voices shaping the perspectives of young muslim australians

Voices Shaping the Perspectives of Young Muslim Australians

Professor Jock Collins, Professor Andrew Jakubowicz, Wafa Chafic, Dr Kais Al‐momani, Jamila Hussain, Associate Professor Devleena Ghosh, Dr David Cole, Professor Alastair Pennycook

Cosmopolitan Civil Societies Research Centre

University of Technology, Sydney

May 2011

Voices Shaping the Perspectives of Young Muslim Australians ‐ 1 ‐

Acknowledgements

The research team wishes to thank the numerous people who have participated in this project,

and all those who worked to facilitate it. This project was carried out in three states, focusing on

young Muslim Australians in the cities of Sydney, Melbourne and Darwin.

As such there were numerous one‐to‐one interviews and group consultations in each city, with

young Muslim Australians, as well as with people who work with them. We also coordinated a

large community consultation day in Campsie for this and the other National Action Plan research

projects concurrently running in Sydney. Here we acknowledge the assistance of the Community

Relations Commission, the Liverpool Migrant Resource Centre and the management of the Orion

Function Centre in Campsie.

In Sydney, the team is indebted to the Australian Multicultural Eid Festival and Fair Consortium,

the UTS Muslim Students Volunteer Team, the UTS Equity & Diversity Unit, and UTS Marketing &

Communication Unit, who helped make the Eid Festival Research day highly successful. We

would also like to thank the Muslim school that participated in this research, and Peter Gould

from Azaan Inspired Graphics who did the artwork on the post card for the project.

In Melbourne, we would like to thank the Islamic Council of Victoria, the Islamic Women’s

Welfare Council of Victoria, and the team at R.I.S.E (Refugees, Survivors and Ex‐Detainees) for

their assistance.

In Darwin the Multicultural Council of Northern Territory, Multicultural Youth NT, NT Youth

Affairs Network, the Palmerston and Rural Youth Services Network, the Islamic Society of Darwin,

the staff at the Melaleuca Refugee Centre, and the Somali community, were very generous in

their support of this project, guiding us through unfamiliar terrain.

We wish to thank Anna Hassett and Matthew Jones from the Department of Immigration and

Citizenship for their constructive input into this project. We would also like to acknowledge the

valuable input of Catherine Yu Zhao for analyzing the statistical material generated from the

project and Shuman Partoredjo for reading various drafts of this report.

Most importantly this research would not have been possible without the many inspiring young Muslim Australians who so willingly and in good faith, gave of their time and of themselves.

This report was compiled by Wafa Chafic, Dr. Kais Al‐Momani and Professors Jock Collins and Andrew Jakubowicz.


Table of Contents

Acknowledgements 1

Executive Summary 4 Key findings 5 Programs and projects for young Muslim Australians 6 Recommendations 8

1. Introduction 9

2. Literature Review 11

3. Methodology 23 Social Ecology Framework 23 Quantitative Research 27 Qualitative Research 28 Sydney Consultations 28 Melbourne Consultations 29 Darwin Consultations 29

4. Quantitative Analysis 30 Characteristics of the sample 30 Religious observance 40 Life in Australia 50 Social networks with non Muslim friends 55 Experience of discrimination 58 Cyber media 61 Sources od advice and people who impress 65

5. Qualitative Analysis 75 Identity Development 76 Social networks of bonding and bridging 78 Aspiration and inspiration 82 Safety, Belonging and Displacement 86 Racism, prejudice and discrimination 90 Media and representation 94 Sustaining youth programs 98

6. Conclusions 103 Mapping Social Ecology 103 Voices of Influence 104 Best practice models 106

7. Recommendations 108 A final note 119

8. Bibliography 120

Appendix A 126 Selected Australian & International programs with Muslim Youth 126

Australia 127

United States 144

United Kingdom 157

France 178 New Zealand 191

Appendix B 192 Questionnaire 192


Executive Summary

This is the final report on the research project the ‘Voices Shaping the Perspectives of Young

Muslim Australians Today’ to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC). The aims of

this research project are: 1) to provide a social ecology of the voices that inspire young Muslims,

the voices they hear including their own, their peers’ and the official voices of the society and

government; 2) to review the relevant literature in Australia and comparable nations; 3) to

identify the plurality of voices of influence and the various ways in which young Muslim

Australians mobilize religious and political symbols, and language around cultural, social and

political issues; 4) to identify the relevant sources and voices of influence important for shaping

the experience, attitudes, beliefs and opinions of young Muslims in Australia; and 5) to provide

an assessment of current practical measures which support and facilitate voices and to identify

consistent gaps in government, non‐government and individual approaches in this regard. The

Department of Immigration and Citizenship’s expressed aim for commissioning this research is to

identify and support young people in general and where appropriate.

An inter‐disciplinary research team from the UTS Cosmopolitan Civil Societies Research Centre

conducted the research. The research project took a ‘social ecology’ approach whereby the point

of departure was that the lives and experiences of young Muslim Australians were embedded in

their social, cultural, political, theological and ideological environments. In social ecology, these

relationships are understood as multi‐directional and constantly evolving.

The research report reviews the relevant national and international literature and provides the

results of quantitative research in Sydney and qualitative research in Sydney, Melbourne and

Darwin involving young Muslim Australians and key stakeholders from Australia’s Muslim

communities and other relevant institutions and organizations.

The quantitative research involved a survey of young male and female Muslim Australians

conducted at the Muslim Eid Festival and Fair in Sydney. The qualitative research took the form

of: focus groups of young Australians from Middle Eastern (Lebanese, Iraqi, Iranian, Afghan,

Turkish), South Asian (Pakistani and Indian) and African (Somali, Nigerian, Togo, Ethiopian)

backgrounds; focus groups of key stakeholders from Muslim communities and service providers

who work with them; in‐depth interviews of Muslim Australians and key stakeholders; and case

studies where a few selected young Muslim Australians took part in repeat, in‐depth interviews.


Key findings

Young Muslim Australians are very diverse – despite popular stereotypes – in their

background, attitudes and aspirations. This diverse character of the young Muslim Australians

today, not only in terms of the school of thought and intensity of religious identification, but

also ethnic and national origin, educational and occupational background, family history,

social class and personal aspiration, indicates that there is no one ‘Muslim’ identity or youth

culture.

The strongest finding from our research is that the great majority of young Muslim

Australians feels good about living in Australia and sees a positive future as Australians in

Australia. Even youth who are recent arrivals from refugee backgrounds hold high and

hopeful aspirations, viewing Australia as a land of opportunity in education and economic

advancement.

Young Muslim Australian respondents felt a strong sense of belonging to the Australian

nation and a strong sense of Australian national identity. At the same time they had a strong

Muslim identity. No young Muslim Australians are solely defined or confined by their

religious affiliations; neither, though, can they be understood without comprehending the

ways in which religion, culture and immigration experiences frame their world‐views.

The values of young Muslim Australians consulted reflect what might be regarded as positive

ideals. The highest values held were honesty, practice of religion, responsibility, tolerance and

respect for others, politeness and neatness, patience and hard work.

Discrimination was experienced by young Muslim Australians within the school setting and by

Muslim youth of all ages in public areas such as streets, shopping centres and similar places:

two‐thirds of young people surveyed reported experiencing discrimination within the public

sphere on one or more occasions.

The research literature, the survey, the interviews and the focus groups all point to the long‐

term debilitating effects of what many in Muslim communities see as Islamophobia. For many

communities, the religious negativity they experience is intensified by, and at the same time

seen as an integral part of, the racism and discrimination towards Muslim Australians that

they perceive as being communicated in the broader society through sections of the

Australian media.


For many young Muslim Australians there is a constant tension between their desire for

positive self‐image and the sustained and generally negative image of Muslims conveyed in

elements of the mass media. Dissonance often exists between Muslim communal affirmation

of national and Muslim identity, and a perception of a wider societal denigration of that

identity in the non‐Muslim cultural milieu.

Despite this, young Muslim Australians usually desire to be seen as part of the Australian

polity, while also holding to a self‐affirming ethno‐moral religious code.

Young Muslim Australians draw on their families and friends for ideas, their religious advisors

for moral guidance, and their wider Muslim community and beyond for role models.

Young Muslim Australians are not isolated from mainstream Australian society nor do they

live ‘parallel’ lives. Most of the young Muslim Australian respondents had a mixture of

Muslim and non‐Muslim friends and they belonged to a range of Muslim and non‐Muslim

organizations. Approximately 80% of respondents reported having both Muslim and non‐

Muslim friends and being comfortable in ‘mixed’ society.

However, the social interaction of young Muslim Australians with non‐Muslim young people

can be affected by the venues where everyday social interaction often takes place in

Australia – most try to avoid venues where alcohol is served, such as bars, pubs, bistros and

taverns. Social networks with non‐Muslim friends formed during school age often break

down when these youth reach the age when alcohol is a central feature of socialising outside

and inside the home.

In the survey conducted in Sydney when young Muslim Australians were asked ‘What people

inspire you?’ the former Canterbury Bulldogs Rugby League player, Hazem El Masri,

a Muslim, was named by one in two respondents. Anthony Mundine, the Aboriginal Muslim

world champion boxer, was the next most popular response to this question, followed by

‘other Muslim celebrities’.

Overwhelmingly young Muslim Australians are youth of the digital age, with extensive use of

the Internet and widespread posting to their own Facebook pages. Their friendship groups

are very important to them, and in the main these groups are based in extended family and

community interactions, channeled by school, youth organizations and mosques.

Programs and projects for young Muslim Australians

While a number of examples of successful pilot programs and projects designed to engage

young Muslims can be identified in Australia (and overseas) they are usually not sustained

over time. Longer‐term funding (3 to 5 years) is needed to consolidate the benefits and build

on the trust established in the first years.


There are many fertile areas for new program and project initiatives to engage young Muslim

Australians: sport, youth culture (hip hop, dance) and the arts are areas of great potential

that have been identified in this research project. More programs and projects specifically

designed for young Australian women should also be developed.

Programs designed exclusively for young Muslim Australians were regarded as providing

limited opportunities for networking, making friends and developing potential. Many

community workers spoke of working with young Muslim Australians in an integrated way,

and of being resentful of programs that only funded ‘Muslims’ to the exclusion of others. This

was regarded as potentially stigmatising Muslim communities. They preferred models that

created partnerships and collaborations between Muslims and others.

Muslim specific programs still have a place and may work well if offered by mentors or by

Muslim community organizations. A repeated concern voiced by stakeholders in all three

fieldwork regions was that services and funding programs should be inclusive of Muslim

community members – and especially young Muslim Australians – from the outset.

Stakeholders in all three fieldwork regions mentioned the necessity for services and

interventions that encourage ‘whole of family’ approaches. Programs and projects targeting

young people and that consults with and/or involves parents in some way build parental

trust, which is critical for their success. This in turn opens spaces for young Muslim

Australians to participate in activities that they may not normally engage in.

Culturally appropriate services for refugee and other disadvantaged families were seen as

integral to helping young Muslim Australians, whether dealing with domestic violence, family

breakdown, legal issues or cultural issues, and for day‐to‐day support. Working with a

‘strengths‐based approach’, for services dealing with refugee and disadvantaged families and

young Muslim Australians, would assist in developing personal abilities and skills in their

clients, utilising personal motivation.

Additionally mosques, community centres, and web‐based media spaces were mentioned as

important sites for the development of new Muslim youth projects.


Recommendations

Social ecology models aim at implementing ‘culturally acceptable’, ‘culturally compelling’ and

‘effective’ interventions (Panter‐Brick et al 2006) for sustainable and positive change. In this

report we outline a number of recommendations that utilise the principles and strategies based

on this social ecology model. The recommendations deal with ten areas identified as important

from the research conducted. We also provide an indication of the various domains of social

interaction of young Australian Muslims’ lives that these recommendations relate to (from the

individual to the interpersonal; the community, national and global), as well as providing the

evidence base for each. The ten program areas covered are:

1. Personal development

2. Family relationships

3. Leadership development

4. Community development

5. Sport and recreation

6. Arts and culture

7. Racism, prejudice and discrimination

8. Media and representation

9. Cyber media

10. Funding models


1. Introduction

This is the final report on the research project the ‘Voices Shaping the Perspectives of Young

Muslim Australians Today’. This research was funded through the National Action Plan of the

Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC). The research was conducted by a

multidisciplinary team, comprised of academics from the UTS faculties of Business

(Professor Collins), Arts and Social Sciences (Professor Jakubowicz, Ms Chafic, Drs Al‐momani and

Cole, and Professors Pennycook and Ghosh) and Law (Ms Hussain) and led by the Cosmopolitan

Civil Societies Research Centre (hereafter CCS).

DIAC required the UTS ‘Voices team’ to provide a detailed empirical study and analysis of the

social ecology of voices and voices of influence (including charismatic figures, heroes, opinion‐

makers, interpretative communities, governments etc) informing and shaping the political and

theological perspectives of young Muslim Australians, and their experiences, attitudes, beliefs

and opinions. The research set out to identify the plurality of voices of influence and the various

ways in which young Muslim Australians mobilize religious and political symbols, and language

around cultural, social and political issues. In this report we take social ecology to be the study of

the relationship between individuals, groups and their social, cultural, political, theological and

ideological environments. In social ecology these relationships are understood as multi‐

directional and constantly evolving. In addition DIAC required a review of the relevant literature

in Australia and in comparable Western nations, and an assessment of current practical

measures, which support and facilitate voices and to identify consistent gaps in government,

non‐government and individual approaches in this regard.

In order to meet these research aims we have reviewed the relevant national and international

literature and reviewed efforts to introduce programs and projects designed to respond to the

needs of Muslim youth, and have provided recommendations for such. We also conducted

quantitative and qualitative research in Sydney, Melbourne and Darwin with young Muslim

Australians and key stakeholders from Australia’s Muslim communities and other relevant

institutions and organizations.


The structure of this report is as follows. Section 2 provides a literature review of the relevant

national and international academic literature and research on Muslim youth that has shaped the

fieldwork conducted for this research project. Section 3 outlines the methodological approach

and the quantitative and qualitative research instruments employed in this research project, and

provides a more detailed analysis of social ecology. Section 4 provides an analysis of the

quantitative data from the survey of young Muslim men and women conducted for this research

project. Section 5 provides an analysis and discussion of the qualitative research, from the focus

groups, one‐to‐one in depth interviews and case studies of key informants and of Muslim youth.

Section 6 brings together the findings and draws conclusions from the research project. Section 7

provides a series of recommendations utilising a social ecology approach. A review of a range of

successful programs and projects designed to promote positive voices for Muslim youth in

Australia, the UK, US, France, and Canada is presented in Appendix A. Appendix B lists the

questions included in the survey.


2. Literature Review

There is a vast body of literature about youth, ethnic diversity and youth, and Muslim youth for

Australia and other countries. This literature spans the disciplines of sociology, politics,

anthropology, religious studies, cultural studies, gender studies, media studies, criminology,

human and social geography and economics. The Department of Immigration and Citizenship

(DIAC) has commissioned a number of research projects on Australia’s Muslim communities under

the National Action Plan. Reports on the results of this research have recently been published by

DIAC on‐line (http://www.immi.gov.au/living‐in‐australia/a‐diverse‐australia/national‐action‐

plan/). Included in these publications is a review of the literature on, and outcomes of new

research into, the hopes and aspirations of Muslim Australians (Akbarzadeh 2010a), and their

employment and education outcomes and experiences (Akbarzadeh 2010b). Other reports look at

issues of Muslim identities and perceptions of inclusion and exclusion (Yasmeen 2010), and the

civil and social participation of Muslim women in Australian community life (McCue 2010). Finally,

Wise and Ali (2010) review the range of local government strategies to build bridges between

Muslim and non‐Muslim Australians.

We do not intend to restate this literature in the report. Rather we provide a brief survey of the

most salient contributions of this recent literature to indicate the inter‐disciplinary vision that has

guided the research project.

Muslim Australian communities are very diverse in terms of birthplace, ethnicity and time of

arrival in Australia. The history of Muslims in Australia is a long one, pre‐dating white settlement,

going back to at least 1650 with the Macassan fishermen visiting the northern coast of Australia

(Isaacs 1981). However, most Muslims in Australia today are recent first or second generation

immigrants, though, a significant minority is converts. Many have arrived under the humanitarian

component of the permanent immigration intake as refugees, while others have arrived as

permanent immigrants under the skilled and family reunion programs (Collins 1991; Jupp 2002;

Jupp and Nieuwenhuysen, eds 2007; Burnley 2001). Australia’s Muslim communities include

immigrants and their Australian‐born families from the Middle East – including Lebanon –

Indonesia, Turkey, Malaysia, the Indian sub‐continent and Africa. A growing number of Indigenous

Australians are converting to the Muslim faith, as are Australians of Anglo‐Celtic background.

http://www.immi.gov.au/living


The international and national literature on Muslim youth in Australia is, however, relatively

limited. Butcher and Thomas (2006, p.53‐71) acknowledge that many young people in western

Sydney are Muslim, but frame the terms of their discussion along lines of ethnic rather than

religious difference. They base much of their discussion on extracts from interviews with young

people. They conclude that youth in western Sydney forge hybrid identities that incorporate their

migrant background with elements of ‘being Australian’. This finding is consistent with the

literature on minority immigrant youth in western societies (Nilan and Feixa 2006; Nilan,

Jilian et al 2007) and is not specific to Muslim youth.

Another important theme in the Australian and international literature relates to how racism and

discrimination shape the lives of immigrant minority youth in western societies (Nayak 2003;

Spencer 2006). In Australia, Dunn and his colleagues have conducted a series of research projects

that have explored dimensions of racism in Australia, including attitudes to Muslim Australians.

Based on extensive telephone polling of Australian attitudes to immigrant minorities, they find

that 44 % of Australians agree that there are ethnic or cultural groups who don’t fit in to

Australian society while 85% think that there is racial prejudice in Australia. On the other hand,

they conclude that 87% of Australians think that diversity is a good thing (Dunn and Forrest 2008;

Forrest and Dunn 2006). Muslim Australians are particular targets of racist attitudes

(Dunn, Klocker, et al. 2007) and racist actions in Australia (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity

Commission 1991; 2004).

This is not surprising given the negative stereotyping of Muslims that persists in many aspects of

the Australian print and electronic media (Manning 2004; 2006), particularly in discourses about

Middle Eastern crime and Muslim terrorists (Poynting, Noble, Tabar, & Collins 2004). For example

Dunn, Klocker, et al. (2007) argue that contemporary anti‐Muslim sentiment in Australia is

reproduced through well rehearsed stereotypes of Islam and perceptions of threat and inferiority,

as well as fantasies about the Other (in this case Muslim Australians). In Australia this theme has

re‐emerged in the wake of the so called ‘Middle Eastern’ gang rapes in Sydney at the beginning of

this century, which resulted in the conviction of Bilal Scaf, his brother and his cohorts

(Poynting et al. 2004, p.17‐22; Yusuf 2005; Sheehan 2006). The result of these media discourses is

that, according to journalist Peter Manning (2006, p.266), “we are in grave danger of seeing all

Arabic and Muslim Australians as ‘the enemy’.” Media discourses have often pictured Muslim

Australians in general, and Muslim youth in particular, as alien, criminal, violent and a threat to

society (Poynting et al. 2004; Dunn 2005).


Jakubowicz et al (1994) analyse the misrepresentation of different cultures by the media. They

argue that sections of the media often present a distorted, and at times racist, image of Australian

society and how Australians see themselves and others. Abood (2005:3) looks at the role of the

media in our lives and claims that “to qualify as Australian the ‘other/foreigner’ therefore must

become less foreign; that is, lose the language, get rid of the accent, turf the cultural and

assimilate into the white status quo”. In 2004 Manning conducted a survey of two newspapers,

The Sydney Morning Herald and the Daily Telegraph, in relation to anti‐Arab and anti‐Muslim

prejudice before and after September 11. He found that many items in these newspapers that

dealt with ‘Arabs’, ‘Muslims’, ‘refugees’ and ‘asylum seekers’ also mention the words ‘violent’,

‘death’, ‘terror’, and ‘bomb’ (Manning 2006:13).

Digital media plays an increasingly important role in the lives of contemporary youth, including

Muslim youth. The relationship between race, ethnicity, youth and digital media, post 9/11

politics, online hate‐speech practices, and digital youth and media cultures is critical to an

understanding of Muslim youth in western societies today.

Another major theme in the Australian and international literature relates to national identity of

immigrant minority youth in general, and Muslim youth in particular (see Turner 2003;

Kerbaj 2006; Khan 2006; Kabir 2008a). Kabir (2008) studied fourteen Muslim youths from one

state school in Melbourne – six males and eight females aged between fifteen and eighteen years

– in 2007. Seven were Australian born of Turkish, Iranian, and Lebanese descent and seven were

born in Iraq, Somalia, and Turkey. This study found that the overseas born still identified

principally with their country of origin but were conscious of developing a dual national identity.

The conclusion was that the overseas born were slowly integrating into the wider community but

that this process would slow down if they faced resistance from the wider community for their

visibility. Factors such as language difficulties, parental control and gender roles (in restricting

girls’ activities) were identified as barriers to acculturation for Muslim youth. For those Muslim

youth who arrived as refugees, the traumatic experience of their flight to Australia impacted on

the adaptation to Australian life.


Another important theme in the international literature relates to the role and importance of

religion in the lives of minority immigrant youth in western societies. For example, Eid (2007)

explores the experiences and views of second generation Arab youth in Canada in detail.

Eid argues that while they generally feel accepted by mainstream society, they also downplay

difference and their Arab background to avoid the prejudice that they anticipate will come as a

result. Eid finds that religiosity is “in general less salient” (p.103) than ethnicity in their identities

and that religion “plays a relatively marginal role in the sociocultural practices” (p.109) of

Arab Canadian youth when compared to ethnicity. Further, he finds that their religiosity is

constructed mostly outside of formal, institutionalized rituals and is thus individually imagined.

