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Visual legitimisation of astronomy in thesixteenth and seventeeth centuries: Atlas,

Hercules and Tychos nose

Volker R. RemmertArbeitsgruppe Geschichte der Mathematik und der Naturwissenschaften, Institut fur Mathematik,

FB 08Physik, Mathematik und Informatik, Johannes Gutenberg-Universitat Mainz,

D-55099 Mainz, Germany

Abstract

Images of the virtuous hero Hercules and the crowned King Atlas offered considerable potentialfor legitimising the new astronomy of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The accomplishmentsof Hercules, a seeker after virtue, with his exceptional learning, his role as disseminator of knowl-edge, his significance as an example of ideal manhood and, in addition to all, his achievement ofimmortality, invited comparison with the endeavours of astronomers. Throughout the sixteenthand seventeenth centuries, Hercules and Atlas appear as the spiritual authorities of the discipline,and each was called into use to symbolise both the old and the new astronomy. Both figures embod-ied qualities that were decisive in struggles for patronage: they were politicised, especially Hercules,and used to legitimise claims to power. 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: History of astronomy; Mythology; Tycho Brahe; Visual legitimisation

1. Johannes Bayers use of Atlas and Hercules

In the autumn of 1603, a magnificently illustrated atlas of the heavens, the Uranometriaof Johannes Bayer (15721625), was published in Augsburg by the nobleman and human-ist Marcus Welser. In this work, Bayer, a lawyer by profession, together with the engraver

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Alexander Mair (ca. 15591617), produced twenty-nine maps of the sky, showing the posi-tions of approximately 2000 stars. The Uranometria was meant to replace Ptolemys starcatalogue, but Bayer deliberately avoided the question of which was the correct model ofthe universe, that of Ptolemy, Copernicus or Brahe. He did, however, use the then circu-

lating manuscripts of Brahe on the positions of the stars.1 Bayer dedicated his book to thetwo noblemen Marcus Welser, his publisher, and Quirin Rehlinger. The work was alsodedicated to the governing authority of the city of Augsburg, the Collegium der Sieben,who graciously accepted and acknowledged it by offering Bayer a generous honorarium,which he received in September 1603the same month as the dedication was dated.2

But in addition to its scientific contents, Bayer, with this most fitting gift, had presentedhis recipients with an object appropriate to their high social and intellectual status: the lav-ishly illustrated maps and the frontispiece of the handsome volume invited its owners andthose who saw it to display their knowledge of Greek mythology and to let their human-istic education shine. The highly symbolical pictorial nature of the Uranometriamade it anideal showpiece in a learned and prestigious library; it was also extremely well suited forplaying the humanistic parlour game of deciphering iconographic concepts, a practiceoften both admired and smiled at by later generations.3 Little wonder then that the illus-trations of theUranometria, which could stand alone without any attendant text, took ona life of their own as collectors items and reduced mirabilia right up to the twentiethcentury.4

The frontispiece oftheUranometriapresents a worthy prologue on the stage of patron-age artefacts (Fig. 1).5 It follows the standard model of an architectural framework andthe pedestal, title-field and tympanum are split into three sections.6 In the centre of the

tympanum, the Earth goddess Cybele/Rhea on a chariot being drawn by lions, racestowards the viewer. In attendance on either side are Apollo and Artemis, representingthe Sun and the Moon. The mantle worn by Artemis is reminiscent of Astraea, who oftenappeared alongside Urania and Astronomia as the personification of astronomy.7 Thus weare introduced to the Earth, Sun, Moon and Stars, the objects of astronomy and of theUranometria. The Greek inscription below Apollo and Artemis reminds us that theseobjects are to be understood with the help of geometry. Here Bayer quotes the mottoof Platos Academy: Let no one unskilled in geometry enter. The inscription aeternitatiunder the figure of Cybele, may well refer to the immutability of the heavens, as William B.Ashworth has suggested (Ashworth, 1985, p. 191 n. 6). But it can also be understood as an

allusion to the classical topos of the immortality of Augustus (aeternitati augusti), thefounderof Augsburg, and thus is a reverential bow to Bayers native city, Augusta Vindel-icorum.8 In the centre of the pedestal, under the title-field, an engraving of Augsburg servesas a divan for Capricorn, who is drawn in the antique style with a tail that twists and

1 Bayer (1603). Little is known of Bayer: see Bayer (1981), pp. 211216;Rosen (19701990).2 SeeLenk (1968), p. 173;Bayer (1981), p. 211.3 SeeArnulf (2002); cf.Belting (1995), p. 148;Bialostocki (1979), p. 31.4 On the concept ofreduced mirabilia(reduzierte mirabilia) seeRemmert (1998), pp. 166167.5 The engraving has, to my knowledge, only been discussed by Ashworth (1985), p. 180.6

On different types of title-pages see Corbett & Lightbown (1979), pp. 34; Holtgen (1986), pp. 97 ff. Onfrontispieces in general see the discussion inDekoninck (2002); Remmert (2005).7 On Astraea/Justitia see Ovid: Metamorphoses, I, 127131, 149150; Yates (1975); on Astraea as a

personification of astronomy,Remmert (2003a), pp. 281282, 286.8 In his dedication, Bayer refers to the connection between Augustus and astronomy.

328 V.R. Remmert / Stud. Hist. Phil. Sci. 38 (2007) 327362



Fig. 1. Bayer (1603), frontispiece probably by Alexander Mair (fromRemmert, 2005, p. 127).

V.R. Remmert / Stud. Hist. Phil. Sci. 38 (2007) 327362 329



divides into three fish-tails.9 The classical representation of this sign of the zodiac alsoreoccurs in one of the later plates of the Uranometria.

To the left and right of the title-field stand the main protagonists, Atlas and Hercules.Atlas stands in front of an entrance to a mountain cavehe had after all, been turned into

a mountain rangepointing to a Tellurium, a representation of the Ptolemaic universe inthe form of a disk. The depiction of Atlas, his dress, beard and turban, is highly reminis-cent of the iconography of earlier and contemporary representations of Ptolemy. Hercules,for his part, easily and gracefully supports the celestial globe above his shoulders, and italmost appears to float therein stark contrast to the common representations of Atlas,bent double by the burden of the world (Atlas Farnese). Hercules, like Augustus, had aspecial significance for the city of Augsburg in the late sixteenth centurya magnificentHercules fountain was built there by Adriaen de Vries between 1597 and 1600.

Atlas and Hercules stand on pedestals that characterise them respectively as teacher anddisciple of an astronomy which had existed from time immemorial (Atlanti vetustissimaeastronomiae magistro; Herculi vetustissimae astronomiae discipulo). Here Bayer assertsthat astronomy is one of the noblest, and at the same time oldest, of all disciplines. Indeed,Atlas and sometimes Hercules had been considered contemporaries of Moses since lateantiquity (Seznec, 1961, pp. 1518). Hardly could a tradition be found that reached backfurther into history.

Before entering into a discussion of another important iconographic aspect of Atlas andHercules, in which Atlas stands for the old Ptolemaic view of the universe, and Herculesfor the new Tychonic view, it will be helpful to give an account of the mythological tradi-tions on which representations such as Bayers were based.

