doubt, beneficial to African nations
in light of the challenges and constraints that their often small market sizes, and largely
undiversified economies impose on any prospects for a sustained improvement to socioeconomic
conditions on the continent, such as has characterized Africa’s foray into the new millennium.
4. THE AFRICAN APPROACH TO REGIONAL INTEGRATION
The Abuja Treaty signed by African Heads of States in 1991, and rendered operational in
1994, paved the way for a concerted collective effort towards regional integration by African
governments, through the endorsement and appropriation of a six-phase time-plan with the end
goal as the creation of a continent-wide African Economic Union (with harmonized fiscal and
monetary policies for all fifty-four of its member states) and a starting point as the consolidation
of the existing Regional Economic Communities by their member states. For each of the eight
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Regional Economic Communities, recognized by the African Union, the approach to economic
integration between their respective member states is that of linear market integration
(Hartzenberg, Trudi 2011)19. In essence, the member states of the Regional Economic
Communities are expected to gradually integrate and liberalize trade in goods and services as in
the establishment of a Free Trade Area and Customs Union, facilitate labor mobility within the
region as in a Common Market, and then integrate capital markets with the establishment of an
Economic union. These efforts will also occur at an inter-regional level, as specified by the six-
phase plan of the Abuja Treaty, over the course of thirty four years, culminating in the creation
of the African Economic Union in 2028.
Figure 1)
Linear Market Integration: The integration trajectory of Africa’s REC
Table 2: Africa's Integration Process
INTEGRATION STAGES IN THE ABUJA
TREATY
COMPLETION DATE IN THE ABUJA
TREATY
First stage (5 Years) Strengthen REC’s 1999
Second Stage (8 Years) Coordinate and
harmonize activities and progressively
2007
19
17
Free Trade Area
Customs Union
Common Market
Economic Union
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eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers
Third Stage (10 Years) Free Trade Area and
Customs Union in each REC
2017
Fourth Stage (2 Years) Continental Customs
Union
2019
Fifth Stage (4 Years) Continental Common
Market
2023
Sixth Stage (5 Years) Continental Economic
and Monetary Union
2038
Sources: Adapted from “Assessing Regional Integration in Africa V”, UNECA 2012
Justification for this approach lies in the understanding that economic integration must be
achieved first at a regional level, before the more ambitious goal of continent-wide economic
integration in the interest of socio-economic development, is achieved.
5. CURRENT TRENDS
The vision of the 1991 Abuja Treaty demonstrates the recognition of the role of regional
integration in fostering economic development on the part of African policy makers. The
measures employed and/or stipulated in these policies generally focus on the eradication of tariff
and non-tariff barriers to trade between the neighboring African member states. Such an
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approach is indeed highly beneficial to the prospects of intraregional trade in recognition of the
obstacles that conditions at the borders of African countries pose to mutually beneficial trade.
Non-tariff barriers, for instance, such as tedious customs procedures at African borders, and the
proliferation of check points at these borders, particularly in West Africa, significantly obstruct
mutually beneficial trade between African states. Eradicating such barriers, in addition to those
of tariffs and import quotas would indeed promote trade.
However African Regional Economic Communities have repeatedly demonstrated an
inability to meet their targets. With regards to the complete eradication of non-tariff barriers to
trade at African borders, especially those in West Africa, the borders continue to remain
notorious for their numerous check-points. As regards tariffs, in spite of the ambitious targets set
by their respective Regional Economic Communities, African countries continue to maintain
high tariffs on products from neighboring states. A combination of these and other factors have
rendered the process of conducting cross-border trade in most African countries rather difficult.