Education plays a critical role in young people’s lives, their hopes and aspirations, social

relationships, sense of belonging and working life chances. This is as true for Muslim and ethnic

minority youth as it is for all other youth in western societies today. Education sites are thus

important for understanding young Muslim Australians and for policy initiatives designed to

increase equal opportunity for all, and to foster social cohesion. A key issue here is whether

Islamic schools, of which there are many in Australia, particularly in Sydney, are ghettoes

fostering isolated attitudes and practices or whether they are an essential part of the process of

weaving a cohesive, multicultural society. Haddad, Senzai et al. (2009), who explored issues

related to educating American Muslims, argued that Muslims made it clear that they wanted their

children to have the best education possible at the same time that they are learning the essentials

of their faith. Zine (2007) examines the narratives of stakeholders in Islamic schools in Canada, in

an exploration of conflicting claims about the ‘ghettoizing’ versus the ‘protective’ influences of

Islamic schools. Students in public schools can and do suffer from religious and racial

discrimination, while Islamic schools offer a safe “culturally congruent space and a more seamless

transition between the values, beliefs, and practices of the home and school environment” (p.71).

Muslim parents who themselves have suffered the trauma of immigration may seek spaces that

not only protect their children but also their culture and religion in Islamic schools. Stakeholders,

including students, parents, and teachers from Islamic schools in the Greater Toronto area in

Canada rejected the idea that such institutions had a ‘ghettoizing’ influence. Rather, they argue

that they offered protection from negative outside influences such as drugs, gangs, violence and

sexual harassment. However, some teachers did acknowledge that this ‘safe’ space might mean

that students were not as well integrated into wider society after they left school.


Another theme in the international and Australian literature is the role of minority immigrant

youth in social conflicts (e.g. riots). Inter‐ethnic conflict in western societies has appeared

regularly on our television screens in the past few decades. In most European and North American

countries with varying histories of international migration (Castles and Miller 2009), social conflict

involving immigrant minorities has occurred. Britain experienced “race riots” in the Brixton of the

early 1980s (Solomos 1989) with Afro Caribbean immigrants at the centre of the conflict. Decades

later, ethnic conflict ignited in Burnley, in Lancashire and Oldham in Greater Manchester in 2001

(Ascherson 2002) with Asian immigrants at the centre of the conflicts. In November 2005 riots

involving Muslim youth who lived in the public housing estates in the North‐western suburbs of

Paris spread to many other Paris suburbs, with thousands of cars burnt and confrontation with

police and authorities a nightly occurrence for nearly a month. While the causes of these conflicts

are complex, the Stephen Lawrence affair in the UK identified racist policing as one key underlying

element. The 1999 Macpherson report into the death of Stephen Lawrence exposed the extent of

police racism in Britain and proposed a series of police reforms (Collins 2003). In 2002 young black

men were five times more likely to be stopped by police than white people (Ahmed and Hinsliff

2002). These instances of ethnic or racial conflict had a number of things in common. The young

male immigrant minorities at the centre of the conflict generally came from socially

disadvantaged families and neighborhoods. For these, and other reasons related to the different

dynamics of the racialisation of immigrant minorities in each country, they all had problems

identifying themselves with their new society. In each case, relations between immigrant

minorities and police before and during the events of ethnic conflict were a catalyst to that

conflict, with subsequent inquiries in many cases recommending substantial changes to methods

of policing, and attitudes and practices of police.

In Australia the riots on Sunday 11th December, 2005, at Sydney’s Cronulla Beach sent a tremor

through Australian community relations. Images of thousands of mainly drunk white males

chasing and bashing isolated men and women of “Middle Eastern appearance” were compelling

viewing for media audiences in Sydney, the rest of Australia, and internationally (Poynting 2006).

Days later a retaliatory car‐gang of males of “Middle Eastern appearance” sought revenge in a

smash, bash and flee raid on the suburbs surrounding Cronulla. For months following this, an

unprecedented large police presence dominated Sydney’s famous beaches, preventing further

reverberations and escalation of racial conflict (Collins 2007; Collins and Reid 2009).


While the predominant media discourse in Australia has been that of Muslims (often Muslim

youth) being the perpetrators of violence and criminal acts, there has been some research into

Muslims as victims of crime and violence. Following the first Gulf war, Australians of a Muslim

and/or Arab background were subject to extensive racial vilification, abuse and physical attacks

(HREOC 1991). A report by the Committee on Discrimination Against Arab Australians (1992)

documented racist incidents against Arabs and Muslims for the period November 1990 to

July 1991. Some families reported experiencing harassment at their homes and in the streets,

shopping centres, schools and communities. Also documented are some incidents of women

wearing the hijab, who were subjected to harassment from passing cars and in parking lots.

Physical violence was also widespread, with reports of Arabs being spat at or incurring physical

injury, including women who had their hijab pulled or torn. In one incident, a car was deliberately

run into and damaged, while in another an Arab man died of a heart attack after being racially

harassed by a group of teenagers. Widespread property damage was also reported. A Muslim

school and restaurant in Perth, Western Australia were subject to arson attacks after threatening

phone calls and in other homes and restaurants broken windows and graffiti were reported.

Mosques and offices of some Arab and Muslim organizations were attacked repeatedly while staff

received threatening phone calls and mail threats. One Islamic centre in an outer Sydney suburb

was fire‐bombed in January 1991.

A hotline established by the Community Relations Commission for a Multicultural NSW from

September to November 2001 provides evidence that there were a significant number of

incidents of verbal abuse and physical attacks on members of the Sydney cosmopolitan

community. While this was mostly directed at Australians appearing to be of a Muslim or Arab

background, it was not confined to these groups, with Australians of the Sikh religion also

reporting abuse and violence. Three in ten victims were youth, while two in three were Muslims,

the majority were from an Arabic background, while half of all incidents occurred in a public

space, including in or near shops and shopping centres and on the road or while driving.

Another insight into the impact post 9/11 on Arab and Muslim Australians and the extent to

which many were victims of racial violence and abuse comes from the Human Rights and Equal

Opportunities Commission (HREOC) now known as the Australian Human Rights Commission

(AHCR). HREOC undertook a large national consultation on the impact on Muslim Australians

arising out of the events of September 11 and the bombing in Bali in October 2002. The

consultations included group discussions with 1423 Arab and Muslim Australians and an audit of

100 local and state government groups and community organizations was also conducted. The

report of the consultations, Isma‐Listen (HREOC 2004) documents that the majority of Muslims


consulted had experienced escalating prejudice because of their race or religion as a result of the

events in New York and Bali. They report experiences that ranged from “offensive remarks about

race or religion to physical violence” (HREOC 2004, p.2). The Isma‐Listen report summarises some

dimensions of the extent of discrimination, vilification and prejudice in the aftermath of

September 11:

The Australian Arabic Council recorded a twenty‐fold rise in reports of discrimination and

vilification of Arab Australians in the month after 11 September 2001. The

Muslim Women’s Association of South Australia recorded a “significant number of reported

incidents, specifically of discrimination and harassment against Muslims”, most involving

offensive verbal abuse of women. The Al Zahra Muslim Women’s Association in Sydney also

reported a “phenomenal” increase in both discrimination and vilification reports

(HREOC 2004, p.43).

The report notes that “people readily identifiable as Muslim because of their dress or appearance

were particular targets of racist violence and abuse” and that “Muslim women who wear the

hijab, niqab or chador have been especially at risk” (HREOC 2004, p.45). Physical attacks, threats

of violence and attempted assaults were widely reported to the Human Rights and

Equal Opportunity Commission. In addition, there were a number of incidents of vandalism on

what was identifiably the property of Muslim organizations or individuals, with one mosque in

Queensland fire bombed and burnt to the ground (HREOC 2004, p.49). These incidents were

reported as having occurred on the street, at home, in private and public transport, in shops and

shopping malls, at school, college and university and at work, similar in pattern to those described

in the above mentioned reports.

According to a United Nations Special Report (Diène 2003, p. 2, 4), hostility against Arabs and

Muslims post 9/11 took different forms in different countries. It took the form of attacks against

individuals in the UK and Germany, particularly against women wearing the hijab. In Denmark,

there was an escalation of conflicts on various issues between ‘Muslims’ and the rest of the

population, and there were attacks against places of worship in the Netherlands and in Australia,

acts of malice in France, and verbal harassment and physical attacks against Muslim individuals in

the United States.


In seeking influences on Muslim youth there is a potential danger of overlooking the flows of

popular culture – television, music, film, and a range of online media, from Facebook to YouTube

– as with any other youth of a similar age, and that popular culture may also come with an Islamic

orientation. In many ways Muslim youth are attentive to the same flows of popular culture as

their non‐Muslim counterparts. It would be a serious mistake to assume that the central

influences on young Muslims should only be sought in the mosque, school, community or peer

groups. Muslim youth tune in to global flows of popular culture in ways similar to any other young

people, though they also have forms of popular culture available with specific Islamic

orientations. Looking at rap and hip hop by British and French musicians of Islamic background,

for example, Swedenburg (2001) argues for “the importance of paying close attention to popular

cultural manifestations of ‘Islam’ in Europe” (p.76). British band Fun‐Da‐Mental’s engagement

with Islam is “central to its multipronged intervention: Islam instils religioethnic pride among

Asian youth, serves as an image of antiracist mobilization, creates links between Asians and Afro‐

Caribbeans, and shocks and educates white leftists and alternative youth”

(Swedenburg 2001, p.62). Similarly, Swedenburg argues that French group IAM’s Islamic

engagement is part of their “effort to widen the space of tolerance for Arabo‐Islamic culture in

France, through its lyrical subject matter, its deployment of Arabic words and expressions, and its

musical mixes, splattered with Middle Eastern rhythms and samples of Arabic songs” (p.71).

In a very different context, Malaysian rappers Too Phat saw both a spiritual and commercial

opportunity in developing rap with lyrics from the Koran in Arabic. “Alhamdulillah” (360°),

as Pietro Felix from their record label explains, was originally conceived as “an R and B ‘thankyou,

praise Allah’ kind of thing,” which they felt “sounded very Arabic, it sounded very Malay, more

prayer, religious kind of sound” (Interview, 12/12/03; see Pennycook 2007). In order to get the

right sound they collaborated with Yasin, an Arabic singer, to do the lyrics. The song is largely a

critique of materialist values with thanks to Allah for the gifts they have received – “I thank Allah

for blessing me to be creative/ So here’s a diss for me for bein’ unappreciative/ Wanted a perfect

life, yeah smile then die old/ Fame, money, women, phat cribos and white gold/” ‐ and a warning

for not saying “alhamdulillah.”. As Pietro Felix goes on, “suddenly we thought ‘this is great

marketing’. A lot of Malay kids will love this, plus we can check this out to… all the way East kind

of thing” (Interview 12/12/03).


Across the world, rap artists collaborate and draw on each others’ work, producing complex mixes

of contemporary and traditional cultures (Alim, Ibrahim and Pennycook 2009). Rappers of Turkish

background in Germany, such as Islamic Force (see Kaya 2001; 2002; 2003), for example, draw not

only on their own social and cultural context as disadvantaged working class youth in Berlin, but

also look to “their homeland, religion and ethnicity” as “their main cultural sources” (Kaya 2001,

p.155). Kaya goes on to draw a direct link between the medieval Turkish minstrels (halk ozani)

who “enlightened the masses with their lyrics” and who later “used to write and sing poems

against the supremacy of the Ottoman rule over the peasantry” (p.181). Thus “using the

traditional Turkish musical genre as the source of their samples and having been guided by the

traditional Turkish minstrels in terms of lyrical structure, these contemporary minstrels, or

storytellers, tend to be the spokespersons of the Turkish Diaspora” (Kaya 2001, p.203). Here,

then, contemporary rap invokes cultural and religious traditions not only by sampling and

reference to musical styles but by taking up particular social and political functions as storytellers

and critics of the current regime. Muslim youth in Australia are equally influenced by such

movements (Alim, Ibrahim and Pennycook 2009).

Gender is critical to an understanding of young Muslim Australians (ABC 2005; McCue 2010).

Chafic (2008 & 2010) explores the experiences of younger and older Muslim men who are from

refugee and asylum seeking backgrounds living in Sydney, focusing on settlement and adaptation

in the light of the Howard Governments “values” and “citizenship” debates. Earlier work by Chafic

(1994) explored the family relationships, identity and aspirations of male and female high school

students living in south western Sydney, of Lebanese Muslim background. More recent work on

Muslim women reflects a key theme in this literature related to the hijab. Over the past five years,

the issue of the hijab in the Australian and international context has become controversial,

particularly after the hijab was banned in schools in France. Western critics see the hijab as a

manifestation of the repression of women, a rejection of Western values and authority, and a

purported security risk. There have been attempts to ban the hijab in state schools and other

public places, in Australian state parliaments (eg Rev Fred Nile, NSW parliament November 2002)

and federal parliaments (e.g. Bronwyn Bishop and Sophie Panopoulos, Federal parliament August

2005) including shopping centres (Retailers Association on January 2009) and sporting fields

(McCue 2010).

A number of important issues facing young Muslim women in Australia are explored by Jamal and

Chandab (2005). These include: conflicting ideas about dress, including wearing the hijab, cousin

marriage and family pressure to marry a cousin, preferably from the same area in Lebanon; the

unequal treatment of daughters and sons in a Lebanese family, with males allowed a lot of


latitude and females closely supervised and not allowed to go out, play sport or leave home

before marriage; sex, and the importance of females being virgins until marriage; patriarchy

extending to brothers monitoring sisters’ activities but also protecting them; dress rules for sport;

relations with the non‐Muslim community; pressure from school and work sometimes to change

an Arabic name to an anglicized one; and the difficulty of performing religious obligations,

especially prayer and the Ramadan fast, in the workplace.

In one important contribution to the understanding of female Muslim youth in Australia

McCue (2010) explores the civil and social participation of Muslim women in Australian

community life. The majority of her female Muslim youth informants reported overall they had

worthwhile experiences at school, though some had experienced racism and religious intolerance.

A number of barriers to participation of female Muslim youth in non‐Muslim schools were also

identified, including discrimination on the basis of dress, teacher prejudice, and prevailing non‐

Muslim youth culture. Other barriers included the attitudes of their parents, family commitments,

and for some, language difficulties. McCue (2010) also presents anecdotal evidence that anti‐hijab

discrimination is lessening as more girls take to wearing the hijab. Young women indicated that a

desire to express their religiosity and Muslim Australian identity was a reason for wearing the

hijab, and also that it acts as a barrier to the strong peer pressure in youth culture. The report

notes that prevailing Australian youth culture places strong peer pressure on young Muslim

Australians to participate in activities such as drinking alcohol, taking drugs and engaging in pre‐

marital sex, that are contrary to Islamic teachings. The report also identifies barriers that

constrained the participation of young Muslim women in sport, including dress, mixed sport

activities, public display during physical activity, religious observances, and lack of parental and

community encouragement.


Another key issue is Muslim youth identity. Yasmeen (2008) looked at Muslim identity in Australia

using the notion of multiple framing to understand how the identity of Muslims may be

represented in Australia. Yasmeen (2010, p.16‐17) surveyed 329 Australians (331 Muslim and

108 non‐Muslim) to explore issues about identities. Most of those surveyed were adults aged

over 25. The majority (84%) of respondents strongly believed they “can be a good Muslim and a

good Australian”. Most respondents believed that it was important to maintain an Australian

identity (with over 60% believing it to be very or extremely important) and most respondents

believed it was important to maintain an ethnic identity (with over 60% believing it to be very or

extremely important). No respondents believed it was not important to maintain a Muslim

identity (with over 85% believing it to be extremely important). There were no major differences

between Australian‐born Muslims and Muslim migrants on the question of maintaining identities,

though the issue of dual or hybrid identities was not investigated.

A number of policies, programs and projects with the potential to engage young Muslim

Australians, to identify with and be an active participant in, Australian society and Australian life

have been developed. Areas related to sport and to youth culture are promising sites for these

programs and projects to be further expanded. For example, Palmer (2009) explores the role of

soccer and the politics of identity for young Muslim refugee women in South Australia.

Palmer’s study examines the ways in which a group of young Muslim refugee women in Adelaide

draw upon their experiences of playing in a soccer team, as a way of establishing and embellishing

a particular cultural identity that both affirms and challenges many of the traditions of Islam.

Similarly Stephenson (2008) argues that a growing number of younger Muslims are seeking to

create spaces where young Muslim Australians can be heard. They are using strategies, which

work against the almost universally negative characterisation of Islam. They are using rap music

(the Brothahood), comedy (Nazeem Hussain and Aamer Rahman with ‘Fear of a Brown Planet’)

and a TV panel show (Salam Café) to dismantle stereotypes and encourage young Muslims to be

proud of their identity and religion. They are skilled in using the media for their own ends and are

skilled in using modern technology. Their productions are humorous, sometimes with self‐

deprecating humour, entertaining and at the same time, informative, although they do not set

out to lecture.


Wise and Ali (2010) reviewed local government initiatives to improve Muslim and non‐Muslim

social relations in Australia. They concluded that little was being done at the local level to build

bridges between Muslim and non‐Muslim Australians and suggested that there was great scope

for more participation by councils in this area. The best initiatives were those that provided

ongoing personal contact and informal interaction between Muslim and non‐Muslim women,

with few successful initiatives involving working class Muslim and non‐Muslim men identified.

Inter‐faith activities were most common, but these tended to involve males over 55 years of age.

They argue that activities in public spaces such as beaches parks, malls, town squares and

shopping centres are very important because they have the potential to capture the widest

audience. Moreover, programs that were based on reciprocity and hospitality ‐ and involved

volunteers from both sides ‐ were most likely to succeed. Sport and media were key areas that

held great potential for further program and project development. This study did not look

specifically at programs to build bridges between young Muslim Australians and non‐Muslim

youth in Australia.


3. Methodology

Social Ecology Framework

DIAC briefed the UTS Voices project to use a social ecology approach, in order to explore the

dynamic interaction between the experiences of young Muslim Australians, and the wider

society. The Department wished to understand the cultural landscape within which young

Muslims operated, and the factors, ideas, experiences and activities that influenced them. This

social ecology approach required the project to address a particular policy question: how to

weave young Muslim Australians into the fabric of Australian society in ways that are meaningful

for them, and are productive of social cohesion.

Social ecology offers a framework that can incorporate research, policy development, and

evaluation in relation to human services. By setting such a brief DIAC required an exposition and

analysis that looks at change. Rather than focusing on features and processes that constrain

participation by Muslim young people in social, cultural and economic life in Australia, social

ecology looks towards public policy interventions that can facilitate wider participation and more

effective integration.

Social ecology has played a major role in a range of recent public health initiatives from malaria

prevention in Africa to alcohol abuse issues among adolescents in the USA (see Panter‐Brick et al

2006). These well‐evaluated projects have generated a corpus of knowledge that helps define

likely trajectories of success (and failure) for public programs. If we view social integration

(high levels of inter‐group trust, acceptance of diversity, and diversity in friendship networks) as a

signal of the ‘social health’ of a society, then a simple model can be presented.

The framework does two things: it focuses analyses on the interaction between the levels, and

points to the need for strategies that attend to them. Moreover it points to the implications of

activities at different levels having counter‐active or productive effects on individuals.


Hierarchy of Relations in a Social Ecology Framework.

(Kok et al. 2008).

The report therefore addresses four related dimensions:

a) Analysis of the interactions for individuals and communities, to expose those that either

inhibit or facilitate social engagement;

b) Assessment of strategies that operate across levels, looking for those that are reinforcing,

and those that contain internal tensions and contradictions;

c) Identification of organizations and practices that already offer solutions for the barriers to

engagement that have been previously researched and reported to DIAC;

d) Examination of gaps in public programs that undermine current initiatives, or reinforce

barriers, with multi‐level proposals for interventions across government.

In their analysis of ‘successful interventions’ in public health, Panter‐Brick et. al. (2006) argue that

“in order to be culturally appropriate, culturally compelling, or effective with demonstrable

behaviour change…. , the design of ... interventions must nestle within the social and ecological

landscape of local communities” (p.2812). The authors’ foreground the relationship between

strategies and principles.


Their four principles are relevant to this study. Firstly, there needs to be an underpinning model

of behavioural change that is articulated, validated, tested, evaluated, and implemented. This

relates not only to Muslim youth, but also to community organizations, NGO agencies,

government departments, and government policy makers with which they are in contact. Policy

has to relate to culture – and generate affective ‘buy‐in’ from young people. It therefore has to

be based on respect for culture and the complexities of culturally diverse communities. Research

requires community involvement, which implies reciprocated respect between the community

and those doing the research and developing the policy. There also needs to be sustained

financial and political support for the ‘community‐owned’ goals, especially higher up the

hierarchy of power.

An Approach to Successful Intervention in Public Health

Principles

Underpinned by theoretical model of behaviour change

Culturally appropriate and affectively compelling

Community involvement

Financial and political support

Strategies

Increase beliefs in self‐efficacy

Increase skills of target audience

Address constraints on human agency

Reinforce change messages over time, using interpersonal and community support

Focus on positive outcome expectations, relevant to the target audience

Use simple messages, repeatedly and in many forums

Use appropriate channels for communication, such as entertainment, as a vehicle for education

Based on Panter‐Brick et al., 2006.


The following model identifies the primary ‘starting point’ for policy intervention and program

development as lying with whether the intervention proposed is ‘acceptable’ in cultural terms.

The acceptability of the intervention depends not only on the beliefs of the people concerned,

but also on their sense of their own efficacy, or capacity to effect change. This latter dimension

reflects in part their perception of and willingness to engage with what they see as barriers to

achieving their goals.

From: Panter‐Brick et al, 2006 p. 2813.

Compatible with a social ecology framework, we introduce here the development and application

of the concept of ‘cultural capital’. The concept of cultural capital, drawn from the work of social

philosopher Pierre Bourdieu, reflects the sense of ‘investment’ and the associated cultural

‘goods’ that enable social mobility and access to power within a society. Bourdieu refers to

cultural capital having three dimensions, namely the embodied state of long lasting dispositions

of the mind and the body, secondly the cultural objects that ‘objectify’ a society’s cultural value,

and thirdly an institutionalised context where society rewards some forms of cultural capital

while ignoring or de‐legitimating others (Bourdieu, 1986).


Also important is the concept of ‘social capital’ developed by Putnam (2002). Putnam uses the

degree of participation in voluntary associations, both formal and informal, as an index of the

strength of social capital in a society. Poor levels of social capital generate isolation, violence and

crime. Social capital can be both ‘bonding’ that is building networks of association among people

of like mind and background or ‘bridging’, supporting links between different communities.