2. Atlas and Hercules: the story of an encounter

Legend has it that Hercules met Atlas when carrying out the eleventh of his twelvelabours. Hercules had been required by Eurystheus to seek out the Hesperides and bringback the golden apples that were watched over by a terrible ogre. According to Apollod-orus (The library, II, 5, 11), Prometheus, Atlass brother, advised Hercules

not to go himself after the apples, but to send Atlas, first relieving him of the burden

of the sphere; so when he came to Atlas in the land of the Hyperboreans, he took the

advice and relieved Atlas. But when Atlas had received three apples from the Hes-

perides, he came to Hercules, and not wishing to support the sphere he said that

he would himself carry the apples to Eurystheus, and bade Hercules to hold up

the sky in his stead. Hercules promised to do so, but succeeded by craft in putting

it on Atlas instead. For at the advice of Prometheus, he begged Atlas to hold up

the sky till he should put a pad on his head. When Atlas heard that, he laid the three

apples down on the ground and took the sphere from Hercules. And so Hercules

picked up the apples and departed. (Apollodorus, 1954, Vol. 1, p. 231)

This is the standard version of the encounter between Atlas and Hercules. Atlas,according to Hesiod (Theogony, 519522) was counted among the Titans who took part

in the unsuccessful rebellion against Zeus and the Olympians. As punishment, Zeus

9 Cf.Gundel (1972), pp. 696697.




ordered him to bear the heavens.10 Thus in ancient times, the mythological spectrum ofAtlass competence was extended to that of astronomer and even founder of the scienceof astronomy/astrology (there being no sharp distinction between the two until well intothe seventeenth century).11 Diodorus of Sicily saw in Atlas not only the founder of the

astronomical/astrological science, but also the first writer of a textbook on the movementof the heavens (Bibliotheca historica, III, 60, 2 and IV, 27, 4). A more significant contribu-tion to this traditional view of Atlas in Latin literature can be attributed to Vitruvius, whocredited him as the first to pass on knowledge of the movements of the Sun, the Moon andthe stars to human beings (De architectura, VI, 7, 6).

The role of Hercules as the disciple of Atlas first appears in a fragment from Herodorusof Heracleum in the fourth century BC. Herodorus, according to Clement of Alexandria,reports that Hercules received the columns of the world from Atlas.The legend is an alle-gory of the acquisition, by learning, of the knowledge of the sky.12 When Hercules metAtlas, the latter was weary from his efforts. Philostratus tells us that he saw that Atlaswas bowed over and crushed by theweight and that he was crouching on one knee aloneand barely had strength left to stand.13 So it was understandable that Atlas was delightedwhen Hercules offered to take the burden of the world from him, and that afterwards, heendeavoured to rid himself of this permanent affliction.

There were various accounts of the relationship between Atlas and Hercules, even inantiquity. Diodorus of Sicily, for example, tells that Hercules rescued Atlass daughterfrom the clutches of pirates. In gratitude, the knowledgeable Atlas introduced him tothe art of astrology: Hercules, for his part, passed on this wisdom to the Greeks. And thiswas the motive, so it was said, for Hercules taking the burden from Atlas, who bore up the

firmament and had knowledge of the stars (Bibliotheca historica, IV, 27, 45). An impor-tant common theme, despite differences in detail, was present in all such myths, and wastaken up and much discussed in later times, namely the teacherdisciple relationshipbetween Atlas and Hercules. In whatever version of the story, the encounter between Atlasand Hercules changed both characters: Atlas was no longer the Titan punished by Zeus,the suffering bearer of the celestial globe, but the founder of astronomy; and Hercules wasno longer merely the prototype of strong and virtuous heroes, who through strength andvirtue conquered the Olympian heights, but, as Atlass student, became the first and mostavid scholar of astronomy. In this way, both Atlas and Hercules became intellectualised.Whereas Atlas was finally transformed into a king, knowledgeable in astronomy, Hercules

achieved an additional quality, that of thewise man who, according to Lucian, henceforthachieved everything through eloquence.14

The authors of the Middle Ages and the early modern period drew on these classicalimages. The sheer multiplicity of representations of Hercules since the Renaissance couldfill books, and he was associated with different meanings and assumed a variety of

10 On the different myths regarding Atlas see Atlas (18941972, 1986). Cf. the remarks inBoyance(1974), pp.4958;Korn (1996); Liebenwein (1996); Tieche (1945).11 See Herakles (1918), col. 1072; Boyance (1974), pp. 5152; Saxl (1933). On the process of differentiating

between astrology and astronomy seeBaldini (2001).12

Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis, I, 73, 2; cited from Clement of Alexandria (1991), p. 78.13 Philostratos, Imagines, II, 20, 1; cited fromPhilostratos (1931), pp. 219220. The description by Philostratus

recallsAtlas Farnese.14 Lucian, Heracles, 5; cited from Lucian (1913), p. 67. On the intellectualisation of Herkules see Galinsky

(1972), pp. 101125.




nationalities. He appears as a shining virtuous hero, or as a model of unparalleled courage;sometimes he is a Hercules gallicus, sometimes a Hercules florentinus: and finally hebecomes the princely ideal, and the patron of Charles V and the Habsburgs.15 Atlas alsounderwent numerous and various transformationshe can be found for example, even in

a religious context as an equivalent of Saint Christopher. However, he is seen predomi-nantly as the bearer of the celestial globe or the Earth. He appears eventually as theembodiment of geography and cosmography on the frontispiece of Gerhard MercatorsAtlas(1595), measuring the Earth with consummate ease (Fig. 2). At the same time, otherworks of the same period show him stylised as a wise ruler, a regal ancestor ofastronomy.16

In the Middle Ages and the early modern period, tales of Hercules and his endeavoursenjoyed immense popularity. In texts and images Hercules is depicted in numerous varia-tions and many a book-length tale was dedicated to his actsof heroism and virtue, bearingwitness to his prominence in classical myths and legends.17 His encounter with Atlas alsobecame widely popularised in a multiplicity of forms and interpretations. As to the rela-tionship between Atlas, Hercules and astronomy, many types of source material can bedrawn upon: these include literary, historical, mythographical and astronomical texts,artistic and non-artistic images, as well as emblem books that combine texts and images.

An important role in disseminating a standardised image of Atlas was played by theo-logical authors of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. Writings on chronology orgeography often contained allusions to Atlas: he was thought of as a contemporary ofMoses, and the famous range of mountains bore his name. Both Jerome (ca. 347417)and Augustine of Hippo (354430) portray Atlas as a great astrologer.18 Ado of Vienne

(ca. 800875) andFreculphus of Lisieux (ca. 800851), too, write about the outstandingastrologer Atlas.19 Isidore of Seville (ca. 560636) calls Atlas the founder of astrologyand the first to study of the motions of the heavens.20 Elsewhere, Isidore, like the laterRabanus Maurus (ca. 780856) in an almost identical passage, saw him as the king ofAfrica (rex Africae).21

Exactly what was meant by the kingdom of Atlas is somewhat variable. As we shall see,rather thanruling over Africa, others had it that he ruled at times over Libya, Mauritaniaor Spain.22 But for the legitimisation of astronomy in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-tury, what was important was that Atlas, the founder of the science, had been a king. Wis-dom and power were combined in him, creating an ideal type of ruler, and those seeking

patronage tried to make use of this for their purposes. Thus King Atlas became an impor-tant icon for early modern astronomy. An example of this can be seen in the woodcut by

15 A comprehensive overview in Galinsky (1972); cf. Bagley (1996); Kray & Oettermann (1994); Lukatis &Ottomeyer (1997);Orgel (1984); Panofsky (1930); Vollkommer (1987).16 On the different meanings and pictorial representations of Atlas see Snoep (1967); see alsoLiebenwein (1996).17 See for exampleGalinsky (1972); Jung (1966).18 Hieronymus Stridonensis (18441864), col. 157A; Augustinus, De civitate Dei, XVIII, 8.19 Ado Viennensis (18441864), col. 35A, andFreculphus Lexovensis (18441864), cols. 947B947C.20 Isidorus Hispalensis (18441864a), cols. 1025B1026A: Tunc etiam frater ejus [= Promethei] Atlas

astrologiam reperit, motumque coeli et rationem primus consideravit.21 Isidorus Hispalensis (18441864b), col. 522C; and Rabanus Maurus (18441864), col. 363D: Atlas frater

Promethei fuit et rex Africae, a quo astrologiae artem prius dicunt excogitatam, ideoque dictus est sustinuissecoelum.22 On Atlas as king seeAtlas (1986), p. 7;Korn (1996). On Atlas as king of Spain see Saxl (1933), p. 46.