On average, the number of days involved in importing and exporting goods on the continent
stand at approximately thirty seven and thirty two respectively, compared to eleven for both
procedures in OECD High Income countries (UNECA, 2012).20
In addition, most Regional Economic Communities have failed to meet the deadlines
determined by the Abuja Treaty in 1991, for deeper economic integration, by virtue of the
progression from FTA’s to Cusoms Unions. (example)
Table 3: Checkpoints on Selected African Highways
Highways Distance, Km Number of Checkpoints
20
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Checkpoints per 100 Km
Tema-
Ouagadougou
962 25 2.6
Ouagadougou-
Bamako
910 19 2.09
Lome-
Ouagadougou
1036 23 2.22
Cotonou-
Niamey
1036 34 3.28
Abidjan-
Ouagadougou
1122 37 3.3
Niamey-
Ouagadougou
529 20 3.78
Sources: Regional Integration and trade in Sub-Saharan Africa, UK Department for
International Development, 2011
6. OBSTACLES AND PROBLEMS BESETTING TRADE LIBERALIZATION AND
INTEGRATION IN AFRICA
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Although Africa’s Regional Economic Communities recognize the importance of
regional integration, and have been set up for the very purpose of enhancing it, they have
performed dismally in promoting trade liberalization and implicitly integration, among their
member states, and with other regional economic communities on the continent. Intra-African
trade remains the lowest in comparison to other regions in the continent at 11 percent (UNECA,
2012) This is attributable to certain obstacles, some of which include;
A lack of commitment on the part of African governments: Certain African governments
have yet to comply with the policies of their respective Regional Economic
Communities as regards the eradication of tariffs. In addition, the Regional Economic
Communities do not seem appropriately endowed with the necessary authority to enforce
their policies among their member states. A case in point is that of Zimbabwe and the
SADC Tribunal at the August 2010 SADC Summit (Hartzenberg, Trudi, 2011).21 The
reason for this may be that the trade liberalization policies are not necessarily aligned
with the goals and interests of their member states.
Macroeconomic Divergence: For more stable African economies like that of South
Africa, tariffs may be economic tools to encourage the growth of their domestic
industries, while to some others which are less stable, they may be important sources of
revenue22. Admittedly, although trade liberalization does procure welfare benefits to the
economies involved, eradicating tariffs would procure varying degrees of losses to each
of the economies, since African governments in particular attach different levels of
significance to their tariff policies.
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Overlapping REC memberships: Although eight Regional Economic Communities are
recognized by the African Union, there are as many as fourteen regional economic
groupings on the continent, often with overlapping memberships: only ten African
countries have not committed to more than one Regional Economic Community. Since
the policies of these Regional Economic Communities are yet to be harmonized, this
imposes conflicting demands on those African governments that belong to multiple
Regional Economic Communities.
Lack of infrastructure: African governments remain plagued with a lack of appropriate
infrastructure to translate the trade liberalization policies into increased and gainful trade
between themselves and their neighboring states.
Security Concerns: Those regions in Africa plagued by civil unrest, especially UMA and
ECCAS, and CEN-SAD, have largely failed to achieve their goals for economic
integration.23
Financial difficulties: Beyond the financial demands that implicitly accompany the
consolidation of an REC, UNECA has identified that at a continental level, the creation
of a Free Trade Area within Africa will necessitate some form of financial responsibility
on the part of each African government, in order to redistribute the gains, and costs, that
economic integration provides much more equitably between the African economies.
In recognition of these difficulties, the African Union Commission has collaborated with the
Regional Economic Communities in establishing a Minimum Integration Program (MIP), an
initiative that seeks to converge the activities of the REC’s, and to address certain areas of
regional and continental concern as regards the goal of deepening intraregional and continental
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integration, and to surmount those previously highlighted obstacles, as well as others, that hinder
effective economic integration. In addition to these goals, the MIP’s will incorporate attainable
objectives from the African Union’s Strategic Plan (2009-2012).
The MIP has also been created with the intention to identify successful integration
practices within certain REC’s, and to have these replicated in other REC’s. One of the practices
that demonstrates a great potential for success, and one to which the MIP accordingly hopes to
replicate, is the Tripartite-Free Trade Area initiative. The tripartite FTA is to comprise the
member states of the COMESA, the EAC, and the SADC REC’s, a total of twenty-six African
countries, with a combined GDP of about $530 billion, which represents more than half of
Africa’s economic output. Establishing a Free Trade Area over this entire region, beyond
boosting interregional cooperation among the REC’s involved, will undoubtedly spell impressive
economic benefits for the region, and accelerate the current general pace towards the
achievement of continental integration.
7. LOOKING BEYOND TRADE: THE UNDERLYING ISSUE
Admittedly, Africa’s dismal performance at promoting greater economic integration is
attributable in part to the tariff and non-tariff barriers, as well as other related factors, which
inhibit mutually beneficial trade. Accordingly, the African Union Commission and the Regional
Economic Communities have identified these factors, and through such initiatives as the
Minimum Integration Program, seek to have them addressed.