Strong societies display both strong bonding capital and strong bridging capital, thus supporting

people in their intimate groups, and ensuring their confident participation in the wider society,

its responsibilities and its rewards.

Thus the cultural capital that is created, sustained and communicated through ethno‐religious

institutions will tend to contribute primarily to ‘bonding’ social capital, in a multicultural society

based on reciprocal relations of tolerance and respect, significant energy needs to be also

devoted to building bridging capital between communities. Bridging capital needs a multi‐

directional commitment from stakeholders in a variety of social locations, not simply the

‘minority’ or more marginalised sectors (though they too have responsibilities here). The social

ecology of Muslim communities, it is suggested ranges across a full spectrum from groups that

are fully integrated into wider sets of associations, through those that encourage interaction but

are more concerned with building internal community cohesion, to those that have less

interaction or engagement.

Quantitative Research

In line with a social ecology framework, this research project combines qualitative and

quantitative methodologies. The main quantitative research instrument is a survey of Muslim

youth attending the Sydney Eid festival in 2009, complemented with surveys of youth attending a

Sydney Muslim school. The UTS research team booked a stall at the Eid festival, an annual event

celebrating the end of the fasting month of Ramadan, and coordinated the activities of

22 specially trained volunteers, who were Muslim male and female students at UTS. The

volunteers and research team were easily identifiable in UTS T‐shirts, ready to administer the

survey and to answer questions about the project. This event proved very successful in attracting

a large number of responses from young Muslim Australian men and women. The survey

questions are listed in Appendix B. A total of 392 survey responses were collected from both

venues, with 332 responses from young Muslim Australians 15‐25years of age. We analyze the

findings of the young Muslim Australian responses in this report.


Qualitative Research

A number of qualitative research instruments were employed in this research project, with

fieldwork conducted in Sydney, Melbourne and Darwin. The qualitative research took the form of

focus groups of young Muslim Australians from a wide range of cultural and linguistic heritages;

focus groups with key stakeholders from Muslim communities and service providers who work

with Muslim communities; in‐depth interviews of Muslim Australians and key stakeholders; and

case studies where a few selected young Muslim Australians took part in repeat, in‐depth

interviews.

Sydney Consultations

Two types of group consultations were conducted in the Sydney region, these being sessions with

key stakeholders or service providers working with Australia’s Muslim communities, and secondly

with young Muslim Australians between the ages of 15 and 25 years.

UTS ‘Voices team’ organized a Community Consultation Forum in Campsie, held on the

26 November 2009, in conjunction with five other National Action Plan researcher teams,

concurrently working with Muslim Australian communities in Sydney. The consultation forum

attracted services providers, professionals and Muslim Australian community leaders working

with young Muslim Australians, with an additional interview conducted outside of this occasion.

Several consultations were conducted with Muslim Australian youth from different geographical

regions in Sydney. These included focus groups and one to one interviews with young people

from a variety of cultural and linguistic heritages, including African (Somali, Nigerian, Togo,

Ethiopia), Middle Eastern (Lebanese, Iraqi, Iranian, Turkish) and South Asian (Pakistani, Afghan

and Indian), as well as a small number of converts to Islam of Anglo‐Australian and other

backgrounds. The focus groups were held at a range of locations, including a mosque, a university,

and various community centres in Sydney’s Western suburbs. These consultations sought in depth

information on the voices that influence and inspire young Muslim Australians.


Melbourne Consultations

A number of consultations were held with service providers and key stakeholders, as well as

younger Muslim Australians who are actively working with other Muslim Australian young people.

The consultations included focus groups with:

Service providers working in mainstream and ethno‐specific organizations, Muslim Australian

community leaders and youth representatives, engaging with young Muslims,

Muslim Australian professionals who work in the arts, media or academia. Their views were

specifically sought on the ways in which young people receive information and what

information or voices inspire them, and

Muslim Australian men and women of various backgrounds, some of whom were young

people, who organize and provide opportunities for cultural, expressive arts and recreational

activities, as well as educational programs in the Melbourne area.

Darwin Consultations

A number of consultations were also held in Darwin. The Multicultural Council of Northern

Territory, and the Multicultural Youth of Northern Territory, as well as community volunteers

within the Somali community living in Darwin, facilitated these interviews and community forums.

Sessions included consultations with:

Service providers working in some way with Muslim Australian families and / or youth, e.g.

health workers, personnel from government agencies and non‐government organizations, as

well as participants from Australia’s Muslim communities,

Focus groups and one to one interviews of people directly engaging with Muslim Australian

youth. This group included youth workers, community arts workers, school counselors,

personnel in refugee services and Muslim Australian community elders of Somali background,

Muslim Australian young men from South Asian (representing more established communities)

and Somali background (representing newer emerging communities), and a group of young

Somali women,

One to one interview of a key stakeholder working with refugee populations.


4. Quantitative Analysis

This section presents the results of the survey of young Muslim Australians in Sydney, the

quantitative research instrument employed in this project. An extensive questionnaire was

posted online and promoted widely with a series of postcards distributed through Muslim

community networks in NSW, and Victoria. The items in this questionnaire were reviewed and

approved by DIAC. Very few responded to this online survey. Hence a shorter version of the

questionnaire (Appendix B), a subset of the longer one was developed to survey Muslim youth

attending the Sydney Eid Festival and Fair in 2009 as detailed above. This approach proved very

successful at attracting responses from young Muslim men and women. Complementing these

were additional surveys of youth attending one of Sydney’s Muslim schools. The response rate of

these was considered acceptable.

Characteristics of the sample

Overall 392 responses to this survey were received, though only 332 were from youth aged

15‐25 years. Of these 332 youth respondents, 165 were aged under 18 and 167 aged between

18 and 25 (see Graph 1). Of those aged under 18, 113 were young women and 51 young men,

with one person not responding to the gender question. Of those aged 18‐25, 102 were young

women and 65 young men (see Graph 2). Overall, female respondents outnumbered male

informants by approxiately two to one, with 65% of repondents who were female and 35% of

repondents who were male (see Graph 3). 85% of the 392 respondents are under age 25. The

research task was to record the voices of Muslim youth and the voices that influenced them.

However 57 Muslim repondents aged over 25, also answered the survey. Analysis of the survey

results reported in this section are limited to the responses of those aged 15‐25 years.


Graph 1. Age Distribution of Survey Respondents

Graph 2. Respondent Age Groups of Under‐18 and Between 18 and 25

NB One respondent under 18 did not respond to this gender question.


Graph 3. Gender of Respondents

Frequency

Percent

Valid N/A

Male

Female

Total

1

116

215

332

0.3%

34.9%

64.8%

100.0

Note: The results above are reported to one decimal place otherwise the bar chart wouldn’t show N/A category properly. Of course the small sample size does not otherwise make such fine distinctions valid.

One of the key points for this research project is that there is great diversity within Australia’s

young Muslims. This diversity relates to ethnicity, birthplace, language and culture. Hence central

to the research methodology was the need to draw on respondents who reflected this diversity.

The survey centred on Muslim youth living in Sydney. Most of Sydney’s Muslim communities live

in the western and south‐western suburbs. As Graph 4 shows, respondents lived across this

region, in a geographical area stretching from Randwick, Malabar and Sutherland in the east,

across to Campbelltown in the south, and Penrith in the west, and Riverstone in the north.

,,

Graph 4.Place of Residence of Respondents

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Vineyard

Rivei'Sione

Gatstoo

Ku-nng-gai Chase

National f:!.ark

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Camden

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South Maianbar

Vokes Shaping the Perspectives of Vouog Muslim Australians

- -


The majority (three in four or 73% of the respondents aged 15‐25 years) were born in Australia,

as Graph 5 shows. The next highest birthplaces of respondents were Iraq (27 respondents),

Pakistan (22 respondents) and Lebanon (20 respondents) with respondents also drawn from

another 26 birthplaces. Moreover, the overwhelming majority (94%) of respondents were

Australian citizens (see Graph 6).

Graph 5. Country of Birth of Respondents

Number of respondents


Graph 6. Australia Citizenship of Survey Respondents by Gender

Another way to represent the diversity of the Muslim youth surveyed is to group them into

regional areas. Graph 7 shows that most of the one third of non‐Australian‐born respondents

were born in the Middle East and Northern Africa (17%) or in Asia (15%). Please note that

respondents born in the Sub‐Saharan Africa, East Europe, North America, Oceania, South

America etc, together add up to 4%. ass the ‘less than 1%’ together add up to 2%.


Graph 7. Region of Birth of Respondents

Another dimension of the diversity of the young Muslim respondents relates to linguistic

diversity. Because the survey took place in Sydney, the settlement destination of most of

Australia’s Lebanese and other Middle Eastern immigrants, it is over‐represented with Arabic

speakers. Graph 8 shows the main languages that respondents spoke at home (multiple answers

were accepted). Just over half (53%) spoke English at home and nearly (45%) spoke Arabic at

home. Other languages spoken at home by respondents include Bengali, Indonesian, Malaysian,

Thai, Lao, Burmese, Pashto, Turkish, Kurdish, Punjabi, Khmer, Persian, Dari, and Farsi. And as

Graph 9 shows, nearly half only speak a language other than English at home. The remainder is

split equally between those that only speak English at home (26%) and those who speak more

than one language at home (26%). Please note that the figures of 1% for Sub‐Saharan Africa, East

Europe, North America, Oceania, South America and n/a, have been rounded up and jointly equal

4%.


Graph 8. Main Language Spoken at Home by Respondents

Graph 9. Language/s spoken at home to parents


Knowledge and fluency in English is a key factor influencing the lives of immigrants in English‐

speaking immigration nations like Australia. As Graph 10 shows, the majority of those surveyed

indicated that they can read, understand and speak English well. Of respondents in the age group

under 18, 56% reported that they can understand and speak English quite well, 32% can read

well, and 21% reported that they can write well. In the 18 and 25 years age group, 56% of

respondents indicated they understand and speak English quite well. Please note that some

respondents gave multiple answers.

Graph 10. Respondents’ Ability and Facility with English Language by Age Groups (%)

Can understand & speak quite well


Graph 11 depicts the current occupation of the young Muslim Australians surveyed. Three

quarters (75%) were attending high school. This is because one of our most effective sources of

recruiting respondents (in addition to the Sydney Eid Festival) was Muslim schools in Sydney. 16%

of respondents were attending college or university, about 15% were employed and

9% unemployed.

Graph 11. Current Occupation of Respondents.


Religious observance

Graph 12 shows that two in three (66%) of young male and female respondents identified as

Sunni and one in ten (11%) as Shi’a, with one in five (21%) identifying as Muslim per se without

specifying further.

Graph 12. Religious Affiliation of Respondents

Most of those surveyed indicated that they were religiously observant, for example praying

five times a day, attending a mosque, fasting during Ramadan, and/or wearing the hijab.

Graph 13 shows that most of the young Muslim men and women surveyed reported that they

prayed five times a day. This is perhaps consistent with a sample of young Muslim Australians

recruited among attendees to the Sydney Eid festival. This high result may also reflect a tendency

of encouraging the regular observance of prayer and other devotional practices during the month

of Ramadan.


Graph 13. Regularity of Respondent Praying by Gender (%)

It is also interesting to see this incidence of religious observance varies according to the age of

respondents, As Graph 14 shows, the incidence of praying five times a day is greater for the

18‐25 year old cohort than the 15‐18 cohort.

Graph 14. The incidence of praying by age of respondent (%)


In deed most of those surveyed (95%) attend a mosque, as Graph 15 shows. Again, this survey

would have picked up on the high numbers of young people attending the mosque in the

previous month, when it is common for individuals and families to attend the special

congregational ‘Tarawih’ evening prayers in Ramadan. Graphs 16 and 17 show the geographic

spread of the mosques attended by respondents. These are spread across western and

southwestern Sydney, once again an indication of the geographic breadth of survey respondents.

The results also revealed that the majority of young Muslim men and women (93%) observe the

Ramadan fast (Graph 18). Gender was not significant in this regard. The overwhelming majority

of young Muslim men and women also ate halal food (79%), with no significant difference with

age or gender (Graph 19).

Graph 15. Attendance at a Mosque


Graph 16. The Main Mosque/s and/or Prayer Room Usually Attended by Respondents (%)

Graph 17. Location of Mosques Attended by Respondents


Graph 18. Respondents Who Fast during Ramadan

Graph 19. Respondents Who Eat Halal Food


As Graph 20 shows, half (49%) of the young Muslim females surveyed reported that they wear

the hijab while one in eight (13%) do not. We also asked respondents if the scarf that Muslim

women wear creates a misunderstanding between Muslims and non‐Muslims. One in four (26%)

of those young women who wore the scarf responded in the affirmative, as did a similar number

(19%) of those young women who did not wear the scarf (Graph 21). On the other hand, the

majority of those young Muslim females surveyed (three out of every four) did not think that the

hijab creates a misunderstanding between Muslims and non‐Muslims. This could be interpreted

as a measure of Australian society’s (or at least in some parts of Sydney) acceptance of the hijab,

a measure of Muslim social inclusion. However, the fact that one in four of the young Muslim

females surveyed did think it caused problems suggests there is room for considerable

improvement in this regard.

Graph 20. Young Muslim Women who Wear the Hijab

Graph 21. Respondent Views on if the Hijab Creates Misunderstanding between Muslims and Non‐Muslims

Note: The remainder of responndents did not answer this question.


Being a Muslim young person not only meant having links to Muslim organizations for religious

observance, but also belonging to Muslim organizations for social purposes. Graph 22 shows that

a slight majority of young Muslim women surveyed (57%) belonged to a Muslim organisation, a

similar rate of membership to that of young Muslim men (60%). This cannot however, be

construed to support the argument that young Muslims are isolated from mainstream Australian

society. As Graph 23 shows, one in four young Muslim women (26%) and nearly one in two young

Muslim men (43%) belong to non‐Muslim organizations.

Graph 22. Belonging to Muslim Organizations by Respondent Gender


Graph 23. Belonging to Non‐Muslim Organizations by Respondent Gender


The kinds of activities that the youth who joined Muslim organizations engaged in were also

explored. Graph 24 shows that these range from university or school based societies to national

and locally based organizations. One percent (1%) was involved in web‐based groups and 6%

were involved in international societies. Young people identified socialising, understanding the

Muslim religion better and a sense of belonging as the best things they got out of this

involvement (Graph 25). Respondents indicated multiple answers.

Graph 24. Types of Muslim Organization/s Respondents Belong To/Participate In

Note: there are many respondents that put down more than one organisations in their answers and these organisations fall into different categories and the right wheel reflects this. ‘Support’ means getting support from others involved in organizations’ activities or offering support to others.


-49-

Graph 25. The Best Thing/s Respondents Associated with Belonging to These Muslim

Organizations

70%

60%

SO%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0%

61.%

2%


Life in Australia

The overwhelming majority of the young Muslim Australians surveyed (93%) reported they were

Australian citizens as we saw earlier (see Graph 6). There is no significant variation across age

cohorts or gender in this regard. This is an important finding, challenging the ‘us’ v ‘them’ media

discourses about Muslim youth. We also inquired if the young Muslim Australians felt good about

living in Australia. The answer was strongly in the affirmative with 82% of young Muslim women

and 78% of young Muslim men feeling very positive about Australian society and their place in it

(see Graph 26). This is a very strong finding of our research and emphasizes that most Muslim

youth view Australian society in a positive way. However this finding must be set against findings

in relation to experiences of racism reported later in this section.

Graph 26. Respondents Feeling Good Living in Australia by Gender


One area of controversy, relating to minority immigrant youth in Australia, centres on national

identity. The literature review stresses how many young immigrants of minority backgrounds in

Australia and other western countries adopt fluid or hybrid identities. One study of the identities

of immigrant youth in western and south western Sydney conducted in 2007 (Collins and Reid,

2009) found that only one third of the young first and second generation men and women

surveyed identified as ‘Australian’, despite the fact that two thirds were born in Australia. In this

survey it was found that young Muslim men and women were much more likely to identify their

national identity as Australian than in the above Collins and Reid study, which included some 23

birthplace or ethnic groups of immigrant youth. Graph 27 shows that 37% of Muslim youth

surveyed self‐identified as ‘Australian’ while a similar number (37%) gave their identity as

‘Australian Muslim’. Another one in five (19%) responded that they were of hybrid identity, a

combination of Australian with some other ethnicity or nationality. In other words, the vast

majority of Muslim youth (93%) surveyed used the identifier ‘Australian’ in part or whole of their

identity. Graph 28 shows that young Muslim women were more likely (76%) than young Muslim

men (31%) to identify as Australian per se and less likely to report a hybrid identity. Graph 29

shows that young Muslims aged 18 and over were twice as likely to identify solely as ‘Australian’

(49%) than those less than 18 years old (25%). On the other hand those less than 18 years old

(45%) were more likely to identify as ‘Australian Muslim’ than aged 18 years and over (28%).


Graph 27. National Identity Given by Respondents

Graph 28. National Identity Given by Respondents by Gender (%)


Graph 29. National Identity Given by Respondents by Age Group

The survey asked young Muslim respondents to list the political issues that were important to

them (multiple responses were recorded). As Graph 30 shows, health, education and human

rights were identified as the most important issues, with young Muslim women slightly more

likely than young Muslim men to list those issues. Other important issues were personal safety

(more important to young Muslim women) and Australia’s foreign policy in the Middle East

(more important to young Muslim men). Climate change, corruption and security and terrorism

were also issues that young Muslim Australians were concerned about. Moreover, as Graph 31

shows, the under 18 cohort surveyed was only slightly more likely to identify education, human

rights and health as critical issues that concerned them when compared to the over 18 year olds

surveyed, though these age differences do not appear to be significant.

Voices Shapingthe Perspectives of YoungMuslim Australians

·54 ·

Graph 30. The Most Important Political Issues Identified by Respondents by Gender(%}

Human rights

lndegenous people's situation

Australia foreign policy in the Middle

Eas t

Security terrorism

Education system

14%

12%

21%

2Z% - 27%

39%

35%

53%

56% 50%

Econom ic crisis

Health ·system

Persona I sa fety

"IS%

21%

24%

37%

61% 57%

Iii Femille

IIMale

Refugees and border pro tection

Climate change and environment

15% 14% 15%

30%

Cor,·uption in public life 19% 26%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80%


Graph 31. The Most Important Political Issues Identified by Respondents by Age

Social networks with non Muslim friends

One key issue related to Muslim youth is the extent to which they ‘buy into’ Australian society.

Following inter‐ethnic youth riots in the UK, where conflict between Muslim and non‐Muslim

white youth emerged, the concern was raised that minority immigrant youth in the UK lived

‘parallel lives’ to white youth (Cantel 2004). In other words the concern was that the lives of

Muslim and other minority youth in the UK were lived separate from that of most white youth. It

was therefore of interest to investigate the friendship networks of Muslim youth in Sydney.

Graph 32 shows that 16% of the youth surveyed had only Muslim friends, so that the vast

majority (80%) of respondents reported that they had non‐Muslim friends. Two in three (64%)

surveyed reported that most of their friends were Muslim, while 16% reported that some of their

friends were Muslim.


Graph 32. Extent of Muslim Friendship Networks Identified by Respondents

Graph 33 shows that Muslim youth aged under 18 were much more likely to report that all of

their friends are Muslim (22%) than Muslim youth aged over 18 (10%). Most of these youth are

still at school, with a number attending a Muslim school. Graph 34 shows that young Muslim men

were much more likely to report that most of their friends are Muslim (72%) than young Muslim

women (60%).


Graph 33. Muslim Friendship Networks Identified by Respondents by

Age (%)

Graph 34. Proportion of Muslim Friends Identified by Respondents by Gender (%)


Experience of discrimination

Discrimination is an issue of key concern to Australia’s Muslim communities’ post 9/11 as the

literature review outlined. We thus asked the Muslim youth surveyed about their experiences of

discrimination at school and in the public domain.

Graph 35 shows that just over one half of respondents (55%) had never experienced

discrimination at school, while 11% reported one incidence of discrimination. 30% reported that

they had experienced discrimination a few times and 4% reported that they had experienced

discrimination often. While two in three Muslim youth who attend Muslim schools had never

experienced discrimination at school, only one in two who attends non‐Muslim schools had

never experienced discrimination at school (Graph 36). As Graph 37 shows, experiences of

discrimination at school increased with the age of the respondent.

Graph 35. Frequency of Discrimination at School Reported by Respondents


Graph 36. Experience of Discrimination Reported by Respondents in Muslim and Non‐Muslim

Schools

Graph 37. Discrimination Reported by Respondents in School by Age Groups


Muslim youth experiences of discrimination in the public domain were also explored. As

Graph 38 shows only a minority of respondents (28%) reported that they had never experienced

discrimination in public. Most of those Muslim youth surveyed reported experiencing

discrimination once (19%) or a few times (45%). When the gender dimension is explored

(Graph 39), slightly more young Muslim women reported experiencing discrimination in public,

than young Muslim men, though gender differences do not appear to be significantly different in

this regards. Responses to women who wear the hijab, explored previously in this section, are a

key factor here.

Graph 38. Experiences of Discrimination in Public Reported by Respondents


Graph 39. Experiences of Discrimination in Public Reported by Respondents by Gender (%)

Cyber media

Of interest was the role of cyber media in the lives of Muslim youth in Sydney and the

frequency and specific usage that they made of web‐based media. Graph 40 shows that two

in three of the youth surveyed (66%) had their own blog or used MySpace, Facebook or

some other social networking site, while a similar number 64%, accessed MSN (live online

chat). Four in ten (43%) used the web to view videos on Youtube, Vimoe etc. Exploring this

usage further we found (Graph 41) that the major usage of Muslim youth was to

communicate with friends on Facebook, Bebo and similar networking sites (52%) or via e‐

mail or Skype (48%). The next most popular usages were watching videos on Youtube (42%)

and accessing information via Wikipedia, Google and similar sites. One in five used the web

for entertainment, leisure or sports. Only 11% used the web to access Islamic websites.