Fig. 2. Mercator (1595), frontispiece (fromRemmert, 2005, p. 131).




John Day in William Cuninghams Cosmographicall glasse (1559) (Fig. 3). There thecrowned King Atlas supports the geocentric universe on his shoulders as if presenting itfor astronomers to study.23

The descriptions given in texts of the encounter between Hercules and Atlas mostly fol-

low the standard versions, which are also reflected in the frontispiece of Bayers Uranome-tria. Hercules meets King Atlas, who instructs him in the science of astronomy, whichHercules himself then hands onpreferably to the Greeks. A lesser known, but quite ency-clopaedic Hercules tale, was written by the Florentine humanist Coluccio Salutati (13311406). Salutatis account of the encounter contains all the usual elements. Atlas, skilled inastronomy and astrology, hands on his knowledge to Hercules, who in turn introduces itto Greece. The not unimportant difference is that Salutati did not include Atlas among thecrowned heads of the world.24

The aspect of Atlas as king was considered by Enrique de Villena (13841434) in thefourth chapter of his tale of Hercules (Los doce trabajos de Hercules, 1417). His Atlaswas the king of Libya, and he maintained a garden in which all the fruit was gold. A treein the centre of the garden was the most magnificent of all and bore the largest fruit. Threeyoung maidens, the Hesperides, were required to care for the tree, and, in addition, it waswatched over by a fearsome dragon. De Villena also gives an explanation of the story: inthe Libyan desert, Atlas, the wise ruler, planted many trees of human knowledge. The treeat the centre stood for philosophy, tended by the three Hesperides as symbols of intelli-gence, memory and eloquence, and watched over by the dragon, representing the difficultyand exquisite subtlety of the principles of knowledge. By overcoming these obstacles, Her-cules, thirsty for knowledge, came to understand the principles of knowledge. The moral

of the story, according to de Villena, is easy to discern. Atlas, the unchallenged king in allfields of knowledge, was the first to organise human understanding in the garden of knowl-edge. Hercules, as his disciple, advanced from lesser knowledge to higher knowledge, untilhe finally conquered philosophy, the queen of all disciplines, therein even surpassing Atlashimself. Hercules then taught his wisdom to all who wished to partake of it (Jung, 1966,pp. 910).

Apart from the literary adaptations of the tales of Hercules, which were meant for edi-fication, the legend of Atlas and Hercules was discussed in mythographical treatises, whichtook on a variety of forms. As learned commentaries on the classics, or as self-standingreference works, such mythographical writings flowed from the pens of humanist authors,

many of whom could be described as professional mythographers. These writings were notonly useful reference tools for artists and other authors, but were also very popular withhumanistically educated contemporaries. The aim of the mythographers was to bringtogether and classify as completely as possible the contents of well known and lesserknown antique texts. These were supplemented with extant antique or medieval commen-taries, as well as sources newly discovered at time of the Renaissance.25 Some of thesemythographical books were immensely successfula notable example was the collection

23 Cf.Heninger (1977), pp. 178179.24

See Salutati (1951), pp. 308315, especially p. 313. This is, incidentally, one of the rare cases where adistinction is made between astronomy and astrology, in that both are named (nec solum astronomie sedastrologie . . . studiosus, ibid., p. 309).25 On the topics of the mythographers and the influence of their writings seeAllen (1970), pp. 201202; cf.Seznec

(1961), pp. 279323.




Fig. 3. Cuningham (1559), p. 50, Coelifer Atlas (fromRemmert, 2005, p. 133).




by Natale Conti (15201582), which first appeared in 1567 in Venice with the title Myth-ologiae, sive explicationum fabularum, libri tredicem. By 1669, Contis compilation hadgone through thirty-one editions (DiMatteo, 1994, p. xiv). He reports all the common fea-tures of the encounter between Atlas and Hercules: Atlas ruled over Mauritania this time,

and Hercules relieved him temporarily of the burden of the celestial globe. Conti takes theusual meaning, that in doing so Hercules learned astronomy from Atlas (res astronomicas& stellarum motus Hercules ab Atlante didicerit) (Conti, 1976, ff. 104v, 105r, 206r, 210v,211r, quotation from f. 105r).

Equally well known was the compilationDe deorum imaginibus libelluswritten by Albri-cus, dating back to the twelfth century and first appearing as a printed work around 1500.This text, alongside those of Hyginius and Fulgentius, was included in different mytho-graphical collections right up to the eighteenth century. In the chapter on Hercules, thereis a report of the encounter with Atlas.26 This Atlas, too, was renowned as an astrologer.Hercules, who had willingly taken the celestial globe from Atlas, was not depicted as hisdisciple in this version, but as someone already very skilled in astronomy (Hercules etiamfuit astrorum artis multum edoctus). The seventeenth-century publisher Thomas Munc-ker, in a footnote, refers to the eminent fourth-century Aeneas commentary by MaurusServius Honoratus, who also considered Atlas as the first astronomer and Hercules againas his disciple.27

On the foundations of the literary and mythographical background of the AtlasHer-cules pair briefly sketched out here, there evolved a whole gamut of classical interpreta-tions in emblem books of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Here the moralisticpotential of antique mythology was cultivated and used for new ends. For this purpose,

the encounter between Hercules and Atlas took on a new dimension. This is found exem-plary in the frequently reprinted emblem book of Achille Bocchi (14881562), Symbolica-rum quaestionum de universo genere quas serio ludebat libri quinque, that first appeared inBologna in 1555. Bocchi, for his symbol CX, chose the encounter betweenAtlas and Her-cules so as to present thevita activa in opposition to the vita contemplativa.28 In the com-position of his emblem, Bocchi followed the division into three parts, Inscriptio, Picturaand Subscriptio, as had been customary since Alciatis Emblematum liber of 1531. Underthe motto the glory of all virtue lies in action (Virtutis omnis est in actione laus), Bocchiput an image of Atlas and Hercules together with a globe of the Earth, in the form of anarmillary sphere, which they are both measuring (Fig. 4). In the background stands a tree

in the shape of a Y as a symbol for the virtuous Hercules, who, in Bocchis opinion, madethe right choice at the crossroads, namely for the vita activa. The image shows Atlasturning towards knowledge codified in books, while Hercules takes on the role of activemeasurer. Bocchi leaves us in no doubt about how to interpret the picture: One watches,the other acts (hic videt, alter agit). And then he immediately concludes that whoeverwishes to become a true Hercules must pursue his goal righteously and stubbornly with

26 Albrici philosophi de deorum imaginibus libellus, in (Muncker, 1681, Vol. 2, pp. 301330); Ch. 22 concernsHercules (ibid., pp. 323329). Munckers book was a reworking ofCommelinus (1599). On the dissemination of

De deorum imaginibus libellus cf. Allen (1970), pp. 213214;Seznec (1961), pp. 170 ff.27 Muncker (1681), Vol. II, p. 329; Serviuss commentary on Aeneis, IV, 745. Elsewhere in this commentary (I,

78) Servius portrays Hercules as a philosopher (Constat enim Herculem philosophum fuisse); cited from Servius-Commentary in the edition ofVirgil (1600), p. 220.28 SeeBocchi (1555), pp. CCXXXf, symbol CX. On Bocchi see Watson (1993).




unshakeable mind and a fearless spirit.29 Bocchi makes the point again clearly in the indexwhere, under the heading Hercules, we find: Hercules acts and Atlas observes (Herculesagit, Atlas speculatur).

Fig. 4. Bocchi (1555), p. CCXXX, symbol CX,Hercules and Atlas measuring the world(fromRemmert, 2005, p.137).