However, the issues that hinder deeper economic integration within the continent are not
completely exclusive to border conditions. Although efforts at trade liberalization will
accordingly mitigate the obstacles posed by tariff and non-tariff barriers towards integration, this
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alone is not the most effective means to facilitate enhanced trade between African states. Efforts
to combat the behind-the-border issues, such as the fact that most African countries remain short
of the productive capacity in terms of commodity export structure, to meet the requirements of
the consumers on the continent, must concurrently be made alongside efforts to liberalize trade.
African commodity exports remain predominantly primary commodities, and the
economies of most African countries are undiversified as well as lacking the manufacturing
capacity to process their raw materials, and export them as finished products. Nigeria, for
instance remains unable to refine its petroleum before exportation, eventually importing the
refined product, and other goods which are produced with the initial raw material, from foreign
governments and firms, and at higher costs.
Table 4: Commodity Structure of African Exports (percent)
Commodity Classes Sub-Saharan Africa North Africa
Food, Live animals,
beverages, and tobacco
11.0 4.8
Crude Materials, oils and fats
(Fuels excluded)
9.7 2.5
Mineral fuels, lubricants, and
related material
51.2 68.6
Chemicals 2.8 5.4
Machinery and transport
equipment
6.1 5.6
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Other manufactured goods 15.1 12.2
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Sources: Assessing Regional Integration in Africa V, UNECA 2012
Given this situation, it is evident that African production is currently incapable of meeting the
demands of African consumption, specifically as regards processed and manufactured goods.
Increasing market access for African firms, without concurrently improving the production and
manufacturing sectors in individual African economies, will not sufficiently improve the
unimpressive pattern of intra-African trade (Reddy, 2010)24.
This impediment to cohesive integration is largely as a result of the nature of the market
environment in African countries. Despite improvements over the past few years, it remains
comparatively difficult to start and run businesses in most countries on the continent. This is due
to, among other factors, a lack of the infrastructure, such as energy, ICT, and transport facilities
which are important for the successful management of these businesses. In addition, small and
medium sized enterprises in particular, which are more or less entrepreneurship-oriented, find it
difficult to procure financial assistance, which is highly valuable in the early stages of their
development. Well managed businesses possess the potential to spur technological innovation,
enhance the manufacturing capacity, and diversify national economies. It is therefore no surprise,
that given the current conditions as regards Africa’s business environment, Africa’s
manufactures as a share of total exports from the continent, have depreciated over time
(UNECA, 2012). Inasmuch as the reduction or complete eradication of tariff barriers may
actually spur regional production to meet the demands of the consumers within the specified
region, the manufactured goods so produced, given Africa’s current manufacturing capacity, will
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remain unlikely to pose significant competition to imports from foreign countries who
demonstrate a comparative advantage in the production of this particular range of goods.
In addition, the markets for certain products within African countries, not least
manufactured goods, are often dominated by monopolies (UNECA, 2012), some of which are
government backed, and largely incompetent, as a result of the lack of market competition that
their specific hierarchy within the market structure implies. The presence of such firms in
Africa’s domestic markets stifles the emergence of potentially well-managed firms within those
markets, which besides spurring innovation and their accruing technological spillovers, would
engender greater competitiveness within African economies, and effectively consolidate Africa’s
manufacturing capacity well enough to potentially meet the demands of African consumers.
Therefore, in addition to employing measures that liberalize trade among African states,
African REC’s must broaden the scope of their operations to accommodate for policies that
promote domestic production and increased manufacturing capacity within African states. Such
policies would of course revolve around the installation of the necessary infrastructure
(particularly energy, transport and ICT services), the provision of financial assistance to SME’s
through lowered interest rates on loans and tax holidays for example, and the encouragement of
greater market competitiveness through the discouragement of monopolies, in order to foster the
growth of businesses on the continent.
Education can also prove a useful tool in this respect. It is well recognized that
supranational institutions which determine whole or part of the educational policies within a
region could foster greater factor mobility through streamlining the educational requirements of
their individual member states, and thus enabling for instance, a lawyer who earns his degree in
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one country within the region, to easily respond to demand for the services of those of his
profession in a different state within the region. This to an extent, is within the capacity of the
West African Examination Council, a body which promotes education and issues Ordinary Level
Examination Certificates to students in five West African States; Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Liberia,
Gambia, and Ghana. Yet even beyond this, such institutions could encourage increased
engagement in entrepreneurship, and substantially enhance the market performance of firms
within the region, by endowing the students with the skills required to run businesses effectively
through entrepreneurship education.