Graph 40. Websites Respondents Used (%)

Graph 41. Top Five Websites Used by Respondents in the Last Few Months, by Purpose

(%)


The Muslim youth respondents were also asked to list the top five purposes that they use the

Internet for. As Graph 42 shows, two in three (67%) responded that they used the Internet for

socialising while one in two (49%) used the web for leisure and entertainment. One in three

(37%) used the web for personal research. Only one in ten (11%) used the web for religious

information. 11% of responses related to news websites for current affairs around the world

(BBC, finance, and Iranian newswebsites), and the Australian ones (SMH, Daily Telegraph,

news.com.au etc) (See Graph 42).

18% of respondents rated “school/university website and tutoring websites” as one of the top

five websites they have used including UTS, University of Sydney, UWS, University of Newcastle

Australia (university websites) for study, webmail checking, and specific study websites (other

than Google, Wikipedia, and Ask.com) (See Graph 41). As for high schoolers they browsed to help

with assignments/homework/HSC preparation (See Graph 42).

Graph 42. Top Five Uses of the Internet (%)


The gender (Graph 43) and age (Graph 44) dimensions of Internet usage among Muslim youth

were investigated. The most noticeable gender differences in this regard were that young Muslim

women were more likely to use the web for socialising (72%) than young Muslim men (60%).

Young Muslim women were also more likely to use the web for homework and religious

information than young Muslim men were. The most noticeable age similarity in this regard were

that Muslim youth under 18 and between 18‐25 years, were more likely to use the web for all

purposes other than homework, religious information and news (see Graph 44).

Graph 43. Purpose of Respondent Internet Use by Gender (%)


Graph 44. Purpose of Respondent Internet Use by Age

Source of advice & people who impress

The research was designed to explore the voices that influence Muslim youth. In this section

sources that Muslim youth turn to for information and advice about personal problems

(Graph 45) and information about politics and world events (Graph 46) is explored. Muslim youth

were also asked to identify people who inspire them (Graph 47) and things that inspire them

(Graph 48). Graph 45 shows that two in three Muslim youth (67%) turn to friends for advice,

followed by family elders (60%) and other family (50%). Only 24% turned to a religious advisor in

these instances and 15% consulted websites or chatrooms.


-66

Graph 45. Respondent Sources of Information about Personal Problems

N/A Jiiiiiil 4%

Parents/Grandparents/Uncles/AL1 n ts 60%

Brothers/sisters/cousins 50%

Teacher/Counsellor 12%

Religious advisor 24%

In ternet website,forurn or chatrooms 15%

Austra lian C:abel TV 1 %

AM or FM radio 2%

Newspaper 2%

Communi ty elder 5%

Youth leader 7%

Friends 67%

Pree to air TV • 1%

Other 0%

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% SO% 60% 70% 80%


-67

Most young Muslim Australians receive their information about world events and politics from

Internet websites, forums and chat rooms (43%) and from older family members (39%).

Respondents also utilized print and electronic media, friends and religious advisors for

information (Graph 46).

Graph 46. Respondent Sources of Information about Politics and World Events

Parents/Grandparents/Uncles/Aunts

Brothers/sisters/cousins

Teacher/Counsellor

Religious advisor

Internet website, forum or chatrooms

Austra lian c:able TV

AM or FM radio

Newspaper

Community elder

Youth leader

liiiiiii 4%

4%

13%

17%

19%

19%

20%

24%

39% 43%

Friends

Free to air TV

Other

Satcellile TV

• 1%

22%

20% 20%

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45% 50%


When asked about the people who inspire them (Graph 47) family members and friends once

again gained top ranking (18%) followed by people with good or virtuous characters (14%).

12% mentioned a religious leader, while 8% named the Prophet Muhammad. Eight percent (8%)

also mentioned ‘politicians and celebrities’ (including Australian politicians such as the then

Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and former Prime Minister John Howard, and international politicians

such as US President Obama, as well as celebrities who are mostly heroic icons in history like

Martin Luther King, Gandhi, and contemporary famous people like Oprah Winfrey. A similar

number cited ‘professionals’ such as teachers, doctors, nurses, book authors, artists, athletes,

and managers at work.

Graph 47. People that Inspired Respondents (%)


‘Religious ideas’ ranked the highest response to the question “What things inspire you?”

As indicated earlier, this finding could be due to the fact that a large number of respondents

were recruited from among attendees to the Sydney Eid Festival just after the month of

Ramadan. This was followed by human rights, education and multiculturalism, though each

option had a relatively low level of response (see Graph 48).

Graph 48. Ideas that Inspired Respondents


When asked “What people inspire you?” (Graph 49) the former Canterbury Bulldogs Rugby

League player, Hazem El Masri, a Muslim, was named by one in two respondents. Anthony

Mundine, the Aboriginal Muslim world champion boxer, was the next most popular response to

this question (7%), followed by ‘other Muslim celebrities’ (6%).

Graph 49. People who Inspired Respondents (%)

The research project also inquired about the people who Muslim youth thought were creating

misunderstanding between Muslims and non‐Muslims (Graph 50). The most common answer

was ‘politicians’ (21%) followed by ‘some Muslim leaders and sheikhs’ (16%). The media in

general and some journalists and broadcasters were the next most popular responses to this

question, representing 19% of responses when combined. This reflects the on‐line media usage

of young Australians today who do not read the newspapers or listen to the radio stations and TV

stations of their parents generation. When asked about the issues that are creating

misunderstanding between Muslims and non‐Muslims (Graph 51) the three most popular

responses were 9/11 and terrorism (31%), issues related to the hijab and Muslim women (19%)

and media and the Internet (11%). About 5% of responses also mentioned Middle Eastern

conflict, religion, or discrimination and racism.


Graph 50. People Identified as Creating Misunderstanding between Muslims and Non‐Muslims

Graph 51. Issues Identified as Creating Misunderstandings between Muslims and Non‐Muslims


The question was asked, “thinking about community leaders in Australia, who do you look to as a

source of good advice and clear thinking about issues?” (Graph 52). Here the most popular

response was religious advisor/sheikhs, mentioned by one in three respondents (34%).

Graph 52. Community Leaders in Australia who Respondents Identified as Sources of

Advice/Clear Thinking on Issues


Finally, questions about the values and beliefs that the Muslim youth held to be important were

asked. Graph 53 shows the values and beliefs that the Muslim youth surveyed thought important

to be encouraged at home. Two in three replied that honesty and religious practices were most

important. More than half of the respondents also listed responsibility, tolerance and respect for

other people, politeness and neatness and patience as key values of the Muslim home. Other

important values were hard work, independence, obedience, leadership and imagination. Clearly

these are values that are consistent with ‘Australian values’ and contrary to arguments presented

that Islam is a threat to the Australian way of life.

Graph 53. Values and Beliefs Identified as Important to Encourage at Home (%)

When the gender dimensions of this are explored (Graph 54) slightly more young Muslim women

rated the values of honesty, religious practices, tolerance and respect for other people,

politeness and neatness and imagination, while young Muslim men rated hard work, and

responsibility more highly. When the age dimensions of this are explored (Graph 55), again a

slight difference can be seen in some of the responses, when comparing those under the age of

18 years to those between the ages of 18‐25 years.


Graph 54. Values and Beliefs Identified as Important to Encourage at Home by Gender

Graph 55. Values and Beliefs Identified as Important to Encourage at Home by Age


5. Qualitative Analysis

The ‘Voices’ project uses qualitative data drawn from focus groups of young people and

mediators, community experts, one‐on‐one interviews with key community professionals, and

in‐depth studies with a small number of individual young people. In this section the findings from

the qualitative research instruments are analysed. The social ecology approach that was

established directed attention to a series of themes where the interaction between individuals,

their families, their peer worlds, their wider communities and localities, and the broader society

in Australia, and then at a global level, could best be examined. The qualitative data draws on

the involvement of young Muslim Australians who may come from a great range of situations

and belief systems, but see themselves as part of Australian society.

Rather than just detailing once more the challenges confronting young Muslim Australians, the

study focused on ways participants suggest to resolve problematic issues already well described

in the literature, and provided in the evidence base of the study. The themes, extracted from the

preliminary analysis of the data, frame the reporting under the following headings and dynamics:

1. Identity – Individual and peers

2. Social networks of bonding and bridging – Family, community and society

3. Aspiration and inspiration – Individual, family and society

4. Safety, belonging and displacement – Individual, community and society

5. Racism, prejudice and discrimination – Community and Society

6. Media and representation – Community, society and global

7. Sustaining youth programs – Society


Identity Development

Numerous lifespan development theories stress the ‘developmental parameter’ of the evolving,

unfinished and ‘becoming’ dimensions of adolescent identity. With this in mind, it is interesting

that one of the main issues to be raised in the field work was the idea that in the post 9/11

environment, the emphasis was on defining identity in some fixed form. During the consultations

it was noted that Muslim Australians, and young Muslim Australians in particular, have been

subjected to questions of divided allegiance: Did they belong to the Australian nation as worthy

and loyal Australian citizens or were they part of a separate Ummah (community) of Muslims

that is somehow regarded as exclusive? If we understand identity to be formed through

interaction with significant others, then the identities of young Muslims will reflect both the

positive and negative experiences they encounter. Community mediators refer to the

internalization of negative connotations associated with the Muslim ‘tag’, which comes from the

impact of Islamophobia and various forms of everyday racism. These incidents were seen as

particularly hurtful and damaging for young people. They also refer to the critical role that

identity‐affirming experiences have to play in ensuring effective integration, and positive and

creative engagement with the wider society.

Influences that are ‘close in’ (both emotionally and geographically) play the greatest role in

defining identity (Yasmeen 2008). For younger people the school environment is very powerful.

As one counsellor noted, schools often build tolerance and inter‐group interaction and

friendships, but these can dissolve when young men leave school and find themselves back in the

environment of an older and perhaps more prejudiced generation. Or they can be further

stretched as additional new ideas enter their awareness.

A number of focus group participants talked about their experiences at university. A male

participant noted the challenges for students interacting with others outside their own cultural

and religious group and how this can impact on their thinking.

I think when you’re at university you’re surrounded by an atmosphere that creates

dialogue and discussion and reflecting on your ideologies, given within certain topics. So

it’s not about you’re in university just to get into a field, it’s a whole kind of approach. It

teaches you to think differently and analyse things differently, as opposed to just study

and get a job.


A female participant spoke about relating to other non‐Muslim youth and tolerance.

I’ve got different cultural friends, different backgrounds and stuff. Some of them don’t

even believe in God. As a Muslim girl I reckon it’s good to be a group like that because

they see you as who you are. Sometimes at uni some of the Muslims just leave the group

to go and pray and stuff like that. It’s normal. To them it’s normal because they’ve seen it,

which is better than a group that is solely on one group, like one culture or one religion,

because they come with perspective from our media.

A clinician (Muslim Australian woman) who works with young Muslims running recreational and

creative expression activities in her spare time, noted the following about the differences in

identity development and the questioning that young men and women encounter at this

formative stage of their lives. On face value these differences appear to be similar to other young

people from different cultural backgrounds.

Young Muslim women go through the crisis of identity a lot sooner than the young

Muslim males. A lot of that, I think for me, stems from the fact that they have one identity

at home, another identity at school, another identity with their friends and another

identity with extended family. Whereas males … they tend to suppress sometimes their

emotions – whereas females are a little bit more embracing of them.

The consultations revealed that young Muslim Australians express a fluid or hybrid identity, one

that may change according to the environment they are in at a particular time, with the religious

and national components of their identity apparent. This trend was confirmed in the quantitative

research with young Muslim Australians, were the vast majority (over 90%) identified strongly as

Australian, often adding ethnic or religious identity qualifiers to the word ‘Australian’. The vast

majority also “felt good about living in Australia”. In consultations key stakeholders also spoke

about a new Muslim Australian identity emerging.

I think identity has become so fluid that young people’s…personal networks and social

networks are developing in a very different, in a landscape that is very unfamiliar to many

people in the older generation. So there’s this element of mixing and matching different

parts of different cultures into your own identity. So I think the whole issue of not feeling

part of a tradition or national definition of what an Australian is, and taking and

incorporating certain elements of your own ethnicity….


Another stakeholder confirmed this trend, hinting that there is great diversity within Australia’s

Muslim communities and that Muslim life is itself being transformed in Australia over time.

…What’s emerging is an Australian flavour of Islam through the youth, that they’re

picking up lots of different things, bringing that into, I guess, an Islamic community and

that’s going to translate into a different flavour of Islam, expression of Islam and the

Muslim community that’s unique to Australia, different to everything else in the world.

With this emerging Australian Islamic identity, young Muslim Australians were noted as feeling

sufficiently confident in their beliefs to take the initiative in explaining Islam to outsiders and

defending it against criticism. Other young Muslim Australians, particularly recent migrants, see

an Australian identity as contingent on learning English and adopting the Australian way of life.

More recent arrivals, young men from Africa, talked about the importance of a religious

framework in their life.

We all go to the mosque and pray. There’s a lot of good in that. We work together to help

the community and go to each other’s houses and have celebrations. I like the fact that

we have a group of people that we can really rely on. You know outside of the way in

which everyone else makes friend and all that we have a religious duty to make sure that

we are all OK. That’s special and makes sense to me. I don’t know how the Aussies make

it without religion.

and

For me Islam is something in my heart that makes me take the right course of action.

There are bad things that you could do in your life. Like drugs and all that – stealing you

know, that’s really bad. Some people steal cars and drive them about that’s not good you

know. I don’t follow that path, and I make decisions that make sense to me. That’s the

right thing to do.

Social networks of bonding and bridging

The language of social capital informs concepts of bonding and bridging, the former referring to

building strengths within communities, the latter to building relationships between communities

(Bourdieu 1986). This research demonstrates that both these processes need to occur and to be

in some balance for effective integration. When this balance is present, cultural pluralism

operates and communities can retain key dimensions of culture while developing continuing

interactions across the society, and acculturating to its broad social trends. Young Australians


who identify as Muslim are involved in both the process of bonding within communities of faith,

ethnicity, and locality, and bridging across communities of faith, ethnicity and locality. This rich

web of association provides a strong underpinning to the broad social fabric, and a productive

engagement with an innovative and enriching future. However, as this qualitative research

indicates, challenges are present in these processes, some from within Muslim communities, and

some from external forces.

The literature of social inclusion points to the role of social capital in assisting any individual,

family or community to create and deepen its stake in the future of the society (Zetter 2006).

Socio‐economic position, education, cultural capital and ethno‐cultural resources all play a part in

capacity building.

I’ve noticed, with my experience at university, basically your socio‐economic background

makes a big difference. One of my close friends, he’s been at uni for seven years doing a

three year degree, because of the fact that he has to support his family. His dad’s old.

They’ve recently come to Australia. The mother’s not working and in our community it’s

usually the man that works. So he has to work, provide for the family, plus study. So I

don’t blame a lot of the guys for not being able to go to university because the fact that

they have to support their parents. Being a new generation and new migrants, it’s hard

to establish yourself financially, in order to be able to ‐‐‐ Let’s face it, Centrelink’s not

enough. Your every day job’s not enough. So it’s really hard to bridge that gap in

education… But you have to educate yourself. In regard to education your socio economic

background makes a big difference as to how far you go.

The social capital that comes from bridging across communities is highly valued, both for its role

in enabling social mobility, but also as an avenue to spreading understanding about Muslim

values and beliefs.

…I’ve made it a mission upon myself to meet people of different cultures and show them

what Islam really is because a lot of them have a (wrong) idea about Islam. And be

respectful towards them and friendly and help them out, and then actually allow them to

know what Islam really is about through my actions, not just by what we learn in a book.


The story of one young man, a performer, highlights this bridging across communities. He is able

to reach many Australians, non‐Muslims and Muslim alike. Discussing his performance work, he

said:

… it’s a fantastic tool and it will reach a 1000 more people than you’ll ever be able to I

guess communicate to if you live in your little tight Imam circle – because the Imam only

meets 20 people in a day and at Masjid might meet a few more. But that’s it. It doesn’t

really affect the wider community. So for me I thought it was a call to influence people.

Yet the building of community within the faith is also seen as a source of strength. Speaking of

the role of faith‐based study groups, one young man reports:

… when I found the guys from the (mosque) centre. I feel these guys are brothers rather

than friends. They’ll be there for me whenever I need them.

Another says:

We are doing a lot of good things together. I study the Quran in Sunday school and I like

that. That makes me want to know about God and how I can make myself better all the

time. I understand the Quran now and that it is a non‐violent way of living with other

people.

Mosques, Muslim youth groups and Quran classes are regarded as important not only for

‘bonding’ social capital but also to assist ‘building’ social capital with others. Young people in one

focus group regarded the mosque as a place of sanctuary, aspiring to revive this traditional

concept. As a place of sanctuary, they regarded the mosque can play a role in linking newer or

disadvantaged community members such as refugees or orphans, with more established

community members.

While there has been much public commentary about extremist, radical, or some might say

militant voices from mosques, they were not evidenced in a substantial way in our research with

young Muslim Australians. According to the stakeholders, these positions were not well regarded

in the mainstream Muslim community, reflecting their minority or marginalised status. In fact

many regarded their influence as over‐rated. When evident, stakeholders also commented about

the transitional and ephemeral nature of those attachments to such groups, observing that this

minority grows out of such affiliations as a function of lifespan development and maturity. In

stark opposition, a large number of young people in one focus group valued the contribution of

Imams based in different Sydney mosques that they regarded as being positive, inclusive and in

line with a modern way of life.


In the main young Muslim Australians do not live parallel lives separate from other Australians.

This phenomenon, identified by Collins and Reid (2009) in the United Kingdom, does not appear

to apply to youth in Australia. We know from the quantitative research that most young Muslim

Australians have a combination of Muslim and non‐Muslim friends and they were comfortable in

a mixed society. Young Muslim Australians belong to a range of Muslim specific and non‐Muslim

organizations, and are avid users of the internet and web based technology networking well

beyond the confines of their Muslim or local communities.

The role of parental influence in the social networking potential of young people was raised in

some consultations. Some stakeholders working with young Muslim Australians or their families

mentioned ‘over protective’ parents who sheltered their children and thereby limiting their

children’s social interaction. These parents defending their children from apprehended dangers

reflect the characteristic ‘boundary’ behaviour for minorities in complex diverse societies with

fairly open opportunity structures. On the other hand parents of refugee background in Darwin

were happy to encourage networks beyond the Muslim community, for their children as long as

they mixed with young people who did not take drugs, drink alcohol or engage in other

unacceptable behaviours.

A valuable insight to the personal experience of building bonding social capital and the

importance of the developmental nature of adolescence can be found in the narrative of one

young Muslim Australian born man. He had lived his formative teen years quite isolated from

other Muslims (who were not from the same school), as well as having almost no contact with

non‐Muslims outside school. He described a sheltered life after his mother died.

This young Muslim man, over time, came a long way from the confines of his previous lifestyle, as

a function of growing through adolescence and questioning the world around him, exploring the

environment beyond his family, school and suburb, and experiencing wonderment at the world

beyond. This young man was fortunate also to be co‐opted into a Muslim Australian youth

leadership program, which introduced him to political processes, the machinations of media and

the dynamics at play in a given society. He also attended an Islamic leadership program in

Indonesia, which introduced him to another more relaxed way of seeing Islam and Muslims. The

pilgrimage to the Hajj consolidated these experiences further. His social networks had

broadened, he had moved beyond the bonds of his previous community, and was studying at

university.


In the typically Australian way, sport offers a major avenue for bridging between communities.

While there are many Muslim community sporting teams for both men and women, the role

models identified by many young Muslims are people who have excelled in the non‐Muslim

sports arena – people like the Muslim convert Anthony Mundine (ex‐footballer and boxing

champion) and champion goal‐kicker Hazam Al Masri of the Canterbury‐Bankstown ‘Bulldogs’

NRL team. The most likely situation for bridging occurs in local sport teams or in competitions

where Muslim and non‐Muslim teams play each other. The AFL open day in Melbourne in 2008

drew a crowd of 5000 people. It was organised by the Islamic Council of Victoria, Carlton Mosque

and Essendon Football Club. Such partnerships provide opportunities for Muslims to come

together with people from the ‘mainstream’ of Australian society who they may not normally

meet socially, and share in the fun of sport with round robin football, sausage sizzles and face

painting. These collaborations provide a supportive way in which Muslim community

organizations can undertake such activities, with many spin‐offs in terms of positive morale, and

greater opportunities for acceptance and friendships. The benefits work to improve both Muslim

and mainstream communities as described by one community worker:

… Never seen so many people, this is brilliant. So it also uplifts the non‐Muslims’ view of

the Muslim community. And that’s where we have to do more things, which are

interacting with the wider community. We have to break out of just being in our own little

mindset...

Aspiration and inspiration

Social ecology requires that we identify that diverse range of values and experiences

encompassed by their cultural appropriateness, and how culturally compelling they are – with

what outcomes? We need to be aware of young people’s sense of their personal worth and

efficacy, and how confident they feel about their capacity to act to change their futures. One

approach is to explore their aspirations – those goals that they identify and pursue – and the

people and ideas that inspire them to identify and persist with their chosen pathways. The

converse set of influences – those factors that undermine aspirations and fail to inspire – should

also be addressed, as they serve to constrain integration and contribute to marginalization.


In some of the consultations with young people and key stakeholders across the three fieldwork

regions, mentoring and tutoring projects were mentioned as important ways to support youth.

These projects would provide positive role models who could encourage and assist young people

achieve their aspirations. In one focus group with young people, such projects were seen as

imparting a greater sense of hope in poorer disadvantaged communities, with the bonus effect of

helping young people feel confident in the face of any difficulties they encounter. Teachers were

also regarded as having a very important role in encouraging young people to achieve their goals.

Overall recent arrivals from refugee backgrounds held high and hopeful aspirations. Refugee

youth reflect the reality of their traumatic pasts, seeing education as the pathway to opportunity:

Education is one of the best. We’ve got an awesome economy at the moment. And just

things like that. And the opportunity’s there for everyone to reach their potential. And

that’s why they say, have a fair go, have a crack, because you don’t have much to lose.

The only thing you can do is excel in Australia. That’s the best thing about it and that’s

why so many people want to come to Australia.

In Darwin stakeholders mentioned experiences in the school system as sometimes unsettling for

refugees, who may be unfamiliar with the education system. They mentioned the need to

encourage school services to work with service providers in the development of ongoing

programs. Currently, it was felt that services were under‐resourced, and understaffed, with

overworked and stressed staff. Some of the parents of young Muslims consulted were concerned

about the general level of violence in Darwin, voicing a preference for a Muslim school, even

though they felt the mainstream community would oppose this.