29 Verus hic Alcides solida est qui mente, animoque / Impavido, iustus propositique tenax (Bocchi, 1555, p.CCXXXI).




The symbolCXwas dedicated to Cardinal Alessandro Farnese (15201589), the grand-son of Pope Paul III. The Herculean qualities Bocchi had described as so praiseworthy,were thus attributed to Alessandro Farnese, who pursued his goal to follow his grandfa-ther as pontiff through seven conclaves with perseverance, although without success.30

Since the middle of the sixteenth century the Farnese had striven determinedly to associatethemselves with the symbol of Hercules. The reason for choosing Hercules was presum-ably the familys attempt to promote its Roman tradition (Romanita). And, during thelater part of the sixteenth century, the Farnese family wanted to align with the Habsburgswho, from the time of Charles V, had promoted the use of Hercules as their symbol. Theantique collection of the Farnese included a number of statues of Hercules; and it also con-tained a statue of Atlas with a globe, famous todayasthe Atlas Farnese, but in the six-teenth century it was known as the Hercules Farnese.31 The iconographic programme ofthe Palazzo Farnese in Rome also illustrates the desire of the Farnese to make Herculesa family symbol. The contrast made by Bocchi between thevita activaand thevita contem-

plativais reiterated in two frescoes there by Annibale Carracci: in one, the resting Herculesstands for the repose of the hero after his labour (vita activa); in the other, reverence forthe virtues of thevita contemplativais shown by depicting Hercules who, under the watch-ful gaze of Ptolemy and Euclid, bears the Globe and has thereby taken over the role ofAtlas.32

Hercules, with his qualities of virtue and action, was particularly suitable as a symbol inemblem books, especially given the richness and density of the Hercules tradition.33 Incomparison, his encounter with Atlas only plays a subordinate role in emblematic litera-ture.34 Naturally, Atlas and Hercules were often mentioned in those parts of treatises and

textbooks that dealt with the history of astronomy. A typical overview of the historicaldevelopment of astronomy is given by Joseph Moxon (16271700) in his Discourse ofthe antiquity, progress and augmentation of astronomy. This short treatise was publishedas an appendix to the second edition of his translation of William Janszoon Blaeus Insti-tutio astronomica(A tutor to astronomie and geographie, London, 1670). Moxon, referringto the classical authors, presents a standard version of the encounter between Atlas andHercules, noting that Hercules had succeeded Atlas in that difficult task, the Study, or sci-ence of Coelestial bodies.35 In his conclusion, Moxon underlines his admiration of TychoBrahe, who ought to be as highly esteemed by us and all Posterity. He drew a compar-ison, which resonates with all the AtlasHercules symbolism:

For my part, truly, since Hipparchusmay rightfully be calledAtlas the Second: I shall

do but justice to name Tycho, Hercules the Second, who relieving his Predecessor,

long languishing and ready to faint under so prodigious a burden;which doubtless

was the Reason, why Kepler called him, the Modern Hipparchus.36

30 On the Farnese seeVolkel (1992).31 On the role played by Hercules with the Farnese seeMerz (1994), pp. 97101; on AtlasaliasHercules Farnese

seeLiebenwein (1996), p. 13.32 See exhibition catalogueThe drawings of Annibale Carracci(2000), p. 135;Ginzburg Carignani (2000), p. 81.33

See the numerous references to Hercules in Henkel & Schone (1996), pp. 11971199, 16411654; cf. Bagley(1996); Callahan (1990).34 See above allPicinelli (1654), pp. 7879, and the expanded Latin translation, Picinelli (1681), pp. 156158.35 Moxon (1670), pp. 233271, quotation from p. 237; on Moxon see Johns (1998), pp. 79 ff.36 Moxon (1670), p. 271; original emphasis.




Tycho Brahe breathed new life into astronomy and had achieved a well deserved apothe-osis. This Danish nobleman and astronomer was indeed worthy of comparison with Her-cules, who had gained immortality through his labours.

The qualities of Hercules were extolled extensively in the early modern period: his

praises were sung, he was written about, his image appeared in numerous places and hewas presented as an example for others to emulate. The numbers of positive aspects ofhis character were legion. Erasmus of Rotterdam was among the most prominent of thosewho invited comparison between their own person and that of Hercules, and saw his owndiligent humanistic work as a Herculean labour. In his Adagiathere is a long chapter onthe labours of Hercules, where he writes:

If any human labours ever deserved to be called Herculean, it is certainly the work of

those who are striving to restore the great works of ancient literatureof true liter-

ature. While, in fact, they condemn themselves to immense toil, owing to the incred-

ible difficulty of the task, they arouse among the vulgar the greatest envy and ill will.Great attempts alwayshave been subject to this, not only amongst the ignorant but

even with the learned.37

These words reverberated in the milieu of humanists and scholars. Many scholars, astron-omers among them, saw that their work mostly benefited others, with little reward forthemselves. As Erasmus put it, those are said to be the labours of Hercules whichare of a kind to bring the greatest advantage to others, and little or no profit to the doer,except a little fame and a lot of envy.38 At the same time, these noble acts may bring aboutan apotheosis or immortality and acceptance into the Olympian heights of the learned

sages. The more or less openly acknowledged personal hopes of those early modern schol-ars who wanted to set themselves on a par with Hercules, were encapsulated by the scholarof ancient culture, Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Mollendorff, at the end of the nineteenth cen-tury, who wrote of Hercules: once a man and now a god; he endured great troubles togain heaven.39

3. Tycho Brahe and the use of images

Tycho Brahe (15461601) was a member of the Danish high nobility, and images andemblems were an intrinsic part of his life, as is shown in an engraved portrait of 1586

(Fig. 5). Humanistically educated and closely associated with the court and its habitsand fashions, he was constantly concerned with which symbolic associations would bestrepresent his personality and achievements. What lay behind this was not the aim of ahomoludens, contributing enigmatic diversions to humanist parlour games or displaying theuplifting qualities of his creativity. The intention was much more practical. For scholarswho sought princely or royal patronage, or wanted to retain it, the effort to set themselvesup in the right cultural context, to make clear to potential sponsors their own specificimportance, and the importance and utility of their particular discipline, was part of every-

37

Erasmus of Rotterdam,Adagia, III.1.1, quoted inPhillips (1964), p. 194. On the comparison of Erasmus withHercules seeCallahan (1990).38 Erasmus of Rotterdam, Adagia, III.1.1, quoted inPhillips (1964), p. 191.39 Wilamowitz-Mollendorff (1895), p. 38: Mensch gewesen, Gott geworden; Muhen erduldet, Himmel

erworben.




day life. And this was truefor the blue-blooded Brahe, even though he operated at a highand wealthy social level.40 Expert self-presentation and self-fashioning were indispensableelements in successful patronage strategies. Brahe had taken the art of self-fashioning to alevel of perfection that, among scientists, could only be rivalled by Galileo.41Accordingly,he enjoyed generous patronage from the Danish King, Frederick II.

Fig. 5. Brahe (1596), portrait of Brahe by Jacques de Gheyn (from Remmert, 2005, p. 143).

40 See e.g.Biagioli (1993), pp. 1430.41 Details in Christianson (2000); cf. Thoren (1990). On self-fashioning seeGreenblatt (1980), pp. 19. For a

critical assessment of the concept seeMartin (1997).




When Brahe decided to pursue astronomy instead of a standard career in the service ofthe Danish crown, his decision was received favourably by the king, Frederick II, who pro-vided him with the island of Hven as a basis for an astronomical research centre, as well asthe considerable funding he needed to build what were to become the famous Uraniborg

and Stjerneborg observatories there. In a style appropriate to his aristocratic position, andwith much energy and organisational and artistic skill, Brahe turned the island into anacknowledged centre for astronomical research. Its scientific and cultural fame soonspread beyond the borders of Denmark, which, as the king had hoped, brought consider-able glory to the Danish crown. Eminent visitors from home and abroad, among themroyalty, came to visit Uraniborg. Brahe was often so engaged in entertaining his gueststhat at times he had to entrust the entire astronomical work to his assistants.