Indeed African Regional Economic Communities are not completely blind to these
realities, and a few have begun taking measures to address the supply-side constraints as well as
other behind-the-border barriers to mutually beneficial trade, economic integration, and
economic development within Africa. The T-FTA initiative in particular highlights, as one of its
three key pillars, industrialization (Hartzenberg, Trudi, 2011), a factor which has previously gone
ignored in Regional Integration Agreements on the continent in the past years, and one which
directly engages the malaise of economic non-diversification among African states. However
more Regional Economic Communities must emulate such initiatives and effectively enforce
them among their member states in order to ensure that Africa’s recent burst of growth is
successfully transformed into sustainable and poverty-eradicating socioeconomic development
for the masses on the continent.
7. CONCLUSION: REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND MULTILATERAL TRADE
LIBERIZATION; FINDING THE BALANCE
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Africa’s share of world trade currently stands at 3.2 percent (UNECA, 2012), having dropped
more or less consistently, from levels of about five percent in 1960. This indicates that, besides
having not achieved the goals of deeper economic integration between themselves, African
economies have yet to be comprehensively integrated with the rest of the global economy.
UNECA attributes this to high import tariffs imposed on commodities from foreign states by
African governments, starkly contrasting the market access offered to African economies by the
rest of the world, and the European Union, Africa’s biggest trading partner, in particular. African
governments may rationalize this behavior as one in the interest of the protection of its domestic
industries, which cannot survive stifling competition from foreign firms. However, if African
markets fail to keep pace with the business ideas and technological innovations that characterize
greater interaction and competition within the global market, these trade policies may prove to be
counter-intuitive, creating a wedge between the conditions of those economies that are in a
position to reap the developmental benefits of activity in the global market, on one hand and
African economies on the other. Quite like regional integration policies, multilateral trade
liberalization initiatives that embed Africa more greatly within the global economy can procure
welfare and boost economic growth and development in the long run for the continent.
However, the trade-related aspects of regional integration, which admittedly dominate
African regional integration agreements, seemingly increase the degree and frequency of
economic interaction and trade between the member states in each regional economic community
at the expense of trade with the rest of the global economy. It is obvious that, through completely
eliminating tariffs on goods imported from each other while imposing a common external tariff
on goods produced in third party countries, as in the case of a customs union, these member
states create a bias towards goods that are produced within the region. This could lead to trade
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diversion, a static effect of economic integration, by which a country which does not possess a
comparative advantage in the production of a certain good, is afforded an advantage nonetheless,
albeit an artificial one resulting from the regional trade agreements. The case can be made that,
solely from this perspective, Africa’s attempts at regional economic integration will hinder its
domestic economies from greater integration with the global economy.
Yet, to limit the scope for the analysis of regional integration to its potentially negative,
static impact on the prospects of free and efficient trade would be to ignore its significant
dynamic contributions to the economic development of a nation. Regional integration stimulates
investment, greater market competitiveness, and provides opportunities for economies of scale,
all especially pertinent to Africa’s goals for socioeconomic development. Indeed, regional
integration schemes can combat the negatives that derive from multilateral trade liberalization.
While multilateral trade liberalization schemes may promote economic growth and
development in some respects, they also encourage specialization among countries in the
production of those commodities at which they demonstrate a comparative advantage. This is not
at all beneficial to Africa’s undiversified economies as regards their goals for a more sustainable
approach to economic development, as against over-dependency on capricious demand for
primary commodities. Regional integration can potentially combat this issue in that it will
provide a somewhat protected, and yet competitive market environment for Africa’s
manufacturing capacity to grow, and then to compete effectively within the global economy. In
fact, the economic development that will result from such measures will significantly contribute
to Africa’s increased capacity to trade, and thus to be integrated into the global economy.
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However, the threats that Africa’s high import tariffs pose to its economic development
in the long run as well as the prospects for its integration into the global economy are indeed
real. In addition to strengthening regional economic ties, African economies will have to embark
on multilateral trade liberalization, albeit judiciously in recognition of its potential to render
Africa’s goals for economic diversification unachievable.
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