The proportion of young female Muslim Australians completing tertiary education is generally

higher than for men, yet there is evidence that the career expectations of a few may be

constrained by parental fears about dangers in the wider society, and in a small number of cases,

pressure for early marriage. In the main young women reported strong encouragement from

their families towards completing tertiary education and securing a career, which may be

pursued both before and, if desired, after marriage.


Young people found inspirations among family, friends and most often Muslim leaders and

human rights figures. There was a widely‐shared sense that Islam as a civilization and culture was

badly misrepresented in Australia, and thus young people found it very challenging to be

regarded as ‘good’ Muslim Australians. Wider Australian society had very little knowledge

outside stereotypes about Islamic beliefs and social practices, and there was also very little

positive reinforcement available in the wider culture that would validate Muslim values and

aspirations as such.

Inspirational figures fall into four broad groups – familial, religious, cultural and sport. For many

young people, their parents ‐ especially for boys ‐ their fathers were inspirational figures.

Definitely my father because there’s no one in this world that cares for you or loves you

more than your father does, or your mother. With your parents in particular, there’s no

one that wants better for you. So I would like to think that whatever they say it’s in their

best interest for me. So whenever I have something to say I always go to them. I seek my

parents’ advice. I always come to them first.

The Prophet Mohammed is a recurrent figure as an inspiration. Apart from his spiritual qualities,

he is described as wise, caring and possessing great insight and offering leadership. The positive

self esteem and good relations between contemporary Islamic cleric Sheikh Dr Mansour Leghaei,

and many of the young Muslims in one focus group, led to a deep disappointment when he was

deported from Australia in June 2010 on grounds that were never made public due to national

security interests. Many had written letters and or approached local members of parliament, in

the hope of reversing his deportation. As a source of positive inspiration and moderation, this

was felt as a loss of a significant and much loved role model.

Both Sheikh Dr Leghaei and Sheikh Jihad Ismael are very much admired because they are seen to

offer clear and morally uplifting narratives about how to engage as a Muslim within Australian

society.

… Sometimes it can be hard to follow my religion especially in a western society so I need

some guidance. What I really like about these men is that they talk about things that are

important to me and on my level – it is really inspirational. They don’t talk down to me or

impose anything and just say this is what we have to do because they are the ‘Sheikh’ and

so we have to do it. They say how you can improve yourself. They talk a lot about

equality, treating others properly and I really like that it makes me contemplate about

what I’m doing. Young people should not have anything forced upon them.


Other inspirations are drawn from peer groups, especially youth groups where young people can

explore the issues in a non‐judgmental environment and test out strategies for negotiating their

identities as young Muslims in Australia.

I just feel like I’ve built such a strong connection because everyone’s so open and

accepting and friendly. So I know I can come to anyone here. Girls and guys… We’re very

much a family here. So I have more recently brought a lot of my questions and I guess any

advice I need to this youth group.

Cultural and sporting figures are also very important, especially those who are part of the wider

society. Across the range participants have mentioned Professor Muhammad Yunus and Dr.

Shirin Ebadi as Nobel laureates, Omar Khayyam as a poet, Salahuddin as a historic political figure,

Ahmad Fahour (previous boss of NAB), author Randa Abdelfattah, the French footballer Zideh

Ziddane, the NSW Bulldogs NRL footballer Hazem El Masri, AFL footballer Basha Houli, boxer

Anthony Mundine, musicians such as Mos Def and Lupe Fiasco, Kayne West, Loon, Brothahood

and comedians of Muslim background ‐ the Salam Café team and others, Dalia Mugahid and

Malcolm X. Young male and female Muslim Australians spoke of being inspired by people who do

things ‘from the heart’, and who display wisdom and good manners.

It was clear from the consultations Muslims in Australia are actively trying to fill this pool of

positive role models. Members of the Melbourne Muslim community developed the Aspire to

Inspire (A2I) project and conferences. Underwritten by an awareness of the psychology of

adolescent development, the A2I looks for role models and success stories, to provide a basis for

wider emulation. In another initiative Fatima Dennaoui has written profiles of four ‘young role

models’ for her internship project on Cultural Diversity News, stressing their modernity, social

engagement, moral integrity and commitment to the political advancement of Muslims in

Australia. And thirdly, in Darwin, longer established younger settlers (e.g. in the Somali refugee

community) have taken on the role of modelling integrative leadership for the more newly

arrived refugee youth.

One community worker reflected on the possible dangers for those who may have no positive

role models. Within the transient and developmental nature of adolescence, negative role

models may be regarded as ‘tough’ or ‘cool’. Having said that, there was recognition in

consultations that things were improving within the Muslim community in relation to role

models:

It still is the case that a lot of young Muslims lack significant role models. I think that’s

something that the community has been working on a lot and it has improved.


Safety, Belonging and Displacement

Safety and belonging are two key dimensions of social inclusion for immigrant minority youth

(Collins et al 2000). One key stakeholder who attended the Campsie workshop felt that

integration was a slow process that improved generation by generation.

If you want to get the Muslim people … integrated and accepted in the wider Australian

community. … I have maybe to show I’m a very good person … So I’m accepted. Just like

the Italians. They used to think all Italians are in the Mafia. Or they used to hate Greeks.

And then one generation to another, it’s another community. They forgot about the

previous one and they moved on. It’s a part of the Australian culture ... There’s that

segregation and then how long it’s going to take the wider community to accept the

smaller communities.

We know from the quantitative research that the overwhelming majority of the survey

respondents were Australian citizens, who felt good about living in Australia and who had mixed

friendship networks. Yet ‘citizenship’ or ‘passport identity’ and ‘felt’ belonging can be different

things. One stakeholder talked about the importance of travel for young people, as a way of

learning about themselves and their identity.

… You know, it’s a great experience to go overseas as a young Muslim Australian with

that passport, and people ‐ doesn’t matter who you are ‐ people go, ‘so where are you

from? Australia?’ The guy doesn’t ask you, ‘oh so your parents are from Lebanon, you

Lebanese’. And they get asked the question: ‘Where are you from?’ And the kid from

Bankstown can’t say, ‘I’m from Lebanon’ ... All of a sudden he has to say, ‘I’m Australian’.

And he’s going through that inner experience of being seen as Australian…

Some young Muslim Australians who worked in refugee services, and professionals who worked

with community members, regarded safety and belonging as keys to successful and healthy

development and success in society. Young people working with refugees wanted to assist them

to achieve ‘normalization from trauma’, within the confines of an environment sometimes

perceived as difficult. One young person stated:

And our inspiration – obviously our inspiration does come from religion, because you

know, we are Muslim here. But, I guess it comes from the understanding that there is a

common struggle, and that’s regardless of ethnicity, regardless of religion, regardless –

it’s the common struggle of trauma and then settlement and then trying to get, to return

to that kind of … that normalization from trauma – and how do you do that? And how do


you do it when there’s such a hostile environment towards refugees? I think that’s what

we all understand exists, and that’s what we all want to correct.

Refugees consulted as part of the research process felt thankful to be in Australia. This was

especially so for the young women interviewed in Darwin, who had witnessed the kidnappings of

other young women in refugee camps and the theft of personal property (including clothing

items). They recalled the fear and terror they experienced sleeping at night. They spoke of police

in the refugee camps that could not be trusted to assist in such matters and who in some cases

were regarded as implicated in such crimes. They told of their male relatives and residents of the

refugee camps who would send out rescue parties to retrieve women, and sometimes young

men, from kidnappers although young men were regarded as having a good chance of freeing

themselves. Australia was regarded a freeing them from such terror, where they could sleep

safely. Refugee elders were however concerned about the intermittent incidents of violence

experienced by some African refugees in Darwin and their perception of problematic police

attention to such matters.

Many young people and stakeholders consulted were concerned about the way in which ‘Islam’

and ‘Muslims’ are labeled as problematic or ‘alien’ due to the actions of a few unrepresentative

individuals. Despite the difficulties young people encountered in practicing Islam, they were

happy to hold on to their religious beliefs and traditions, many talking about embracing

conciliatory and harmonious ways of living within the wider community. Some young people

interviewed were concerned that they would not be accepted fully in society, as most Australians

do not understand what it is to be religious. One young person said:

Yes they’re never going to make us one of them, you know brothers, like we are in Islam.

We have a special relationship with God; you know what it is, under God we serve. Most

Aussies don’t know about that, they’re not religious like us… You know the problem is

tolerance and acceptance. We have our way of doing things that is the best way that we

have found. The average Aussie wants us to be like them. It’s like we have no choice. But

we do have a choice. We want to be Muslims; no one is making us do this. I like my life

here, even though there’s not a lot of tolerance around for us.


Indeed some of the young Muslim Australians consulted were concerned with being marginalised

within Australian society. They do not ascribe to themselves a ‘minority’ status, but rather saw

themselves as part and parcel of the Australian community. Stereotypes, media and political

narratives shaped by national and international events, create a ‘defensive’ approach in some

young people, forced to deal with controversial identity constructions that are imposed upon

them, and not of their own making.

Well they’re treated like a minority group, which is quite bizarre because I know from

Muslims per se they’re not seeking out this idea of being marginalised; they’re not

seeking out the status of being a minority group. It’s something that’s almost been

constructed upon them, been imposed upon them. So automatically, we become, and we

being Muslims Australians, become defensive to this construction… So it’s almost difficult

you know, when we do try and develop our own sense of identity because it never is our

own, it’s always a response to external forces as such. … I mean that can be quite

detrimental to their own self‐esteem, their own self‐development process at that stage in

their lives… I can speak from experience, as a young Australian Muslim you do to some

extent feel alienated, you’re made to feel that way...

As one young person commented, reflecting on his understanding of the mainstream media:

I think Muslims are never in the media for a good reason. I’m pretty sure there are a lot of

good stories out there that make Muslims look good but doesn’t make good stories,

doesn’t get news. When something bad happens – so, the people, the public – only see

bad, they don’t see good sorts of thing. It’s all bad.

A sense of displacement may also result from a continual interrogation of their identity, their

loyalties and allegiances. Being Muslim has taken on a whole new ‘politically embedded

dimension’ particularly in Australia post 9/11, post the two Bali bombings and the Madrid and

London bombings (Marr and Wilkinson 2004; Manning 2006). Those consulted in our research

describe a situation where anything a Muslim does seems to become covered under ‘a blanket of

politics’, whether it is related to choices of dress, or activities such as comedy. One Muslim key

stakeholder puts it as follows:

Because we are so scrutinized, I think that by definition it means that everything we do

has become politicized. And so, when I look at some of the activities that my friends are

involved in, whether it be an art exhibition or the comedy stuff that my friends do or

whatever….


Young women who reject stereotypical views of Muslim women, within the wider society,

sometimes experience alienation. They may indeed be constrained by their parents’ fears for

them in what may be perceived as a more hostile Australian society and workplace.

You know whenever you think of Islamic communities or Islamic societies, ideas of

women’s rights always pop into mind … and that has almost tainted other aspects of the

community, internationally as well as domestically … So you’re trying to fight against that

stereotype and also the stereotype that men have in your community, so it’s almost like a

twofold, multiple levels of discrimination you face as Muslim woman and so that can be

quite difficult…

Another young woman contributes her perspective on Islamic interpretation saying:

A lot of people assume that the woman is under the man and should do exactly what the

man says. But our religion actually says the opposite. I went to a lecture and the sheikh

said that the lady is not obliged to do anything for her husband if she doesn’t want to. She

does things for him because she loves him. … There’s nothing in Islam that says that

women should be locked up in the house and should never see daylight.

Given the key role that alcohol plays in Australian youth culture, young Muslim Australians, who

choose not to drink, sometimes feel displaced when it comes to socialising with others. As one

young man commented, the engagement with non‐Muslim peers at high school started to drift

off when they left school. He would not go to bars, and he now sees his friends much less often,

meeting them in more comfortable environments. For some, these sorts of structural and

cultural differences become more heavily embedded after adolescence, although it would be fair

to say that young people regardless of background may move in different trajectories to each

other after high school, especially if their post secondary work or education opportunities are

different. Other young people find creative ways of dealing, such as the example mentioned in

Darwin where alcohol cannot be avoided in cafes or restaurants. Some young people choose to

socialize in environments where alcohol is served, but will refrain from drinking even though

others will ‘have a go’ at them.

Another example of displacement can be found in the dynamics that created the Cronulla riots

(Collins and Reid 2009) and its retributive aftermath. While competitive male aggression played a

part in this conflict, much of it can be attributed to the fact that there was widespread ignorance

and anxiety on all sides. Despite ongoing debate about the causes of the events, the Cronulla

riots still have great salience among young Muslim Australians, especially in Sydney with many

young people and community stakeholders seeing it, variously, as an indication of deep‐seated


Islamophobia, of a youth riot over turf, and as a wake‐up call to building better community

relations through breaking down walls of ignorance and hostility in both directions.

Racism, prejudice and discrimination

Andrew Markus (2001) has charted the continuing role of racism in Australia. While Islam is a

religion, and Muslims form a religious community, the concept of racism is often used to

encompass the structuring of prejudice towards Muslims. However, for some in the Muslim

communities it is doubtful that racial vilification laws and protections are likely to provide

adequate protection from discrimination and vilification on the basis of religious belief, affiliation

or practice. Some young people experience ‘prejudice’ as ‘racism’, and sometimes it may be

difficult to differentiate what is racism, and what is religious prejudice. Racism as such has been

used as a surrogate category for prejudice based on ‘religious’ identification and practice, even

though it does not account for all the different forms of discrimination and vilification

experienced.

Young Muslim Australians can detail the sense of exclusion, the harassment and the vilification

they have experienced. We know from the quantitative survey that discrimination and prejudice

was experienced by a large number of young Muslims Australians within the school setting and

by Muslim youth of all ages in public areas such as streets, shopping centres and similar places.

Indeed two thirds of young people surveyed reported experiencing discrimination within the

public sphere at least one or more occasions.

They know about discrimination in the labour market, where Muslim names close off avenues to

employers. A stakeholder reports:

.... The amount of times we’ve made phone calls for apprentice applications or job

applications: ‘Oh, what’s the young person’s name?’ ‘Mohammad, Hassan whatever’. ‘Oh

no sorry, we’re full’. Five minutes later, my colleague would ring with a very accentuated

Australian like, ‘Oh yeah, ringin’ up, oh yeah’. You know, when it’s Michael, ‘Oh yes, sure,

we’ll send you the application in the mail’. You know, that stuff happens. Interjection:

That’s a very typical story every day.


One man talked about how prejudice had affected him as he was growing up and the effects he

sees now on his Australian born children. He thinks that Muslim young people need to develop

an attitude where they are able to speak for themselves and defend themselves against such

attacks. Of course this raises the very important issue of intergenerational experiences of

discrimination.

... I accept other people’s religion and culture. It’s the same. And I do believe that I project

my views and my beliefs onto that. So it is give and take. And I’ve been through lots of ‐

you know ‐ racism or lots of people have criticized me ‐ and lots of stuff ‐ where I come

from. Still my kids who don’t even have the Lebanese nationality and they look at them –

‘you’re an *** Lebo’. And then they have to deal with that. But the thing is my reaction.

How my reaction is going to be. Am I going to retaliate so bad? What I’m getting at is ‐

we have to look maybe for ways to get into these people’s ‐ young people’s mind ‐ that

you have a right to stand up for yourself and say ‘No, I’m not accepting this’. But there’s

ways to deal with it....

Young Muslim Australians noticed a shift in the public perception of Muslims since 9/11, the

Gang Rapes and political debate over the wearing of the hijab and the burqa (Poynting et al 2004;

Poynting 2006). In addition to the hijab, other areas identified in the survey that were seen as

contributing to misunderstandings between Muslims and non‐Muslims included: the issue of

‘terrorism’, the Cronulla riots; and the media (traditional media, TV, radio, newspapers) and

Internet information (Internet news sites, Internet forums etc) about Muslims and Islam. Almost

a quarter of young Muslim Australian women surveyed regarded the scarf or hijab to be

misunderstood within society. Some young women reported having been verbally or physically

assaulted because of their wearing of the hijab. For some this discrimination was regularly

endured and in public places. The response of some young women to such instances of ‘everyday

racism’ is to refrain from defending themselves because they would come out of any conflict as

‘the terrorist’ or the ‘typical Muslim’. Some respond with a smile and walk away determined to

keep going, for others such experiences can be humiliating and deeply hurtful. One young

woman speaks about how fortunate she is living in Australia in spite of experiencing racism. She

explains:

… For example, I’m playing Oztag with friends as a sport, with a bunch of girls in a team.

But I read a couple of days ago in the media that FIFA had banned the Iranian women’s

soccer team because a girl had been strangled by her scarf. But then we had a sports boss

in Australia coming out and saying that this wouldn’t happen in Australia because that’s

discrimination. Look, you know this could happen to anyone and it’s not the fault of the


religion. So I feel pretty lucky living in Australia and the fact that people here are so open

minded and they accept different religions. There is racism here, and I have experienced

it, but no, I don’t think that it’s stopped me from doing anything.

For some, the level of racism appeared to be tolerable, to be managed by careful use of public

space, and staying close to friends. When asked to explain what sort of racism a young woman

had experienced, she recalls an incident where:

We were just walking in the street and someone looked at us as if they were going to

poison us with their faces. One time someone came up to us and told us to go back to our

country. I was like ‐ hold on –‘ I was born here, I’ve been here all my life’, then they react

with, ‘my God, they can speak English’ ‐ do you know what I mean? They don’t have that

expectation of you. So I gave them a funny look and they walked away…. Yes, they were

racists.

The quantitative research revealed that public schools are sites for higher levels of discrimination

than are Muslim schools. In consultations what was perceived as institutional prejudice was

regarded as contributing to the sense of systemic discrimination. One factor mentioned was the

local government denial of planning approval for Muslim schools and mosques.

We are here to stay and that’s the reality that some people don’t want to face. When we

want to build new schools in NSW, the people out there all get angry and react to Islam.

But they don’t do the same to Christian schools. This shows that the people are

discriminating against our religion, not because they know anything about it, but because

they are prejudiced against things that they don’t like.

Relations with police and the justice system produced the sharpest comments on perceived

racism. Community workers expressed a need for more work with police liaison officers and

cross‐cultural training. In the Sydney consultations, a local young woman told of her experience

of feeling targeted during a police outreach session in school. As a person of ‘Middle Eastern

background’, police profiling had left her feeling devastated stating:

‘I was an innocent Year 12 girl, and there I was being told that I was a criminal already.

Now that is always in the back of my head’.


Some of the refugee young people consulted felt distrustful of the police, due to bad experiences

with law enforcement authority in their home countries and their experiences in Australia. One

young stakeholder mentioned the resentment of some young African refugee men living in public

housing estates in Melbourne, towards the police. These young men felt harassed because of

their colour, put under continuing surveillance, and picked on in public places. A stakeholder

explains that their visibility in public places is attributable to a lack of social amenity for these

refugee men who have nowhere to go in the evening. Some of this dynamic has been broadcast

in a 2008 SBS TV documentary “Community Cop”, directed by Helen Gaynor, which follows a

group of young African Muslim men interacting with the police. In a related case Ahmed Dini, a

Somali man from that estate who was assaulted by police, received $70,000 compensation in

2010; he was one of 13 African Muslim complainants against Victorian Police in 2006 for police

brutality and harassment. These experiences soon enter the cultural consciousness of

communities that experience them, and continue to effect longer‐term attitudes and perceptions

of racism. Being picked up for ‘loitering’ outside your home, sitting on the footpath curb, playing

basketball at night and being strip searched for a minor issue, were reported. The young

stakeholder reports:

…Yeah, and it’s ridiculous. How can you loiter in front of your flat? Like, it’s my flat, I don’t

have a backyard (laughs). I can loiter in front of it if I want to – but no, it’s government

property and you’re loitering. You’re at the basketball court at twelve o’clock at night. It’s

the basketball court – ‘why are you there?’ You know, ‘what are you kids getting up to?

Are you dealing drugs?’ …. They don’t have a right to search your bag without a reason

and that’s the end. They don’t have a right to come and do that to you. Even though you

reacted in a way to make sure the situation did not blow out of proportion, but, we live in

Australia and we have rights in this country and therefore we should be able to access

[them].

One issue that has arisen in cities like Darwin where there are both Indigenous people and newly

arrived African refugees is the irregular incidence of violence between local Indigenous youth and

migrants of African background. Darwin Somali community leaders and young people, and local

community workers, have expressed concern about such events. Some stakeholders have

described the situation as local youth feeling threatened by the appearance of a new ‘Black’

(rather than Muslim) group in their locality, and some street clashes have occurred. Even so a

local Muslim youth notes:


Darwin is one of the most multicultural places in Australia. And you grow up in preschool,

going up to high school and it’s not just one race. There’s five, six, seven, eight in one

class. And that’s what makes it so easy because everyone else has that awkwardness at

the start when they’re a different colour or a different race or ethnicity or religion, and

you feel kind of awkward in a way, but everyone else is in a way. But then you adapt and

that’s what makes Australia what it is. Being able to adapt and making it easier ‐ and

Australia being so accommodating. Letting in people who have come from war and

hardship, and just saying how they’ve adapted and made it easy to blend into Australia.

Media and representation

Media representations of Muslims, Islam and the Islamic world frame many of the discussions

among research participants. While there is an acknowledgement that some media stories about

Muslims may be ‘fair’, there is genuine and continuing frustration about the largely negative

impact on life opportunities generated by sustained selective and stereotypical reporting. In

addition some respondents express concern at the lack of any positive representation of Muslim

Australians within the media more widely, pointing in this regard to a failure in public policy.

We know from the quantitative research that many of the respondents seek alternative sources

of news through international media available on the Internet and via free to air, cable and

satellite television. Family and friends also feature as information sources on current affairs.

Young Muslim Australians are avid users of many different kinds of news sources, whether print,

electronic and web based information. The most common websites accessed by the young

people surveyed included personal blogs, Facebook, MySpace sites, MSN, YouTube and Vimeo,

various free email service sites (yahoo, gmail, hotmail) and search engines (Google, Wikipedia,

Ask.com), as well as school, university and tutoring websites.

Many young Muslims have Facebook pages and count on newsfeeds from around the world.