The visitors were fascinated by the enormous astronomical instruments at Uraniborgand Stjerneborg, and also by the major astronomical work that was being done there.It attracted a great many scholars and students, and some stayed for years as Brahes assis-tants. But what caught the attention of some visitors was Brahes alchemical showpieces,and even more, the world of images and emblems he had created, which, in the view ofChristianson, was without equal in the whole of northern Europe.42 On the inhospitableisland of Hven, Brahe had built a virtual temple to Urania, the muse of astronomy, fullof pictures and sculptures giving expression to the glorification of astronomy. It is not nec-essary to give a detailed account of Brahes iconographic programme here; but it includedmaterial describing the mythological background of astronomy and the construction ofastronomical tradition, the latter in the form of a canon of authorities beginning with Hip-parchus and ending with Brahe himself. Brahe documented his world of images and

emblems substantially, best of all in his slender volumeAstronomiae instauratae mechanica(Wandsbek, 1598), which contains numerous engravings of the instruments and a metic-ulous description of Uraniborg and Stjerneborg.

At the end of June 1586, the young Danish queen, Sophie, together with her entourage,which included Brahes mother, paid a visit to Hven. As well as viewing a splendid spec-tacle carefully prepared by Brahe, there was a thorough guided tour of Uraniborg and thenew observatory of Stjerneborg, which had been completed the previous year. Brahe con-ducted the queen through his own kingdom, explaining the iconography and Latin epi-grams, and expounding on his view of the history of astronomy.43 The setting for mostof Brahes astronomical expositions was appropriately Stjerneborg, the underground

observatory that was the centre of the astronomical work on Hven.Stjerneborg was entered through an Ionic portal (Fig. 6, letter A). A few steps led to

a small heated room, which provided access to the five crypts containing astronomi-cal instruments (Fig. 6, letter B). The painted walls and ceiling of this entry room,portrayed Brahes view of the past, present and future of astronomy. According to Brahesdescription in theEpistolarum astronomicarum libriof 1596, each of the four walls bore theportraits of two illustrious astronomers: Timocharis and Hipparchus; Ptolemy and al-Battan; King Alfonso the Wise of Castille and Copernicus; and Brahe and a yet unborn

42 Christianson (2000), p. 110; on the importance of emblematic elements in the life of the court see Biagioli(1990), pp. 235236.43 On Queen Sophies visit see Christianson (2000), pp. 107113.




Fig. 6. Brahe (1598), engraving: layout of the Stjerneborg(fromRemmert, 2005, p. 145).




astronomer, Tychonides, who would complete Brahes work.44 Each portrait was adornedby two illuminated scrolls. Brahe himself appears to leave judgement of his work to pos-terity (Iudicium Posteritatis). But this is qualified by the fact that in the portrait of Brahe,he is pointing out of the painting towards the ceiling, to a fresco depicting his own Tych-

onic model of the universe and asking: What if it were so? (Quid si sic?), thus prefiguringthe basis of any future judgement. This question would later be quoted by Kepler in thefrontispiece of hisTabulae Rudolphinae(Fig. 9), and also by John Wilkins, who has Coper-nicus asking it in the frontispiece to his Discourse concerning a new world (London,1640).45 Tychonides, the imaginary successor to Brahe, was seen to be the last i nthe tra-ditional line of astronomers who would continue the labours of these Atlases.46

After passing through this antechamber depicting Brahes view of the development ofastronomy, the colossal labours of the mythological Atlas were to be found in the largestof the five crypts. This lay to the south, directly opposite the entrance to the Stjerneborg(Fig. 6, letter C). Here, since the summer of 1585, stood the great equatorial armillarysphere, the showpiece of Brahes instruments, fixed on a globe of the heavens, whichwas itself supported by the royal Atlas (Fig. 7).47 Everyone entering the room came faceto face King Atlas, supporting the heavens on his shoulders. Visiting royalty wouldencounter one of their ownAtlas, king of Mauritania, who was more than any other sui-ted to emphasise the nobility of astronomy. Brahe did not fail to draw attention to thisconnection in the corresponding inscription, which underlines the fact that the royalart of astronomy is deserving of royal patronage.48 In Brahes Stjerneborg, the exploita-tion of Atlas in the service of early modern astronomy achieved a brilliant and effectiveclimax. This symbolically laden Atlas was seamlessly attached to Brahes rich visual exal-

tation of astronomy in Hven. Brahes visual strategies were not without effectQueenSophie was sufficiently impressed by Brahes island to make a return visit the same year.49

But one may suspect that rather more lay behind Brahes use of the Atlas symbol.Brahes iconographic programme, and the explicit reference to Atlas in connection withTychonides, pointed to a clear parallel between Brahe and Atlas. This was no more thanto be expected, since many of his contemporaries compared Brahe with Atlas, in thesame way that many astronomers had already been so compared, and as others later

44 A description of the paintings is inBrahe (1596); what follows is taken fromBrahe (1919), pp. 250295, herepp. 256257, 272276); cf.Christianson (2000), pp. 107109;Thoren (1990), pp. 184186.45 Brahe (1919), pp. 275276. SeeRemmert (2005), Chs. 3.1 and 6.3.46 Brahe (1919), p. 275: Te, venerandae Parens, tuaque alta Inventa sequentem Det DEUS, Athlantum

continuare vices.47 worin Athlantis Regis Mauretaniae Gleichnu kunstlich augehawen ist / al wan er den Himmel hulffe

tragen, cited fromBrahe (1919), p. 258; for a description of the instruments, ibid., pp. 257258 and 276278;Brahe (1598), unpaginated: Armillae aequatoriae maximae sesquialtero constantes circulo; cf.Thoren (1990), pp.174176; Zinner (1943), pp. 298299; seeKrifka (2000), pp. 420421.48 Brahe (1919), p. 278: Quo Hieroglyphico innuitur, quod Reges & Principes sublimem hanc & vere Regiam

Astronomiae Artem fulcire & liberaliter sustenare merito deberent, quemabmodum Atlas ille multique alij olim

fecerunt; & superiori aevo liberalitate illustri & vix unquam obliteranada, ALPHONSVS Rex Hispaniae hanc,quantum in ipso erat, promovit.49 Christianson (2000), p. 112. Sophie was not the only royal guest: in March 1590 the Scottish King James IV

paid a visit to Hven and in the summer of 1592 the young Danish monarch Christian IV came to be shownaround Brahes world.




Fig. 7. Brahe (1598), engraving:King Atlas supports the great Equatorial Armillary of 1585(fromRemmert, 2005,p. 147).




would beGalileo, for example, became a much praised Atlas after his telescopic discov-eries of 1610.50 Brahes self-fashioning, however, went much further; not only did he self-consciously present himself as being of the same standing as Ptolemy, al-Battan andCopernicus, if not surpassing them, but he continually promoted his own role as the king

of astronomy, a new royal Atlas. This may be seen as merely an expression of arrogance,but it was to have more serious political consequences, as Christianson has convincinglydemonstrated. Brahe was greatly concerned about the future of his foundation in Hven,and especially the observatories of Uraniborg and Stjerneborg. He wanted to ensure theircontinuation after his own time, and tried to get the Danish crown to enter into a long-lasting commitment to support these expensive astronomical centres. However, with thedeath of his patron Frederick II in April 1588 and his succession by Christian IV, Braheeventually fell from grace. During Fredericks reign, Brahe had risen, as Christianson putit, from the standing of a high-ranking courtier to that of an over mighty subjecta self-important who dared to make demands on the Danish crown, being so convinced of theimportance of his scientific work that it seemed incontestable to him that it should standabove the interests of the monarchy. His clearly recognisable identification with KingAtlas was emblematic of this process. The young Christian IV, crowned in 1596, and con-cerned with consolidating his own power, must have found Brahes attitude extremely irri-tating. Brahes arrogance about his own scientific brilliance contributed to his downfall,and he left Denmark in June 1597 to seek service with the German emperor Rudolf IIin Prague (Christianson, 2000, pp. 206, 215).