Others resist it and focus on face‐to‐face communication in ‘the real world’. A young woman

advocates social media:

Facebook is one of the best ways for me to find out what’s going on in the Muslim world

because I’ve got so many friends who live overseas and they post articles from their local

newspaper about stuff. There’s stuff that I found out weeks before it was ever in The Age

about what’s going on in the Muslim world, really significant events. Because they just

post the article and you can read it. Then you post it and it just viruses on. So it’s much

quicker for me, than to sort of scroll through Guardian each day and The New York Post


and papers from Jordan and Saudi. I would simply not have time for that. Just by going

through my newsfeed I can see what everyone else is linking to.

As previously mentioned the ‘traditional’ media (TV, radio, newspapers) and ‘new’ media

(Internet news sites, Internet forums etc), were regarded as problematic sources of information,

presenting distorted stereotypical views of Muslims, leading to misunderstandings between

Muslims and non‐Muslims.

Media bias looms so large in the minds of some community leaders that they will refuse to

participate in media interviews or stories, fearing that their views will be distorted or

manipulated. One woman argued that the media was ‘brainwashing’ communities, by turning

every story that involved Muslims into an interrogation or denigration of Islam as a religion.

… if you listen to the radio or watch the TV, during the 24 hours you never see a positive

comment about Islam. You always see something – whenever something bad is

happening – they put the name of Islam … they didn’t talk about the issue, they were

talking about the religion, they brought up the matter of religion on the table. So I’m

saying that if we start, we should start from media.

Several young people in different focus groups drew attention to the negative impact of the

media on their community. They hold the media responsible for creating disunity and division

amongst different groups. Some young men thought the media set out to cause disunity in the

community by targeting people of Middle Eastern background and, more lately, those of Indian

or Somali background. They felt that the media always mentioned a person’s ethnic background

if the above ethnicities were thought to be involved in crime, but ethnicity was not mentioned

when the criminal was of Anglo‐Australian or other background. Some young people in Sydney

accessed Iranian or Russian channels for world news, as these were regarded as less biased, or at

least presenting different perspectives on matters. They see the Australian media and

government as closely aligned.

... I think the government or the media is trying to cause disunity within the community.

I’m sure everyone would mostly agree with it ‐ especially with what you see on the news

and what not. It’s very racist.

... Yes. Like within Australia ‐ They try to create these racial wars with one another. For

example, the ‘riots’ ... or any little incident that ever happens. How come you always

hear Middle Eastern or Muslim before a person’s name?


...And it’s not even Middle Eastern these days. It’s spread to Indians. It’s spread to

Somalians, Sudanese.

... Aren’t we all Australian citizens? What’s it got to do with what race you are? Why do

you put the person’s race before his name ... And it’s not only individual racism. It’s called

corporate racism or systemized racism where a government makes a system of certain

laws to target certain people for certain specific intentions that they have to make even

normal people become hateful ‐ and this is so wrong. It really is wrong.

Some women experience discrimination because they wear the hijab and many felt that the

media contributed strongly to negative views of Islam.

I’ve been a Muslim girl and wearing a scarf and people talk about me. I just think they’re

ignorant. They haven’t read much and they just go with the media. If they sit down and

want to find out, they would ask the right questions. I will answer them the right way and

everything will be okay. But I just see that they’re the followers, not me.

A young man suggested that Islam or Muslims were only aired or printed in the media as

negative stories and rarely as ‘good news stories’.

The media’s biased. They only show what they want to show. If the Muslims are doing

something good, most of the time they won’t show it, because ‐‐‐ For example, if there

were people doing something bad, if it was a Muslim they’ll state it. They’ll clearly state it

A young man told of the discomfort that arises from media reports about Muslims.

We get uncomfortable that people say things about us that we don’t do.

There was an overwhelming recognition in consultations that ‘Christian’ or ‘Jewish’ identifiers

were not used in media stories, leading to their views of double standards in the practice of

media reporting. Political discourses about Middle Eastern crime in Sydney, which repeatedly

labeled second generation Australians of Lebanese background as ‘Lebanese’ and never

‘Australian’ (Collins and Reid 2009), potentially stigmatize and isolate young people. Derogatory

ascriptions were regarded as distressing, particularly for young Muslim Australian men. One

young man remarked

… Like everyone sees us Lebanese Muslims as thugs … but reality is ‐ no we’re not like

that. I’m not saying we’re all not like that ‐ there are people like that … yeah, I wouldn’t

lie. But most of us, we’re not like that. It’s just what the media portrays.


One key stakeholder commented that young people are becoming more adept at handling

negative media portrayals.

I think a lot of them have learnt to have a thick skin and not take it on board personally,

not to personalize it. Look without a doubt, it is upsetting, but I also think Muslim youth

are not stupid, I think they’re actually quite intelligent to know that at the end of the day,

it’s a capitalist society and it’s about selling papers. If that’s what sells and that’s what

works, then so be it. I think if you look at the increase of Muslims wanting to be

journalists, or within the social media, the world of social media – that’s another role

model, there’s a sister that works in the ABC...

Others talked about the stress caused by constantly needing to ‘put out fires’, going against a

tide, or of being ‘under siege’, in relation to defending Muslims against negative media especially

in relation to national and international incidents.

…I think there’s a real lack of leadership for young people in our community. And I think a

lot of it is because our community’s very under resourced. We’re poor and we feel

constantly under siege, so the few resources we have, it’s just going into putting out fires

and into damage control. We still don’t seem to really be able to establish, anything sort

of long‐term, dedicated things to helping young people.

and

Yeah, it really is (reactionary). And I know people who are involved … are frustrated by it

themselves. They are frustrated that they are putting out fires and stuff like that. But I

just feel like we can never get ahead.

Young people need a space to talk about how media presentations affect them, as the impact

may be quite heavy without them realising its source. A youth worker elaborates:

… So like we deal with the youth in the western suburbs and we have discussions about

the latest thing that’s happened in the media and how it’s affected them. We get a

broader range of views but the younger people, they don’t think about it until we bring it

up. When something happens, they don’t think about how it will affect them and how it

has affected them. They don’t realise it has actually affected them. And when you talk

about it, they, “Oh, yeah, yeah.” They open up and start talking. So I think it depends on

whether they’re exposed to that kind of environment or not.


One woman reflected on what she might think of Muslims if she were not a Muslim and only

knew about Muslims from the media, referring to terrorism and sexual violence.

You know what? If I were non‐Muslim and looking at that, I’d probably look at me too

and say ‘What the hell is wrong with you people?’ You know, ‘What is wrong with you?’ If

that’s all you see, … there are no good news stories and the two top news stories are both

examples of people being psychopaths and they’re both Muslim.

Government was regarded as having a potentially positive role in helping improve the image of

Muslims. It starts with the premise that Muslims made a difference to humanity in a constructive

way. One key stakeholder said:

I would emphasize a difference, because Muslims have made a huge difference to

humanity. So I guess rather than to underplay the differences between Muslims and non‐

Muslims, we need to emphasize this. … But we’re in a position now, especially if the

government is interested in ‘things Muslim’, to expose all of the really essential and big

contributions of Muslims to society.

A number of younger and older Muslim Australians are actively engaging the media. One

journalist, Melbourne‐based Saeed Saeed (features editor for The Leader suburban chain), has

argued that a more sophisticated Muslim community use of the media would produce quite a

dramatic turn‐around in the temper and tone of media discussion. Muslim Women’s Network

spokesperson, Dr Nasya Bahfen (an RMIT journalism lecturer and ABC broadcaster), further

argues for the training, lobbying and education of a generation of new young Muslim media

workers to enter the mainstream. Other internet media activists such as Muslim Village’s

Ahmed Kilani, have developed alternative avenues for representation and media, with for

example 100,000 hits per month on the revised and upgraded Muslim Village website.

Sustaining youth programs

Muslim youth have access to a variety of development and support programs. These include

mosque‐based religious instruction, Muslim youth and recreation organizations, multi‐ethnic

locality‐based youth centres, school and government outreach and support services, and

mainstream programs serving a wider variety of youth. Community workers and counsellors

point to the value of such projects, especially those that support young Muslims to engage with

the wider society. They note that the National Action Plan (NAP) only came about as a

government reaction to a perception of failing integration among Muslim young men, as

demonstrated in the so‐called Cronulla riots of December 2005. Yet as a number of stakeholders


pointed out, the NAP schemes have come to an end, with no sign of future specially targeted

funding. Muslim community projects, funded through social order sources, have also come to a

halt. They point to very successful projects that rose and fell in a period of one or two years, as

initial pump‐priming funds were never followed by longer‐term program support. Indeed some

Muslim community workers argue that securing state and local funding has become more

difficult because of perceptions the NAP funds would cover everything ‘Muslim’ in a locality. Yet

Muslim‐safe projects are vital to ensuring youth have supportive environments to work through

issues of concern to them. One worker reflected that:

…there aren’t positive ways of expressing that anger. At the moment, like through the

arts I think it’s always a really important way. Through the music, through dance, through

theatre, through writing and so forth, expression, painting. … I remember going to Europe

and every municipality had a cultural centre where kids would go and learn for free one

form of art. And you could almost use any form of art to express yourself and your anger

and to tell your story in one way or another. We don’t have that here. And a lot of the

kids who… a lot of the women, where do they express a lot of their stuff? … If you’re not

interested in sport you’ve got nothing where you can go and meet other kids from your

community, in terms of your locality, to meet kids from other groups. So you’ll go back to

your mosque, or you’ll go to your church, or you’ll go to your soccer club and you meet

people of the same groups. But there’s no … there’s very little cross interaction between

people of the different groups in a common setting.

As is apparent from that quote, locales that provide opportunities for expression and interaction

with others are needed. Youth programs provide a critical role for community development. Yet

there are real questions as to how they should relate to families. We know from the survey

material that young Muslim Australians, in the main, turn to friends, family elders, siblings and

cousins, religious advisors and web based forums and chat rooms for advice and information on

personal issues and problems.

In the consultations, some workers see parents as overprotective, the family as a potential

constraint, the members of which have to be drawn slowly and gently into the idea their son or

daughter (especially daughter) might be entering a difficult but exciting space.

… Without the parents we can’t do anything. And – I mean, we’ve got some parents who

will say – I’ll help out with this or that activity. And – even just if one parent you know –

one parent can bring a few youth together – say they need transport, that one kid can be

another five. And they all come together you know – in this big van that every Arab has.


So I think, that one parent does make a lot of difference. We get things donated to us.

We’ve had iftars [communal meals] in Ramadan and … the pizza shop donated their

pizzas. So I think, we’ll build the relationship with parents and that’s the only way we can

succeed.

One community worker who works with a range of young women from different backgrounds,

talks about her approach working with young Muslim Australians and migrant families in general.

She highlights the need for culturally appropriate, culturally sensitive programs that are

perceived as safe and where trust can grow between parents and organizers. Equally important is

the need to celebrate milestones for young people. ‘Overprotective’ parents can become the

best supporters. She presents the model in full:

Yeah, but we also didn't push. If I had gone to the parents ‘Right then, I’m going to pick

your daughters up and take them to a mainstream football club with Australians and

they're going to play Sunday games’ – No way! But it was so small and it was safe, and it

was something the parents could conceptualize. And it wasn’t too far from home so if

they ever wanted to drive there for any reason, they could. … we were always in

communication with the parents about what was happening. We got some funding and

we said that we want to run some body image stuff with your daughters and talk to them

about healthy eating and relationships. And a lot of the relationship conversations was

about how they should communicate with their parents, because there's a lot of conflict

going on. So the parents loved that we wanted to do that, ‘Yep, go ahead, do it.’ So then,

if we needed the daughters’ extra time, they were happy for that, because they knew

exactly what we were doing with them, where we were. We were picking them up and we

were driving them. You know – just the way my parents when I was growing up wanted

someone to pick me up if they weren’t going to drive me themselves – they wanted to

know exactly where I was, who I was with and what I was doing. So we offered that. And

then, then we built that up to then ‘We’re taking the girls on a camp.’ And it was, none of

them had ever been away from home. It was just because it was me and I was going to be

there. It was all girls and they knew exactly the content of the camp and they were happy

with it, and all of that stuff. And in that time we would have dinners to celebrate. Anytime

there was a milestone or, we would have dinners. We started organising tournaments

with other girls and the parents could come to those tournaments and they started

coming more and more and watching their girls play. And the parents would come ‘Oh,

my daughter’s actually really good at soccer’ and I’d say, ‘yeah, she really is’. So then, two

years into it, the parents asked us ‘Can my daughter... look you know... this is great. But


it’s not real. Can my daughter play real soccer?’ So it came from the parents. ‘Can you

organize so my daughter’s actually playing proper football?’ And it came from the

fathers, because they're far more fanatic about football than the mothers. And they were

so proud, at the end of the day, of their little girl playing such good soccer.

Some community workers stressed that Government has to come to grips with the consequences

of policy within the different tiers and that it has a responsibility to bring different parts of the

Australian community together to solve problems.

What you really need is the balance that comes at the lower level of government, state

and local government, where it says we’ve got local collective problem together that we

collectively need to deal with. We don’t have the ‘Islamic problem’ we’ve got an

Australian problem, Australian issues, challenges. So collectively bringing the different

communities together to deal with specific issues and getting different answers from

different perspectives. That way, the integration issue, the ‘us’ and ‘them’ type of divides

aren’t there as much. I think that approach has been much more effective at state level

over and over again, whether it’s for youth or for the community. I think you need the

balance of the two. You need certain communication with the Muslims alone, but you

certainly need to bring it all together with all the communities together. Otherwise,

you’re isolating and stigmatising one particular community.

A number of community‐funded projects have begun to appear mainly in Sydney and Melbourne,

where Muslim professionals (older) and university students (younger) contribute to community‐

based initiatives, some of which are spontaneous and others that are more structured. Though

they soon require government support as they grow, some have received short‐term and one‐off

funding for their projects. Community initiatives include artistic and recreational workshops and

events such as poetry and performance nights, horse riding days and camping. Other initiatives

have included the drug and alcohol street work and cross‐cultural counselling services conducted

by such organisations as the ‘Mission of Hope’. Consultations highlighted the importance of

specialist cross‐cultural skills offered by Muslim professionals.

The consultations with key stakeholders working in the field with young Muslim Australians or

their families highlighted the importance of tutorial programs to help with school work, as well as

mentoring and leadership programs to help youth achieve their potential. Such programs

introduce positive trajectories for young people and especially for those who may be isolated or

less engaged. Stakeholders suggested a combination of programs for young Muslim Australians,

namely those that are run within Muslim organizations, mosques or youth groups, through to


programs, which are run as partnerships in collaboration with mainstream organizations and

community members (e.g. AFL community events).

Both Muslim‐specific and more generalist but inclusive programs were highlighted playing an

important role in youth support projects. A repeated concern voiced by stakeholders in all three

fieldwork regions was that services and funding programs (especially generic and multicultural

projects) should be inclusive of Muslim community members and especially young Muslim

Australians. A strong recommendation from professionals is that these programs should seek out

Muslim specialists where they exist and when needed. When dealing with areas such as family

breakdown or mental health, overstretched services and the lack of appropriate support systems

for young Muslims may mean they become even more marginalised.

Additionally mosques, community centres, and web based media spaces were mentioned as

important sites for the development of new Muslim youth projects. Stakeholders mentioned that

mosque organizations, Muslim youth groups and other community‐based organizations could

benefit greatly by learning from established organizations, churches, and charities within

mainstream society. While structures exist in and around these bodies, they do not tend to have

strong infrastructure bases or systems to adequately support young people and important

community functions.

It was suggested that there is a need to provide different points of engagement for young Muslim

Australians, opening culturally appropriate spaces for support. Programs that encourage Muslim

youth expression through new technologies and media, or through story telling, and which

facilitate the transfer of cultural assets and knowledge, are identified as having strong potential.

Sports teams and recreational activities provide opportunities for socialising and friendship

networks and support. Some arts initiatives have also proven very successful, being able to play a

powerful role in building social capital through community development. A number of projects

do that, by seeking parental trust and working with families gaining their support and

endorsement. In the main these programs provide successful and encouraging forms of

engagement and forums for expression for young Muslim Australians.


6. Conclusions

This research project was tasked with mapping a social ecology of the voices of influence in the

lives of young Muslim Australians including their own, their peers’ and official voices of the

society and government. Specifically it sought to identify the plurality and sources, of voices of

influence, and the various ways which these shape the experience, attitudes, beliefs and opinions

of young Muslim Australians. The research also sought to provide an assessment of practical

measures, which can support young Muslim Australians, and to identify consistent gaps in

government, non‐government and individual approaches in this regard. Mapping the social

ecology of young people requires an understanding of their spaces and places of belonging, their

social networks, figures and ideas of inspiration, voices of influence that contribute positively or

negatively to social cohesion, and the strategies that enhance meaningful citizenship.

Mapping Social Ecology

The research shed light on the diversity to be found in the lives of young Muslim Australians. The

‘map’ revealed a wide diversity in cultural, linguistic, religious affiliation, of birthplace, whether

immigrant background or second or third generation Australian, and educational, gender and

class differences. What was very clear was that there is no one ‘Muslim’ identity or youth culture.

Situated in that social ecological map are young individuals living through a period of transition,

of personal development into adulthood. This period is best described as a time of identity

testing, of finding oneself in an adult world. This is where the individual embarks on creating new

spaces within the domain of the local, the Muslim and Australian communities, finding their

place in a globalised world.

The research pointed to the fluid nature of identity development in young people, where they

have hybrid identities. In mapping the voices of young Muslim Australians, we know that they

feel a very strong connection and belonging to Australia, and that they ‘feel good’ about living

here. They feel ‘integrated’ or part and parcel of the Australian polity, even though they

recognize the negative perception and marginalized status imposed on them within the wider

community. They do not lead ‘separate’ or ‘parallel’ lives to other Australians. They believe their

practices of Islam and living as ‘Australians’ are compatible, talking about conciliatory ways of

living within the wider community. Within that social ecology we see the expression and

emergence of an ‘Australian Islam’, led and developed by young people. Young Muslim

Australians are hopeful about the future, despite their concerns about negative perceptions of

Islam and Muslims. Those of refugee backgrounds hold particularly high aspirations.


In mapping the social networks and connections of young Muslim Australians, we find they tend

to have strong family and friendship ties. They have friends from a variety of backgrounds being

comfortable in a mixed society. For some young Muslim Australians, socializing with alcohol is

clearly uncomfortable, while others find creative ways of socializing that are acceptable to all

parties.

The young people surveyed belonged to or participated in a range of organizations, Muslim and

non‐Muslim. These included student associations, youth groups, mosque associations, sporting

groups, community organizations and charities and many others.

Young Muslim Australians tend to function competently as modern individuals in spaces that

define the contemporary world, particularly in relation to their use of the Internet and digital,

electronic and print media, traversing the local through to the global. They are savvy with

technology, which they use to network socially as well as to check the validity of news stories

presented in the Australian context. All these aspects point to the richness inherent in these

young people’s lives.

Voices of Influence

The study shed light on sources of influence, those voices that inform and shape opinions of

young Muslim Australians. It becomes relevant here to consider whose ‘voices’ young Australian

Muslims seek for help, who is it they trust, which people and ideas inspire them, and which

values they hold dear. Voices of authority (media, religious and political), the voices that

contribute to the experience of displacement and those which contribute to social cohesion are

also important in this discussion.

A very strong finding of this research reveals that young people seek help and advice about

personal problems and information about world events and politics from their families – from

parents, elders, uncles, aunts and siblings, and friends, and from their religious advisors and

schoolteachers. In addition, these young people seek out news from newspapers and other

media sources ‐ the Internet, free to air as well as satellite TV and radio.

Young Muslim Australians are inspired by religious ideas, human rights, education and

multiculturalism. Their most important values were honesty, religious practice and responsibility,

tolerance and respect for others, politeness and neatness, patience and hard work. These are

essential positive social and moral values that can be regarded as universal in nature.


They are mostly inspired by family members and friends, by people of good character, by

religious leaders and professionals, and by the Prophet Muhammad. Their role models and

figures of inspiration included Australian sporting figures like Hazem El Masri, Basha Houli, and

Anthony Mundine, Nobel laureates Muhammad Younis and Shirin Ebadi, Omar Khayyam the

poet, Salahuddin the historic political figure, Ahmad Fahour (previous boss of NAB),

Randa Abdelfattah the writer, popular musicians such as Mos Def and Lupe Fiasco, Kayne West,

Loon and Brothahood, and comedians of Muslim background (e.g. the Salam Café team and

others), Dalia Mugahid and Malcolm X.

Voices of authority are to be found in the religious and political domains of life. In general young

Muslim Australians hold their religious leaders in high regard, especially those who they feel

understand their circumstances as young modern Australians. In regards to political figures,

stakeholders are concerned about political messages that are divisive in the mainstream. They

also are concerned about the ‘blanket of politics’ that covers all things Muslim, giving Muslim

identity a ‘politically embedded’ dimension.

Other voices of authority, such as ‘the media’ played a central role in the lives of young Muslim

Australians. Young people are distressed by what they describe as the uneven, distorted

coverage and stereotyping of Muslims in the mainstream media. They regard the media as

biased, one sided and too American in its content. As such young people seek alternative global

news sources, particularly stories about news on Muslims or the Middle East or the ‘War on

Terror’.

The mainstream media in the post 9/11 context presents particular challenges for young Muslim

Australians especially as they desire to portray positive self images of themselves as Australians.

The ‘War on Terror’ and negative coverage of Muslims and Islam has led our informants to

develop a sense of being socially denigrated. Fear of engaging the media due to little control and

perceived anti‐Muslim bias was noted, even though Muslim Australian commentators see media

engagement as essential in changing perceptions of Muslims. Young Muslim Australians are

acutely aware that in the media and in the public domain, the attribution of ‘Muslim’

represented something abject or negative.


‘The media’ contributes greatly to young Muslim Australians sense of displacement in society.

This compounding effect of the media on their lives can be evidenced in the stereotypes they

endure, the discrimination, Islamophia and everyday racisms they experience. They perceive that

‘bad’ news stories ascribed to Muslims persist, and that ascriptions to ‘good’ news stories rarely

apply. The debates surrounding the hijab and burqa, and gang rapes all contribute to

perpetuation of negative stereotypes, for young men and women. Hearing ‘voices’ which link a

‘Muslim’ descriptor with tags such as ‘terrorist’ was not an uncommon occurrence. One concern

voiced by a Muslim community worker raised in Australia was the intergenerational nature of

prejudice and discrimination, which he saw as now extending to his children.

Voices that do the opposite, that is, those that bridge and bond communities in the Australian

landscape were clearly heard in the arts, sporting and other cultural contexts. Young Muslims

find inspiration in other Muslim figures such as sportsmen like Hazem El Masri, musicians, and

comedians like those involved with Salam café. They also participate in opportunities for cultural

expression. The increased participation in community poetry, comedy, music and art events are

examples of this. Recreational and sports activities were other ways identified as encouraging

social cohesion, cultural interaction and friendships, and breaking down the barriers of

displacement.

Best practice models

Consultations with key stakeholders revealed a wide array of ideas about what works with young

Muslim Australians and what currently happens in the field. Projects undertaken by young people

or their mentors sought to enhance social engagement opportunities for young Muslims. These

provided spaces for self‐expression, personal development and social connection, as well as

being recreational and educational. They often developed spontaneously, and were haphazardly

supported. In many instances such projects were self‐funded by the volunteers who organized

them. Apart from the effort in organizing these events, effort was also required to establish and

maintain parental trust and support for young Muslim participation.

It was evident from a review of the youth projects cited that those which engaged parents as a

way of building trust were the most successful. This approach often transferred into active

parental assistance and sponsorship for youth activities. This is particularly important as some

parents were regarded as overprotective initially, but were then seen as ‘transforming’ their

experience and those of their children into something positive and meaningful. The identification

of such loci for transformative learning and interaction is essential to the social ecology

framework underpinning this research.


In fact young people in all three fieldwork regions (Sydney, Melbourne and Darwin) were

observed to be creatively identifying solutions for problems within their Muslim communities

and in some cases were establishing social networks to assist other young Muslims or

disadvantaged members of the community at large. Young Muslim Australians have taken

proactive steps in creating ‘culturally compelling’, ‘culturally appropriate and effective’ strategies

revealing resilience and active citizenship within their social ecological frame (see Panter‐Brick et

al 2006).

The consultations with key stakeholders working in the field with young Muslim Australians or

their families highlighted the importance of tutoring programs as well as mentoring and

leadership programs to help young people discover and unlock their potential. They also

suggested a combination of youth programs operating within Muslim organizations, mosques, or

youth groups, through to programs that are run as partnerships in collaboration with mainstream

organizations and the community at large. Such youth programs would need to offer different

points of engagement for young people, to provide opportunities to create their own spaces, and

to be inclusive in nature (as opposed to being exclusive programs). Indeed, projects which were

adequately funded, which utilized specialist skills of Muslim professionals, that encouraged

parental or family involvement and trust, and which worked to empower and skill young Muslim

Australians, were all regarded as vitally important in mitigating the damaging effects of racism,

discrimination and social marginalization and in reinforcing the extent to which young Muslim

Australians participate in, and feel that they belong in, Australian society.


7. Recommendations

Social ecology models aim at achieving ‘culturally acceptable’, ‘culturally compelling’ and

‘effective’ interventions (Panter‐Brick et al 2006). The recommendations utilise the principles,

strategies, spheres of influence or domains of social interaction, which come directly out of this

social ecology model, as well as providing the evidence base for each.

With this in mind, and in line with the findings of the research, the recommendations that follow,

encourage: collaboration and partnerships; socially inclusive strategies, services and social

messages; viable anti‐discrimination strategies; evidenced‐based professional practice which

include family and strengths based approaches; the utilization of specialist skills within the

Australian Muslim communities to assist young people and their families; as well as mentoring,

support and leadership training for young Muslim Australians.

The ten program areas, identified from the literature review and the research conducted, are the

most common settings and opportunities for encouraging and responding to young people’s

Voices. There program areas are:

1. Personal development

2. Family relationships

3. Leadership development

4. Community development

5. Sport and recreation

6. Arts and culture

7. Racism, prejudice and discrimination

8. Media and representation

9. Cyber Media

10. Funding models

Further detail on each follows.


Program Area

1. PERSONAL DEVELOPMENT

Social Ecology Principles: culturally appropriate, affectively compelling, socially inclusive and sustainable.

Strategies: self‐efficacy, increasing skills and agency, transformative learning, bonding and bridging.

Domains: individual, interpersonal, community.

Recommendation Strengthen and support or establish programs which:

Expand mentoring opportunities, for example:

focusing on mainstream and Muslim figures from arts, sports etc

recognizing the important role of mosques, older family

members (etc. – you have identified)

while seeking long term relationships, also recognizing the

significance of one off exposure through activities such as

AFL/Muslim community round robins etc.

Expand tutoring opportunities in local areas

Encourage positive messages about being Muslim and Australian in

community programs, and by supporting positive role models;

Provide opportunities for safe, social and cultural interaction with

the wider community, building pathways for social engagement,

acceptance and inclusion;

Build self esteem, resilience and skills, supporting educational and

career aspirations, providing careers/vocational guidance;

Provide appropriate counselling programs and support services that

acknowledge cultural and spiritual dimensions, and the lifespan

developmental nature of youth;

Engage specialist skills (youth, health, welfare professionals) within

the Australian Muslim community to assist young Muslims where

feasible.

Evidence base Direct research: mentoring and tutorial programs Melbourne & Darwin;

consultations with stakeholders in Sydney, Melbourne & Darwin.

Literature and Other: Aspire2Inspire; Mission of Hope; Yasmeen 2010;

Akbarzadeh 2010 a and b;


Program Area

2. FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS

Social Ecology Principles: culturally appropriate, affectively compelling, sustainable.

Strategies: increasing skills & agency; transformative learning.

Domains: individual, interpersonal, community, society.


Utilise evidence‐based professional practice which include

‘whole of family’ and strengths based approaches to family

relationships;

Aim at building trust with parents who may be unfamiliar with

youth programs;

Engage specialist skills (youth, health, welfare professionals)

within the Australian Muslim community to assist young Muslim

Australians and their families where available;

Employ socially inclusive strategies to engage Muslim families

within their programs.

Evidence base Direct research: Young people and stakeholder consultations in Sydney,

Melbourne and Darwin.


Program Area

3. LEADERSHIP DEVELOPMENT

Social Ecology

Principles: culturally appropriate, affectively compelling, sustainable.

Strategies: Self‐efficacy, increasing skills and agency, transformative

learning, bonding and bridging.

Domains: individual, interpersonal, organisation, community, society.

Recommendation

Strengthen and support and/or establish programs which provide:

Youth leadership training and mentoring opportunities;

Training in community development and managing sustainable

organizations;

Communication, media and advocacy training;

Opportunities for engagement with different organizations and

institutions in society e.g. political, educational, religious, legal,

business and non government sectors;

Support for aspirational roles in community leadership.

Evidence base

Direct research: Stakeholder consultations in Sydney, Melbourne and

Darwin; young adults actively organising activities and supports.


Program Area

4. COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT

Social Ecology

Principles: culturally appropriate, affectively compelling, socially

inclusive, sustainable.

Strategies: increasing skills and agency, transformative learning,

bonding and bridging.


Recommendation

Strengthen and support or establish programs which:

Promote cross cultural collaborations, engagements and

partnerships between Muslim groups / organizations, other

minority communities and mainstream organizations which

encourage friendships, learning and active citizenship;

Support Muslim organizations to effectively engage young

people;

Support volunteer initiatives, internships and activities for

young Muslims people;

Work towards community capacity building strategies and

outcomes;

Support and develop sustainable Muslim community

infrastructures.

Evidence base

Direct research: Young people and stakeholder consultations in Sydney,

Melbourne and Darwin.

Literature and Other: Living in Harmony / National Action Plan

programs.


Program Area

5. SPORT AND RECREATION

Social Ecology





Domains: individual, interpersonal, organizations, community, society.


Encourage cross cultural collaborations, engagements and

partnerships between mainstream sports and local Muslim

communities, including interfacing with iconic Australian

sporting institutions and personalities (e.g. ICV and AFL

Community event).

Provide culturally appropriate opportunities for young women

in sport that are safe and inclusive.

Seek parental trust and buy‐in.

Evidence base

Direct research: ICV and AFL Community Event, girls soccer teams,

young people and stakeholder consultations in Sydney, Melbourne and

Darwin.

Literature: McCue 2010.


Program Area

6. ART and CULTURE

Social Ecology Principles: culturally appropriate, affectively compelling, socially




Domains: individual, interpersonal, organisation, community, society,

global.


Encourage artistic expression through skills acquisition, training

and recreational activities for young Muslim Australians, across

the various genres including poetry, writing, comedy, drama,

visual arts, music, graphic design and multi‐media etc, which

accommodate cultural sensitivities and affirm diversity of

cultural identities;

Recognize and support volunteer initiatives within the Muslim

community;

Provide opportunities, events and/or venues to showcase such

expression and or performance;

Create linkages for young people to allow greater participation

in the arts and cultural scene, including interfacing with

mainstream Australian icons and arts institutions.

Evidence base Direct research: Art and cultural activities organised by community

workers/organizations and volunteer mentors in Melbourne;

Melbourne stakeholder consultations; Sydney stakeholder

consultations; Darwin story telling programs and cultural activities.

Literature and Other: Pennycook, 2007; Swedenburg 2001; Brothahood;

Diafrix; Alim, Ibrahim and Pennycook (eds) 2008; Kaya 2001, 2002,

2003; IAM; Fun‐Da‐Mental’s, Too Phat, Pietro Felix; Salam Café; Fear of

a Brown Planet;


Program Area

7. RACISM, PREJUDICE and DISCRIMINATION

Social Ecology


inclusive.




global.

Recommendation


Provide for socially inclusive strategies and education;

Youth programs which develop anti‐discrimination awareness

and support;

Sustain and sanction socially inclusive social messages within the

public arena;

Encourage cross cultural collaborations and partnerships with

young Muslims, as well as Muslim organizations, which broaden

friendship circles and networks in the wider community;

Seek greater protection under the law against Islamophobia,

religious discrimination and vilification;

Training/awareness programs for civic rights & responsibilities,

and effective advocacy.

Evidence base


Melbourne and Darwin; survey results.

Literature: Yasmeen 2010; Dunn, Klocker, et al. 2007; Human Rights and

Equal Opportunity Commission 1991 and 2004; Committee on

Discrimination Against Arab Australians 1992; McMahon 2005; Poynting

and Mason 2006; Jakubowicz 2010.


Program Area

8. MEDIA and REPRESENTATION

Social Ecology



Strategies: increasing skills and agency, transformative learning,

bonding and bridging.


global.

Recommendation

Strengthen and support or establish programs and campaigns which:

Provide training for young Muslim Australians in

communications, media production and public relations (e.g.

better managing of image creation, control and messaging);

Challenge stereotypes of Muslims through positive social

messages and role models;

Seek greater accountability and regulation of media

organizations using sensationalist and harmful social messages;

Seek greater accountability for negative political messages

about Islam, Muslims, migrants, and refugees;

Showcase Muslim contributions to society, culture and nation

building.

Evidence base



Literature: Manning 2004 and 2006; Poynting et al 2004; Human Rights

and Equal Opportunity Commission 1991 and 2004; Dunn 2003; Abood

2005.


Program Area

9. CYBER MEDIA

Social Ecology


inclusive.




global.

Recommendation


Promote youth training and awareness of filtering software,

safe place and parental care in regards to cyber media or cyber‐

safety;

Seek greater protection under Australian law against cyber‐

bullying, Islamophobia, religious and racial vilification.

Evidence base

Direct research: young people and stakeholder consultations in Sydney,


Literature and Other: Everett 2008; Jakubowicz 2010; Australian Human

Rights Commission Cyber‐Racism Summit 2010; State of Australia’s

Young People Report 2009.


Program Area

10. FUNDING MODELS

Social Ecology



Strategies: increasing skills and agency, bonding and bridging.


Recommendation

Strengthen and support or establish funding models which:

Encourage a mix between culturally sensitive, inclusive

programs undertaken within mainstream and multicultural

services, and ethno‐religious specific funding for activities

undertaken within the Muslim community;

Provide longer term (3 to 5 year) funding for Muslim community

initiatives which fit within national priorities areas e.g. mental

health (counselling services), education (homework help,

tutorial programs), labour market (careers/vocational

guidance);

Allow for small fund allocations to help community

volunteers/mentors and organizations to offer repeated one‐off

activities e.g. sporting, recreational, art and cultural activities.

Evidence base


Melbourne and Darwin

Literature and Other: Living in Harmony program / National Action Plan;

various NGO sector funding, State and Federal funding programs


A final note

Social ecology locates individuals within networks of association, in localities and communities

that offer them both resources and challenges. Young Muslims in Australia accrue ‘cultural

capital’ from a range of sources, from the most intimate in family and friends, to the distant and

wider society. Their cultural capital, that is, the set of resources they internalize that enable them

to operate socially, are heavily inflected by an interaction of traditional and modern experiences,

values and beliefs and these all contribute to their sense of self. Many Muslim institutions,

especially schools, invest heavily in building a cohesive sense of self, where religion, nationality

and personal identity line up in ways that are compatible. Yet, Muslim cultural capital, however

integrationist it seeks to be while retaining its own sense of integrity, still has to suffer wider

societal dynamics that do not always treat it as a legitimate dimension of modern Australia.

As the legitimacy of Muslim contributions may be consistently undermined, so the dynamics for

social capital formation are affected, often in counter‐productive ways. If cultural capital faces

invalidation in the wider society, the communities that carry it may both seek to have it more

effectively accepted through adaptation, while also turning inward to reinforcing it through a

concentration on the creation of bonding social capital. As these multiple processes develop,

bridging social capital becomes the most vulnerable dimension of the many relationships

extending out between communities. While young Australian Muslims overwhelmingly want to

be Australian in their national identity, they do not want to abandon thereby the Muslim

dimensions, if only symbolic and cultural, of their heritage.

For social programs of ‘inclusion’ to be effective, they need to be multi‐directional, and recognise

the processes through which identity is formed and opportunity is sought. The voices to which

young Australian Muslims listen, and the pathways they use to give voice to their own

aspirations, provide firm evidence that the wider society’s capacity to bridge cultures and to

facilitate integration and participation by young Muslims, will determine the success of its goals

of social cohesion.


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Appendix A

Selected Australian & International programs with Muslim Youth

Australia Country Australia

Project Step‐Up!

Description United Muslim Women Association Inc is a registered body working with individual women and women’s groups to promote fairness, equity, and justice in the local community. It is a non‐ethnic based organisation which caters for Muslim women from any socio‐ economic, political, and cultural background.

The United Muslim Women Association is currently overseeing a new safety project targeting Arab and Muslim women and young people. Step Up!, as the project has been called, is funded by the NSW Attorney‐Generals Department and aims to reduce and prevent racial and religious discrimination and violence against Arab and Muslim women and young people. Step Up! Also aims to build the capacity of Arab and Muslim women and young people in the short, medium and long term to deal with racial and religious discrimination and violence. It also aims to increase the capacity of government and nongovernment organisations and small businesses to respond effectively and appropriately to the racial and religious discrimination and violence experienced by Arab and Muslim women and young people.

Organisation, location, duration United Muslim Women Association Inc / 2006, Events on an intermittent basis

Target groups (e.g. sport, music, interfaith, mosque based, community org, media, festivals etc)

Young Muslim women and service providers around Lakemba and neighbouring suburbs

Participants 150

Funding source NSW Attorney‐General’s Department

Achievements & Challenges N.A.

Contact Details: Maha Abdul, 47 Wangee Road LAKEMBA NSW 2195, Ph: (02) 9750 6916, Email: [email protected]

Reference http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/multicultural/grassroots /full‐report.pdf

mailto:[email protected]

http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/multicultural/grassroots


Country Australia

Project Campus Conversations

Description FAIR is a community organisation made up of young Australians working to enhance the position of Muslims and to promote a positive image of the grassroots Islamic community in Australia through advocacy, public relations and by engaging the media. This particular project involves lectures in universities in New South Wales and Victoria for tertiary students and the general public. The lectures aim to break down misunderstanding and stereotypes generated by the media, and to make accessible ‘Australian Muslims’. They will focus on current issues facing the community and promote critical understanding of Islam and Australian Muslims.

Organisation, location, duration Forum on Australia’s Islamic Relations (FAIR)/ Since 2006, six programs have been conducted.


Muslim and non‐Muslim students in universities in Sydney and Melbourne, academics, journalists

Participants 30‐40

Funding source Department of Immigration and Citizenship

Achievements & Challenges Feedback has been almost completely positive with many universities expressing interest in such events on their campus

Contact Details: Kuranda Seyit, PO BOX 1013, Strawberry Hills, NSW, Ph: 0412 318 045, Email: [email protected]





Country Australia

Projects (Multiple) FAIR

Description Goodness and Kindness Project 2003‐7 Youth Fusion Leadership program 2006/7 (Sydney) Artslam 21 ‐ 2008 Art of Leadership Conference 2008 Helping Hand Youth Volunteering project 2009 National Youth Volunteering Symposium 2009 NSW Muslim Youth Summit 2006 Beat the Rap school visits† 2009 Aussie Mossie Video Challenge 2009 (Sydney) Back Out youth camp 2007 (Darwin) FAIR deen intensives† 2005‐07 (Sydney‐Blue mtns) Hearts and Minds Youth Leadership project (Indonesia 2009) Aust‐Malaysia Cross Cultural Initiative 2010 (Malaysia)

Organisation, location, duration Forum on Australia’s Islamic Relations (FAIR), Sydney


Young Australian Muslim men and women.

Participants N.A.

Funding source N.A.



Reference



Country Australia

Project Youth Leadership and Mentoring Program

Description Youth Leadership and Mentoring Program (under the guidance of internationally esteemed scholar Sidi Naeem Abdul Wali (from the USA) is a series of short certificate courses on Islam including In the Footsteps of our prophet, History of the Hijab, Arabic morphology, Media for Muslims, Resolving conflicts the fun way, Muslim awareness about Drugs and Alcohol, An overview of Islamic history, Introduction to Islam and more.

Organisation, location, duration Youth Fusion (division of Forum on Australia’s Islamic Relations) / 2006; Ongoing on intermittent basis


Young Muslims

Participants Approximately 100 at each event

Funding source Self‐funded

Achievements & Challenges Positive feedback from participation; via surveys, direct feedback and by email.






Country Australia

Project WimSWIM ‐ Women only swimming program

Description The WimSwim initiative is a culturally appropriate program for women to continue to keep themselves healthy through swimming either as a sport or leisure activity. The initiative also welcomes non‐Muslim women to participate so that there can be more interaction between Muslim and non‐Muslim women and the community can benefit from this relationship. Mission of Hope, which organises the program, aims to keep Muslim women healthy through their participation in this women’s only swimming initiative. WimSWIM has also received a commendation at the highly prestigious NSW Water Safety Awards announced by the Minister for Tourism and Sport and Recreation, Sandra Nori. The commendation was received under the Patron’s award for the most significant contribution to water safety, with a focus on an under represented group. WimSWIM recognises that there are many cultures and religions where it is not appropriate for men and women to swim together. The response to the programs has been fantastic with 157 women and girls enrolled in the programs, participating weekly and learning the basics of swimming and developing their skills.

Organisation, location, duration Mission of Hope ‐ Muslim Community Solutions for Health and Well‐ Being / In place since May 2006; continuous groups throughout the year.


Women and young girls from both Muslim and non‐Muslim backgrounds.

Participants 150 enrolled in various levels

Funding source NSW Sport and Recreation

Achievements & Challenges The turn‐out as well as surveys among participants indicate a wonderfully positive response from the community.

Contact Details: Manal Nasreddine, P.O.Box 675 Lakemba, NSW 2195, Ph: (02) 9703 1580, Email: [email protected]





Country Australia

Project www.MuslimVillage.net (formerly IslamicSydney)

Description MuslimVillage.net (IslamicSydney.com) is a non‐sectarian, nonprofit website run by volunteers, and relies on the support and good will of Muslims in the community to survive. It was established to provide a focal point for Muslims living in Sydney, to bind the community together and be an extensive source of information for locals and visitors.

The website keeps Muslims in the area informed about Islam and about other important issues in the community. It encourages Muslims to talk to non‐Muslim members in their community to raise awareness of Islam as a peaceful and practical religion. It also encourages a strong community spirit through mutual understanding and tolerance.

The website also functions as a source of information for non‐Muslims to learn more about Islam, thereby encouraging closer understanding between these groups. The forums on the website form an important discussion avenue for Muslims to address issues of importance to the community.

Organisation, location, duration IslamicSydney.com / MuslimVillage.net / Established in 2001

Target groups Young Muslims with access to internet as well as non‐Muslims

Participants Over 6,500 registered members

Funding source Self‐funded through Advertisements, Contributions


Contact Details: PO BOX A92, Enfield South NSW 2133, Email: [email protected]


http://www.muslimvillage.net/




Country Australia

Project Young Australian Muslim of the Year Project and Award

Description The Young Australian Muslim of the Year Project and Award aims to recognise the positive contribution of Year 9 to Year 12 students of Islamic faith to the Australian community. The Young Australian Muslim of the Year (YAMY) project supports the development of positive role models for Muslim Youth and recognises and celebrates existing role models. This project highlighted the importance of contributing to the Australian community through personal achievement and community service. The award is unique in that it places the emphasis on the individual’s ability to contribute their skills, talent and time to the community, as opposed to recognising the individual for their skill or talent only. The YAMY award was initiated in 2005 by Muslim Community Cooperative Australia (MCCA) to facilitate the development of community mindedness in young Australian Muslims and to provide an opportunity to recognise the philanthropic and altruistic efforts of many young Muslims. During this time, 38 young Australian Muslims were recognised for Outstanding Community Service Achievements through the YAMY awards and over 700 young people have been involved in youth conferences, training workshops across Melbourne and Sydney.