That Brahe finally succeeded in obtaining the favour of Rudolf II was due to his noblebirth and his goodconnections with the court of Prague, as well as his skilful ways of deal-

ing with patrons.51

In the autumn of 1597, when his future was still uncertain, Brahe com-posed an elegy to Denmark (Ad Daniam elegia), in which he complains in a dejectedvoice of his fate and his unwonted and undeserved exile. In composing the elegy, he didnot however lose sight of his goal of obtaining the patronage of Rudolf II. Given theHabsburgs attachment to Hercules symbolism his earlier identification of himself withAtlas was no longer opportune and some modification was required. True as always tohis character, Brahe was not shy of showing himself in the best light:

Scarcely has anyone [in Denmark] taken note of my achievements,

Though they rival Herculess in number.

The son of Alceus went to the aid of a weary Atlas (so the story goes),

Lest the great fame of the pole fall headlong to earth:

I myself stop to remedy your errors, Ptolemy,

And yours, Alfonso and Copernicus.

Though the wheel of the heavens has eluded your pains,

I have expounded it clearly, though this concern were daunting.

I have firmed the ceiling of heaven with new posts,

Lest it soon take on cracks, lest it fall down.

50 Comparisons between Brahe and Atlas can be found inBrahe (1919), pp. 57;Resen (1668), pp. 354364; onGalilei as Atlas seeRemmert (1998), p. 24.51 On Brahes search for a new patron see Christianson (2000), pp. 207236;Thoren (1990), pp. 376415.




Posterity will testify likewise with a grateful voice,

Though gratitude for me is now silent.52

Here Brahe is clearly distancing himself from his affinity with Atlas. Henceforth he was

Hercules, who triumphed over King Atlasor strictly speaking, over the three Atlases,namely Ptolemy, King Alfonso and Copernicusand, not insignificantly, achievedimmortality through his labours. This new version of things was endorsed by Brahesson-in-law and long-time assistant Frans Gansneb Genaamd Tengnagel van de Camp(15761622) in a dedicatory ode appearing in the Astronomiae instauratae mechanica.The volume, published in 1598, was mainly intended to serve as a patronage artefact.Accordingly, its production and distribution was entirely, and indeed successfully, organ-ised so as to win the goodwill of Rudolf II, to whom the volume was dedicated.53 Theyoung Tengnagel praised Brahehis master probably guiding his penas the glory ofthe Danish people and declared that Brahe had, like Hercules, taken on himself the la-

bours that Atlas was no longer able to bear.54

Brahe, at the height of his intellectual pow-ers and creative genius, offers himself in service to Rudolf II, who as a Habsburg wouldnaturally want to take such a Hercules into his service.

In this conception, the Atlases, Ptolemy, Alfonso and Copernicus, represented the oldastronomy, which had not been based on such long-lasting and systematic observations asBrahe himself had undertaken. Furthermore, these Atlases, in Brahes view, had not beenable to develop convincing systems of the world. Brahe no longer wished to think in Ptol-emaic or Copernican terms, but designed his own model of the universe. Imbued with theunique importance of his own achievements, he consciously styled himself as he who hadtaken on the mantle of Hercules and become the standard-bearer of the new astronomy.

By the time he eventually entered the service of Rudolf II in 1599, he had remade himselfto fit the Herculean garment.

It is hardly surprising therefore, that long after his death, Brahe was described byJoseph Moxon as a second Hercules, since Brahe himself had encouraged this opinion.The Jesuit Albert Curtz (16001671), who had dedicated twenty years of his lifes workto the publication of Brahes manuscripts, could not escape Brahes Herculean symbolismeither. Under the pseudonym Lucius Barrettus, he published the fruit of his painstakingwork in 1666 as Historia coelestis and dutifully dedicated it to the four Habsburgs who,in his opinion, shared responsibility for the project. The frontispiece of Historia coelestisshows four emperors sitting together, cherubs at their feet supporting globes of the Earthand the Heavens. The four are, from left to right, Rudolf II, who had accepted Brahe intohis court, Ferdinand II, under whose patronage Kepler had revised the Rudolphine

52 Cited fromBrahe (1919), pp. 208211, here pp. 209210: Vix aliqui nostros ibi suspexere labores, j Herculeisquamvis aequiparare licet.j Alcides feo (ut referunt) subvenit Atlanti, j Ne rueret praeceps machina vasta poli:jAt Ptolemaee tuis, Alphonse, Copernice, vestris j Lapsibus occurrens ipse ego sisto pedes. j Ut Coeli vestramdeluserit orbita curam, j Edocui, licet haec cura stupenda foret. j Firmavique novis Coeli laquaeria fulcris, j Necapiat rimas postmodo, nece ruat. j Posteritas grato veluti testabitur ore, j Gratia sit nostro tempore muta licet.Text and English translation inGreenway (1998), p. 64; a rather free English translation is in Christianson (2000),pp. 216217.53

On the context ofAstronomiae instauratae mechanicaseeChristianson (2000), pp. 219224;Johns (1998), pp.1418.54 Brahe (1598), unpaginated: Tu vero, cui mens Divis contermina, adesdum j TYCHO, Danorum celeberrima

gloria gentis: j Talia te placuit Superis obstacla videre j Viribus humanis cedentia; ferque labori j SubsidiumHerculeo, quem non bene pertulit Atlas.




Tables, Ferdinand III, to whom credit was due for having given protection to Brahesmanuscripts, and the then reigning monarch, Leopold I (Fig. 8).55 In the middle of the pic-ture, between Ferdinand II and Ferdinand III, the back curtain is parted to reveal the top-most figure in the plate, a statuesque depiction of Hercules resting after his labours, butstill showing his athletic body to endorse the vita activa. Is this the Habsburg Herculesor is it Brahe himself, who contentedly looks down from Olympia on the fruits of hislabours? If so, Brahes strategy paid off.

4. Brahes legacy: Atlas and Hercules as representatives of the old and the new astronomy

Brahes death in October 1601 signalled the end of a long-term astronomical researchproject. But the records of his observations became the basis of important studies and pub-lications in the following years. Among his more than fifty students and assistants, two inparticular were outstanding in their work and publications, namely Willem JanszoonBlaeu (15711638) and Johannes Kepler (15711630). Blaeu had been Brahes assistantin Hven in 1595/1596, and his celestial globe, which later brought him fame and wealth,was based on Brahes observations. Kepler had worked with Brahe in Bohemia and after

Fig. 8. Brahe (1666), frontispiece by Philipp Kilian (fromRemmert, 2005, p. 151).

55 On the frontispiece ofHistoria coelestissee the comments inAshworth (1991), pp. 155159;Johns (1998), p.21.




Brahes death had taken over his office as Imperial Mathematician. With the publicationof hisTabulae Rudolphinaein 1627, an important part of Brahes legacy became availableto the general public.56 Both Blaeu and Kepler paid their respects to Brahe, in images aswell as words. The frontispiece of the Tabulae Rudolphinae, for example, was the equiva-

lent of a reverential genuflection to Brahe, without, however, the use of the HerculesAtlassymbolism (Fig. 9). Nevertheless, the representation of Brahe shows that Kepler was wellversed in his emblematic world, and the picture follows the iconography in the Stjerneborgobservatory closely. Brahe is portrayed leaning against a column with a Corinthian capitaland pointing towards his model ofthe universe depicted on the ceiling, he gazes towardsCopernicus and asks, Quid si sic?.57 Blaeu for his part, as will be seen, took over BrahesHercules symbolism in his printers mark.

Johannes BayersUranometriaalso paid homage to Brahes astronomical and pictoriallegacy. Not only was the data for his star catalogue based on Brahes observations, butfurthermore the frontispiece was heavily imbued with Brahes AtlasHercules symbolism,even to the extent of identifying Brahe with the virtuous hero Hercules (Fig. 1). As earlierpointed out, Atlas was represented on the left side of the plate by a figure reminiscent ofPtolemy. Both Atlas and Ptolemy symbolised the old astronomy. On the right hand side ofthe picture, opposite or opposed to Atlas/Ptolemy, Hercules, having learnt about the oldastronomy from his mentors, now stands as a representation of the new astronomy. Thatthis Hercules was meant to represent Brahe can be deduced not only from the fact thatBayer had used Brahes observations, but also from a remark in the foreword that drewattention to Brahes detailed examination of the work of his predecessors, Hipparchus,Ptolemy, Alfonso and Copernicus.58 But over and above these indirect indications, the

Hercules in the picture has an unmistakable feature that identifies him with Brahenamely, his nose.Brahe had lost the bridge of his nose in a duel in Rostock in December 1566. Soon after

the wound healed, he began to experiment with prostheses, so as to hide the disfigurement.This is easy to see in the known portraits because in them his nose has a characteristicshape (Fig. 10)(Thoren, 1990, pp. 2226); (Christianson, 2000, pp. 89, 114117). ThatBrahe wore a prosthesis was well known through the widely distributed portraits in hisbooks, for example the Epistolarum astronomicarum libriof 1596, and from the countlessanecdotes that were told about it. It was also common knowledge in Augsburg, where theUranometriawas printed. Brahe had spent fourteen months there, from spring1569 to the

spring of 1570, and had established close and enduring contacts in the city.59

In the frontispiece of theUranometria, Bayer chose Brahes characteristic nose as a signthat Hercules, the representative of the new astronomy, stood for Brahe (Fig. 11). It couldbe argued that the noses of Hercules and Brahe happened to be similar by coincidence ordue to a quirk of the engraving or a lack of artistic skill; but that seems unlikely, not onlyon artistic groundsthe drawing is too skilfully done to allow for a graphical error of this

56 The best description of Brahes network of students, with short biographies, will be found in Christianson

(2000).57 This frontispiece has been frequently discussed. The best study is Arnulf (20002001).58 Bayer (1603), Candido lectori, unpaginated: Sunt ex descriptionibus, Hipparchi, Ptolemaei, Alphonsi, &

Copernici; per Tychonem Brahe ad trutinam examinatae.59 He came to Augsburg a second time, in the autumn of 1575: seeThoren (1990), pp. 3035, 97.




kind, especially on such a prominent feature of its subjectbut also because in these typesof symbol ridden depictions, the identification of Brahe with Hercules would be knownand easily recognised. Such an interpretation of the frontispiece ofUranometriaprovides

Fig. 9. Kepler (1627), frontispiece by Georg Celer (fromRemmert, 2005, p. 59).




impressive evidence of the success of Brahes self-fashioning and also of the general appealof personifying the old and the new astronomy with images associated with Atlas andHercules. Who was assigned the role of who in such images varied according to the subjectbeing depicted and the current interpretational trends. The way the frontispieces of worksby Andrea Argoli (15701657), for example, changed over time illustrates this point.

The life of Argoli has been only sketchily documented, but he was one of the mostprominent and prolific of the Italian astronomers and astrologers of the first half of theseventeenth century. His reputation among his contemporaries rested both on his astrolog-ical writings, which were especially concerned with the use of astrology in medicine, andon his ephemerides, which won him the esteem of posterity. Although he was initiallyheavily influenced by Brahe, he later broke with the Tychonic system and promoted, cer-tainly from 1629, his own model of the universe, inspired by Martianus Capella, in whichMercury and Venus orbit the Sun, while Mars, Jupiter, Saturn and the Sun orbit theEarth.60

Fig. 10. Brahe (1596), portrait of Brahe by Jacques de Gheyn, detail: Brahes nose (from Remmert, 2005, p. 143).

60 On Argoli seeGingerich (19701990); Gliozzi (1962); I am not aware of any bibliography of Argoli. His booksand almanacs appeared in more than thirty different editions.




This development was reflected in the frontispieces of Argolis publications from 1610on, in which AtlasHercules symbolism is used repeatedly. The frontispiece of his Tabulae

primi mobilis, published in Rome by Facciotti in 1610, draws a great deal from thefrontispiece of Bayers Uranometria and in particular from the Brahe AtlasHerculesassociation (Fig. 12). Atlas and Hercules have been copied along with the inscriptions thatexplain the teacherdisciple relationship; and Brahes nose is likewise replicated on theHercules figure. The tympanum and pedestal were changed so as to sing the praises ofMarcantonio Colonna (15351584) who had led the papal fleet in the much glorified battle

of Lepanto in 1571. The work was dedicated to his descendant, Marcantonio Colonna IV(d. 1611).

Almost thirty years later, a heavy tome by Argoli on the use of the mathematical sci-ences in medicine was published under the title De diebus criticis et de aegrorum decubitulibri duo(Padua, 1639). In it, he provided an introduction to astrology and gave detailedexplanations of the use of the astrological methods found in medicine (Sudhoff, 1902, pp.7980). The frontispiece was a crude copy of the frontispiece of the 1610 Tabulae primimobilis (Fig. 13). While both Atlas and Hercules are depicted as in the 1610 version andclearly identified, they appear without the explanatory inscriptions. There is also an inter-esting change in the symbolism, for above Atlas and Hercules appear small portraits of

Brahe and Argoli respectively. Brahe is here no longer identified with Hercules represent-ing the new astronomy; he is instead placed with Atlas and the old astronomy. In theengraving, it is Argoli himself who is identified with Hercules, the propagator of thenew true model of the universe. But despite this reversal of roles, the content, and even

Fig. 11. Bayer (1603), frontispiece, detail: Hercules nose (fromRemmert, 2005, p. 127).




the lineage, of the frontispiececlearly acknowledges that Argoli had learnt from Brahe and

had built on his observations.61

Fig. 12. Argoli (1610), frontispiece (fromRemmert, 2005, p. 153).

61 The discussion of these frontispieces by WolfgangHarms (1978, pp. 334335)is restricted to the aspect of howto gain authority.




This was not Argolis last use of the AtlasHercules symbol. His three volume Ephemer-idesof 1648 had a frontispiece in which Atlas, under the watchful eye of Urania, hands thecelestial globe over to Hercules (Fig. 14). The Y-shaped tree growing up between Atlas and

Fig. 13. Argoli (1639), frontispiece (fromRemmert, 2005, p. 153).




Fig. 14. Argoli (1648), frontispiece of Vol. I (fromRemmert, 2005, p. 155).




a stone column calls to mind the virtuous character of Hercules. At the base of the column,to the lower right of the picture, a cherub is trying to lift up an armillary sphere that can beseen to represent either the Ptolemaic or the Copernican models of the universe.62 But theefforts of the cherub are in vain, since Atlas and Hercules are obviously occupied with an

entirely different model of the universe, presumably that of Argoli. Although Argoli didnot give an explanation of the meaning of his frontispiece, he did provide a couple of hintsin a brief text in the first volume that may suggest an interpretation. In the short chapteron the origin and excellence of astronomy (De origine, et praestantia Astronomiae) hesays, with reference to Augustine and Diodorus of Sicily, that Atlas had passed on hisknowledge to Hercules.63 In the preface he explains that in the beginning of the bookhe is going to present four models of the universethose of Ptolemy, Copernicus, Braheand his own (Argoli, 1648, Vol. I, Ad lectorem). In the fifth chapter, he presents the fourmodels of the universe in diagrams, the most attractive of which was that of his own sys-tem. The Copernican system, Argoli explained, had the Sun at the centre and was henceforbidden by the Church (Argoli, 1648, Vol. I, pp. 2, 12). There remained now two opin-ions, Brahes and Argolis. For Argoli, as we have seen, Brahe belonged to the line of rep-resentatives of the old astronomy. Argoli had learned from Brahe, in the same way thatHercules had learned from Atlas, and Argoli paid homage to Brahe in the long title oftheEphemerides: Ex Tychonis Brahe Hypotheses, ac deductas e Caelo accurateobservat-iones. He based the Ephemerides however on his own model of the universe (SystemaArgoli) (Argoli, 1648, Vol. I, pp. 1415). Argoli himself now fitted the role of Hercules,taking on the burden of the new model of the universe. Even when taking over theAtlasHercules symbolism in a way different from Brahe, the two mythical figures con-

tinue to play their roles as representatives of an old and a new astronomy.Echoes of Brahes Hercules symbolism are also found with Willem Janszoon Blaeu.64

Blaeu had spent six months on Hven at the age of twenty-four and was greatly influencedby Brahes astronomical and emblematic thinking. Later he founded his own printingworks in Amsterdam, where he named the presses after the nine muses, and his famousmaps and atlases were richly adorned with iconographic and emblematic puzzles and hid-den messages, so much so, that a whole treatise could be dedicated to them. The printersmark that Blaeu usedfrom about 1620, with slight variations, referred to Brahes Herculessymbolism (Fig. 15).65 To the left and right of an armillary sphere, with the inscriptionIndefessus agendo, stand Chronos and Hercules. Whereas Chronos was always depicted

with wings, hourglass and scythe, there were two versions of Hercules. Either the hero,identifiable by his cudgel and lion pelt, was resting or he was shown struggling with themany headed Hydra.

62 Though the armillary sphere in pictorial representations in the seventeenth century increasingly came to be

used as a symbol of geocentric systems; see Zinner (1943), pp. 483484; cf.Remmert (2005).63 Argoli (1648), Vol. 1, p. 2. Harms mentions the frontispiece, but does not explain it (Harms, 1978, p. 337).64 On Blaeu see Christianson (2000), pp. 254256; Donkersloot-de Vrij (1992); Keuning (1973); Stevenson

(1914).65 On Blaeus printers mark, seeDonkersloot-de Vrij (1992), p. 25;Stevenson (1914), pp. 16, 59.




Fig. 15. Blaeu (1634), printers mark of Blaeu (fromRemmert, 2005, p. 16).




Chronos represented many qualities, but in the early modernperiod was mostly asso-ciated with the measurement of time, with reason and with truth.66 The topos of time, seenas the progenitor of truth (veritas filia temporis) or leading her by the hand (veritatemtempus manuducit) enjoyed great popularity.67 Setting Chronos and Hercules together in

Blaeus printers mark contained a message that goes beyond the simple reference to timemeasurement and heavy labours in the service of science and astronomy, as might seemnatural in works on cartography. Chronos assured victory to the truth brought forth byHercules: namely, the new astronomy. Blaeus motto Indefessus agendo underpins thishigh demand on Hercules. The motto comes from Ovids Metamorphoses (Bk. IX, ll.198199). As Hercules, the never tiring virtuous hero (and astronomer), is literally tornlimb from limb as a result of Heras intrigue, he recalls again, as he lies dying, the labourshe has accomplished and calls out: Thecruel wife of Jove is weary of imposing toils, but Iam not yet weary of performing them!.68 This described very well the situation of the rep-resentatives of the new astronomy in the seventeenth century, who, committed to therenewal of astronomy in the face of adversity, virtuous like Hercules, with the assuranceof everlasting glory after their toil, were ready to labour with no expectation of wealth orrecognition.

5. Conclusion: newness, power and images

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the idea of the new was widely proclaimedin the titles of learned publications. Not only in the treatment of what was really new, likethe New World, or new scientific discoveries, but also in works that only showed slig ht

changes from previous editions, the adjective new was proudly announced in the title.69

At the same time, the introduction of new ideas needed to be justified when they did notaccord with conventional images and traditional theories, including those concerned withthe way the heavens and terrestrial objects behaved; in this, as in other matters, it was notdifficult to provoke fierce criticism from the Church or the secular authorities.

New opinions and theories should, as a rule, win over adherents primarily through thepersuasive power of their substance and their compelling necessity. In addition to this,however, non-scholarly and non-scientific strategies of legitimisation have played animportant role. In books, the main medium for propagating knowledge in the sixteenthand seventeenth centuries, these strategies of legitimisation found expression mostly in

the paratexts (dedications, forewords), pictures (title-pages, illustrations) and the distinc-tive form of the books (typography, format, specially designed book covers), which

66 Time, Chronos, was already in the time of Antiquity identified with Kronos, the son of Urania, who devouredhis children and so was rejected by Zeus. About this and Chronos/Kronos iconography see Henkel & Schone(1996), pp. 18131817;Kintzinger (1995), pp. 5965;Klibansky, Panofsky, & Saxl (1964), pp. 153155;Macey(1987), pp. 4066;Panofsky (1962); cf.Samaras (1982).67 On this seeSaxl (1963).68 Ovid:Metamorphoses(Ovid, 19561958, Vol. 2, pp. 1617): defessa iubendo est saeva Iovis coniunx: ego sum

indefessus agendo! Blaeus epigram need not be restricted only to the eternal movement of the heavens. Thus

remarks the Jesuit Claude Francois Menestrier in his Philosophie des images(Menestrier, 16821683, Vol. 1, p. 8):On peut aussi lappliquer aun homme qui ne cesse dagir ou dans un employ dune grande charge, ou dansletude.69 SeeBurke (1997); Eamon (1994), pp. 271272;Thorndike (1951); cf. the exposition by Maravall (1986), pp.

225232.




provided the framework for the scholarly main text of a work.70 When it came to visualmeans of legitimisation, frontispieces performed a crucial, and, by definition, a frontal rolein presenting and constructing the relevance of both the author and the text, which couldbe finely tuned to the target readerships.71

To legitimise the new as good and deserving, astronomers of the late sixteenth and theseventeenth centuries could hardly find a better ambassador than Hercules, who signifiedso many positive qualities that could be directly taken over by a propagator of the newastronomy, be it Brahe or Bayer, in an act of self-nobilisation. At the same time, associ-ating the old astronomy with Atlas, honours it as a venerable, indeed royal, tradition.The new astronomy, symbolised by Hercules, does not try to win favours from thepowerful as a usurper, but speaks to them as the legitimate heir to a regal heritage, thatis, as an equal.

For those being addressed, sovereigns and aristocrats, the elements of legitimisationstrategies like these were understood intimately, and claiming power by visual meanswas part of the order of the day, whether in Rome, Paris or Copenhagen. Tycho Brahe,as we have seen, played an important part in applying this language to the science ofastronomy, for he had a comprehensive understanding of the tradition and importanceof the artistic legitimisation and glorification of power. Indeed, Brahes influence on thevisual legitimisation of astronomy extended far beyond the adoption of the AtlasHercu-les symbols. The systematic use of imagery he employed in Stjerneborg established a longtradition in astronomy, frequentlycopied in the seventeenth century, of ennobling the sci-ence through visual symbolism.72 While the Tychonic theory finally gave way to theCopernican theory, Brahes AtlasHercules symbolism had succeeded in making an

important contribution to the legitimisation of the new astronomy throughout the seven-teenth century.

Acknowledgements

Research for this paper was kindly supported by fellowships of the Warburg Institute,London, the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbuttel, and the Dibner Institute for theHistory of Science and Technology, Cambridge, MA. An extended German version hasbeen published asRemmert (2003b). I am grateful to the Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichtefor the kind permission to publish this abridged English translation.

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