Organisation, location, duration Islamic Council of Victoria / 2005‐Present

Target groups Young Muslims aged 14 ‐19

Participants 700+



Contact Details: Bahriye Bol, Islamic Council of Victoria, 66 Jeffcott St, West Melbourne,

Ph: 03 93282067/0404153653, [email protected]





Country Australia

Project Women's Swimming Program

Description A heavily subsidised learn to swim program for low income women living or working in Auburn LGA. Included 10 weeks of learn to swim lessons with referrals to health promoting programs afterwards. The women‐only program was held at Ruth Everuss Acquatic Centre, Church Street, Lidcombe weekly on Wednesdays. Also organised as part of the program was a Bus Trip to Cronulla Beach to learn about surf safety, a women’s health talk and lunch at Auburn Community Health Centre, a bus trip to Villawod for swimming lessons and a free four hour hands on course in Auburn library on saving the lives of infants and adults through resuscitation.

Organisation, location, duration Auburn Council / 6 months including planning and implementation of 10 week program


Low income women living in Auburn LGA were the target, however the program attracted nearly all Muslim women, particularly Iraqi, Afghan and Lebanese women. Some Asian women also attended. Participants included young as well as older women. Some mothers and daughters attended

Participants 72

Funding source CDSE Auburn

Achievements & Challenges Surveys among participants were conducted with significant positive response.

Contact Details: Noelene Rudolph, 1Susan Street, Auburn, PO Box 118, Auburn NSW 1835, Ph: 9735 1288, Email: [email protected]





Country Australia

Project Liaison with Muslim community members and leaders

Description After September 11, each AFP Executive Team in respective regions sought to develop strong relationships with Muslim and Arab communities. Formal and informal lines of communication continue with Islamic Councils as part of this outreach program. Specific examples follow. The AFP Melbourne Office holds regular meetings with Muslim community leaders and representatives of the Islamic Council of Victoria. The AFP Sydney Office has been engaged with the Sydney Muslim Community on a regular basis particularly focusing on forming new relationships with the Islamic youth. The frequency of this contact occurs weekly with formal meetings held monthly (approximately). The AFP Adelaide Office meets with Muslim community leaders on a quarterly basis. In August 2006 Adelaide Office initiated a cultural awareness presentation from the Muslim Women's Association. This highly successful event was attended by AFP, Customs, Australian Crime Commission (ACC), Attorney Generals Department and SA Police. The AFP Perth Office have been engaged on a significant level with Muslim communities since 1971 undertaking formal meetings every six months. The Manager of the Perth Office is regularly invited and attends various Muslim community events and in June 2006 led an open forum discussion attended by a wide range of organisations including councils and religious centres. The AFP Darwin Office has reached an agreement with the recently elected Presidents of both the Darwin and Alice Springs Islamic Councils to involve them in a program of Islamic awareness seminars for AFP members.

Organisation, location, duration Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission/ 2001‐ongoing


Muslim leaders and youth

Participants

Funding source Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission

Achievements & Challenges

Contact Details: HREOC

Reference http://www.hreoc.gov.au/racial_discrimination/unlocking_doors/audit.h tml

http://www.hreoc.gov.au/racial_discrimination/unlocking_doors/audit.h


Country Australia

Project Muslim Aquatic Recreation Project

Description In partnership with DIAC, the Royal Life Saving Society of Australia (RLSSA) launched the Muslim Youth Aquatic Recreation Project in July 2006. The project is designed to provide Muslim community members with the skills and qualifications required to secure employment as pool lifeguards and swimming teachers. The project builds on the RLSSA pilot Arabic Youth Aquatic Recreation and Training Program that was conducted in Sydney’s west in 2005, which helped develop stronger links between Muslim community groups, their local aquatic facilities and the RLSSA.

Organisation, location, duration Royal Life Saving /Australian Government Department of Immigration and Citizenship / July 2006.


Muslim Youth

Participants Unlimited

Funding source DIAC


Contact Details:

Reference http://www.royallifesaving.com.au/www/html/520‐muslim‐aquatic‐ recreation‐project.asp

http://www.royallifesaving.com.au/www/html/520


Country Australia

Project African Think Tank ‐ African Community’s Initiative Workshop (VIC)

Description Workshops to assist African refugee communities in Victoria to better plan for the future in culturally diverse Australia, including opportunities for employment and leadership for African youth. Workshops identified challenges at the individual, family and whole‐ of‐community levels over the short, medium and long‐term and developed strategies to maximise participation of grassroots African refugee communities in Victoria.

Organisation, location, duration African Community’s Initiative Workshop (VIC) 2005‐2006


African youth




Contact Details: Department of Immigration and Citizenship

Reference http://www.immi.gov.au/living‐in‐australia/a‐diverse‐ australia/muslim‐youth‐summit.pdf



Country Australia

Project DEST ‐ University and Schools Project (NAT)

Description The aims of the project were to examine issues affecting young Muslims in schools who were at risk of isolation and document what schools, systems and sectors had done to promote the message to Muslim young people, their parents and Australians generally, that Islam is compatible with, and can live alongside, other faiths and Australian values.

Organisation, location, duration Australian Government Projects 2005‐2006


Young Muslims




Contact Details: Department of Immigration and Citizenship




Country Australia

Project I‐Care ‐ Interfaith Youth Camp (QLD)

Description A four day camp in Queensland which allowed Muslim youth to interact with youth from other religions in a peaceful and harmonious environment.

Organisation, location, duration Community Projects 2005‐2006


Muslim and non Muslim youth


Funding source 4 days


Contact Details:




Country Australia

Project DEST ‐ University and Schools Project (NAT)

Description The aims of the project were to examine issues affecting young Muslims in schools who were at risk of potential isolation and document what schools, systems and sectors had done to promote the message to Muslim young people, their parents and Australians generally, that Islam is compatible with, and can live alongside, other faiths and Australian values.

Organisation, location, duration Australian Government Projects 2005‐2006


Young Muslim students

2005 Youth Encounters ‐ Hijab meets kippa as faiths say hello


Funding source Australian Government


Contact Details:




Country Australia

Project 2005 Youth Encounters ‐ Hijab meets Kippa as faiths say hello

Description 120 students of Muslim, Christian and Jewish faiths came together, not only to talk about religion but also to discuss common interests such as Australia's soccer success against Uruguay and Australian Idol.

Organisation, location, duration Affinity Intercultural Foundation


Young Muslim and non‐Muslim students

Participants 120

Funding source NSW Jewish Board of Deputies and the Affinity Intercultural Foundation


Contact Details: Affinity Intercultural Foundation

Reference http://www.affinity.org.au

http://www.affinity.org.au/


Country Australia

Project 'GENERATE, the Popular Culture of Middle Eastern and Asian youth’ Description This research aims to:

‐ document the everyday life of young people from Middle Eastern and Asian communities in Western Sydney; and ‐ understand and appreciate the role of popular culture, cultural consumption and production experiences and activities in the construction of their identity.

Organisation, location, duration University of Western Sydney


Words, images, and sounds will form the basis of a series of events during the life of the project, running throughout 2001 and 2002, culminating in a major exhibition. Through this process the project hopes to provide an opportunity for a wider understanding of the complexity and diversity of young migrant identities and the dynamic, positive contribution they make to Sydney's public life and Australia's culture. The geographic focus of the research is Western Sydney, and through interviews with young people from this area GENERATE will explore the experience of living in a multicultural society from the point of view of young people themselves. But the Project is not just about documentation. Young people from the communities will also be involved as researchers and in the production of popular culture that expresses their hybrid lives.

Participants

Funding source

Achievements & Challenges Outcomes: A publication on Middle Eastern and Asian youth culture in Western Sydney and an exhibition of different elements of youth culture produced by young people themselves.

Contact Details: Melissa ButcherOInstitute for Cultural ResearchOUniversity of Western SydneyOTel: 02 9685 9921OFax: 02 9685 9964OEmail: [email protected]

Reference http://www.communitybuilders.nsw.gov.au/building_stronger/place/ ppp_10.html#contents


http://www.communitybuilders.nsw.gov.au/building_stronger/place/


Country Australia

Project Brisbane Based Youth Social Networking Websites

Description A joint initiative by Muslim Youth Services and Brisbane City Council has seen the development of two social networking websites for Brisbane Muslim Youth to communicate their ideas and opinions on issues that affect them. ‘Muslim Youth of Brisbane’ web pages from the Brisbane City Council's Community Portal, Visible Ink, (under construction) and the YMBriz social network site give Brisbane Muslim youth the opportunity to upload multimedia files such as digital pictures, video, audio and text; as well as different mediums for blogging space to communicate youth matters. The web pages also created a medium for the wider Brisbane community to familiarise themselves with Islam and Muslims. The social networking pages are associated with ‘ning.com’, which, unlike established networking sites, places more emphasis on group orientated web pages as opposed to individual based content. The project provides an opportunity for Muslim youth to express themselves through a medium where they feel comfortable, and amongst peers from different ethnic backgrounds

who share a Brisbane Muslim identity.O

Organisation, location, duration Muslim Youth Services and Brisbane City Council. The net.


Different ethnic backgrounds who share a Brisbane Muslim identity.

Participants Numerous

Funding source


Contact Details: Visit www.visible‐ink.org and click on the multicultural link to gain access to the web pages. To get to the YMBriz site go to http://ymbriz.ning.com.

Reference http://www.myservices.net.au/news.html

http://ymbriz.ning.com/

http://www.myservices.net.au/news.html


Country Australian Youth

Program / Policy Youth Participation and Access Program

Description The Youth Participation and Access Program Victoria 2009‐2011 provides funding to local government and community organisations to engage with, and provide early support activities for, vulnerable

young people to participate in their community. OOThe $12.3 million YPA program funds organisations across the state to deliver

100 local support services.OWhile many young people are doing well, some have trouble getting involved in their communities because of barriers like their background, their sexual preference or because where they live is geographically isolated or socially disadvantaged.

Target groups The YPA Priority Target Group focuses on supporting vulnerable young people who face additional barriers to participation in their community. Specifically YPA targets young people between 12 ‐25 years of age including: culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD); with disabilities; newly arrived/refugee; Indigenous; same‐sex attracted; experiencing socio‐economic disadvantage; rurally isolated areas; and localities with rapid population growth.

Contact Details / Reference http://www.youth.vic.gov.au/web21/ofy/dvcofy.nsf/headingpagesdis play/grants+and+programsyouth+participation+&+access

http://www.youth.vic.gov.au/web21/ofy/dvcofy.nsf/headingpagesdis


United States

Country US

Policy United We Serve (policy)

Description American Muslims are asked to join in with community projects and share the results online.

Organisation, location, duration US Government Washington (Gallup Center Muslim Studies coordination)


American Muslims Community

Participants Unlimted

Funding source US Government

Achievements & Challenges Various projects noted on web site www.MuslimServe.org

Contact Details:

Reference www.MuslimServe.org

http://www.muslimserve.org/

http://www.muslimserve.org/


Country US

Project Interfaith Youth Core (project)

Description Interfaith youth outreach

Organisation, location, duration Interfaith Youth Core Chicago


Interfaith youth outreach


Funding source United Religions Initiative, Council for a Parliament of the World’s Religions, Interfaith Center of New York, Ford Foundation, The Jenesis Group etc.

Achievements & Challenges The Challenge lies in overcoming traditional barriers of stereotypes in bringing about meaningful exchanges between people of different religions.

The project has been hugely successful with its Outreach Education and Training program reaching 13,988 individuals across 34 campuses, 41 civic and faith organisations and 11 independent schools. Furthermore, it’s DIYS program has expanded to thirty‐four sites around the world, spanning three continents, five countries, and twelve U.S. states and the District of Columbia

Contact Details:

Reference


Country US

Project The Islam Project

Description The Islam Project is a multimedia effort aimed at schools, communities, and individuals who want a clearer understanding of this institution: complex, diverse, historically and spiritually rich, and—to many—mysterious and even forbidding. The project comprises two PBS documentaries, a vibrant community engagement campaign, and an ambitious educational effort.

Organisation, location, duration Active Voice / Ongoing campaign since 2002.


Non‐Muslim teenagers and adults in educational and corporate and organisations.

Participants Hundreds of participants across ten cities in the US

Funding source Carnegie Corporation of New York, The James Irvine Foundation, The Nathan Cummings Foundation, Surdna Foundation, and the Hasan Family Foundation

Achievements & Challenges Feedback from participant surveys indicated substantial support for the project.

Contact Details: 2601, Mariposa Street, San Francisco, CA 94110, Ph: (415) 553‐

2841, Email: [email protected]





Country US

Project Interfaith Youth Core

Description IFYC is structured around three main programmatic areas: Public Advocacy, Outreach Education & Training, and Leadership. These three programmatic

areas work cohesively within the framework of its organisational goals, which are to build widespread public support for interfaith youth work; equip youth‐focused institutions to positively engage their religious diversity; and cultivate long‐term impact by emerging leaders in this movement.

Organisation, location, duration Interfaith Youth Core / Established in 1998; ongoing


Young individuals from diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds.

Participants In 2006‐07, their Outreach Program reached more than 13,000 participants

Funding source Funding from various sources including United Religions Initiative, Council

for a Parliament of the World’s Religions, Interfaith Center of New York, Ford Foundation, The Jenesis Group etc.

Achievements & Challenges As an international organisation, all it’s programs are closely monitored and evaluated in a stringent manner to ensure its continued efficacy and success.

Contact Details: 1111 N Wells St., Ste. 501Chicago, Il 60610, Ph: (312) 573‐8825,

Email: [email protected]





Country US

Project The Islam Project

Description The Islam Project is a multimedia effort aimed at schools, communities, and individuals who want a clearer understanding of this institution: complex, diverse, historically and spiritually rich, and—to many—mysterious and even forbidding.

Organisation, location, duration Active Voice San Francisco


Young Muslim students


Funding source Carnegie Corporation of New York, The James Irvine oundation, The Nathan Cummings Foundation, Surdna Foundation, and the Hasan Family foundation.

Achievements & Challenges The project has helped raise public awareness in promoting understanding and knowledge of Islam, helping decrease prejudice and discrimination; built bridges in creating new alliances between Muslim and non‐Muslim groups, as well as supported dialogue and offered new educational resources about Islam.

Contact Details:

Reference


Country US

Project Soliya Connect project

Description The Connect Program uses the latest web‐conferencing technology to bridge the gap between university students in the Middle East, North Africa, Europe and the United States.

Organisation, location, duration The Soliya Community (online)


University students


Funding source Al Madad Arthur B. Schultz Foundation, Carnegie Corporation of New York, Compton Foundation, Doris Duke Foundation for Islamic Art, Echoing Green, Ford Foundation, Kingdom Holdings, Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Qatar Foundation

Achievements & Challenges Soliya is leveraging this moment of opportunity by using cutting edge learning & social media technologies to build a global network of young adults and empowering them to bridge the divide between the West and the Arab & Muslim World.

Contact Details:

Reference www.soliya.net

http://www.soliya.net/


Country US

Project Muslim Voices Arts & Ideas festival

Description Arts festival aimed at encouraging interfaith dialogue

Organisation, location, duration Center for dialogues Islamic world‐ US‐ The West (New York)

www.muslimvoices festival.org


Muslim Voices


Funding source Doris Duke Foundation for Islamic Art, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, The Rockefeller Foundation's New York City Cultural Innovation Fund, Robert Sterling Clark Foundation, The Ford Foundation, and The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation

Achievements & Challenges Through the festival we hope to showcase the diversity of the arts of the Muslim world, gaining new perspectives along the way—the key to creating a world of vibrant mutual engagement and respect.

Contact Details:

Reference www.muslimvoices


Country US

Project Partners in Humanity Project

Description The Partners in Humanity programme addresses feelings of mutual fear and suspicion between Western and Muslim societies (including Muslims in the West) that have arisen because of perceived and real injustices, extreme inequality in political and economic opportunity, and pervasive stereotypes.

Organisation, location, duration Search for Common Ground (SFCG) New York



Funding source * The Norwegian Foreign Ministry * The UK’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office * The National Endowment for Democracy * HRH Prince Al Waleed Bin Talal, Kingdom Holdings * The United States Institute of Peace * Rockefeller Brothers Fund * The Compton Foundation * Individual donors

Achievements & Challenges Partners in Humanity works with organisations and individuals around the world, benefiting from their unique skills and expertise to enhance the impact of its projects. In addition, the programme relies heavily on the institutional knowledge of other programmes at Search for Common Ground.


Country US

Project Council on American‐Islamic Relations (CAIR)

Description CAIR's mission is to enhance understanding of Islam, encourage dialogue, protect civil liberties, empower American Muslims, and build coalitions that promote justice and mutual understanding.

Organisation, location, duration Washington DC



Funding source Washington DC www.cair.com

Achievements & Challenges Provides media training and civil rights advocacy

Contact Details:

Reference www.cair.com

http://www.cair.com/

http://www.cair.com/


Country US

Project Muslim American Society (MAS) Youth Centers

Description MAS has been spearheading the establishment of Youth Centers across the States. It is a place that the youth can call theirs and that is equipped with all needed facilities to host various youth activities. We believe that this project is critical if we are serious about raising a generation of committed and disciplined Muslims who will not only preserve their identity but also impact mainstream America.

Organisation, location, duration Muslim American Society, Falls Church, VA


American Muslim youth


Funding source Individual online contribution, US Government, Various Islamic funding bodies

Achievements & Challenges Our objective is that within 8‐10 years all of the youth work is transferred to a new generation of du’aa who are part of the fabric of this society but are the embodiment of the understanding of MAS methodology.


Country US

Project Muslim Youth Camp

Description Youth camp aimed at buiding bridges between Muslim youth in the US

Organisation, location, duration Muslim Youth Camp of California Fountain Valley, CA


Young American Muslim


Funding source Individual donors California State Government

Achievements & Challenges The camps have been successfully run for over 40 years and attract many members of the Muslim community


Country US

Project The Muslim Youth Project

Description To address the specific needs of Muslim youth around reproductive and sexual health, Advocates has launched the Muslim Youth Project which provides a forum for organizations working with Muslim youth to highlight their voices and bring their experiences to the fore‐front.

Organisation, location, duration Advocates for Youth Washington


Muslim Youth


Funding source Individual donation, US Government, Corporate Sponsors (not listed)

Achievements & Challenges Through the Muslim Youth Project, organizations receive strategic capacity building assistance, including publications and materials; written and electronic correspondence; telephone consultations; on‐ site training; and a seed grant in the amount of $4,000 to implement an HIV/STI and teen pregnancy prevention project. Services offered through this initiative are tailored to fit the needs of the specific organizations.

Contact Details:


Country US

Organisation IMAN

Description The Inner‐City Muslim Action Network (IMAN) is a community‐based nonprofit that works for social justice, delivers a range of social services, and cultivates the arts in urban communities.

Organisation, location, duration Inner‐City Muslim Action Network (IMAN)


To foster a dynamic and vibrant space for Muslims in Urban America by inspiring the larger community towards critical civic engagement exemplifying prophetic compassion in the work for social justice and human dignity beyond the barriers of religion, ethnicity, and nationality. Our services, organizing and arts agenda stem from our spiritual convictions about community service, human compassion, and social justice, particularly for marginalized people of color. IMAN categorizes all of its work to serve and empower disadvantaged individuals and communities within three broad areas:

o Direct Services o Organizing & Social Justice o Arts & Culture

Internship Programs and Volunteer Programs http://www.imancentral.org/get_involved.html

Participants Involves participants in three areas: Organising and Advocacy, Services and Art and Culture. http://www.imancentral.org/programs.html

Funding source


Contact Details:

Reference http://www.imancentral.org/

http://www.imancentral.org/get_involved.html

http://www.imancentral.org/get_involved.html

http://www.imancentral.org/programs.html

http://www.imancentral.org/


United Kingdom

Country UK

Project Towards Active Citizenship for Young European Muslims

Description There has been much concern recently, that many young people from Muslim communities are on the fringes, marginalised and alienated. It is imperative that we engage with those individuals and communities in a way that ensures their full involvement in mainstream active citizenship initiatives. Although there is much dialogue about this, there seems to be very little activity in actually addressing it in a way that is appealing to ordinary young Muslims. Disturbances have taken place across Europe ‐ in the UK in Burnley, Oldham and Bradford in 2001, with further disturbances last year in Birmingham; In France more recently and in Holland following the death of Theo Van Gogh, and in a number of countries in relation to the cartoon conflict. There is a potential that similar events occur in other European countries with large Muslim populations. UKREN felt that one way of addressing these issues would be to have a discussion with young people on what citizenship means and could mean. Although current discussions on citizenship amongst academics and policy makers are interesting, they unfortunately do not relate effectively to Muslims. These discussions are in many respects imposed from the outside upon Muslim communities and organisations and are often followed by questions such as ‘why don’t Muslims buy into these discussions? ’ or ‘why don’t Muslims abide by what we are suggesting?’

Organisation, location, duration UK Race and Europe Network (UKREN)


Young Muslims involved in citizenship trainings, classrooms and activities


Funding source European governmental and non‐governmental

Achievements & Challenges N.A

Contact Details: N.A

Reference http://www.runnymedetrust.org/docs/search.html?cx=00228210699 8934022291%3A9g52mksuzv4&cof=FORID%3A11&q=program+on+m uslim+political+participation+#1190

http://www.runnymedetrust.org/docs/search.html?cx=00228210699


Country UK

Project The Peace Alliance

Description The Peace Alliance is an independent voluntary organisation working to reduce the fear of crime, and to promote peace in the community. The Peace Alliance was formed as a result of community reactions against local criminality. Initially the peace alliance sought to establish links within local faith, voluntary and community organisations as a means to arrange a themed ‘Week of Peace’, which aimed to annually celebrate the diversity of cultures and to confront any impediments to this celebration. The Peace Alliance key objective is to reduce the fear of crime within local communities by: *Promoting peace and good citizenship *Restoring a sense community and involving all communities in a concerted effort towards community safety * Engaging and working with young people

Organisation, location, duration The Peace Alliance / Established in 2001, annual Week of Peace celebration


Local residents and community organisations within the extensive locations covered by the Alliance

Participants Various numbers at different activities organised by the alliance. Over 5,000 participants engage in Week of Peace activities

Funding source Local government councils, business groups

Achievements & Challenges NA

Contact Details: 117 Bruce Grove, Tottenham, London N17 6UR, Ph: 020 8808

9439, Email: [email protected]





Country UK

Project Camden Hip Hop Café

Description Launched in March 2006, the aim of the Café Hip Hop project is to encourage young people to tackle topical issues such as social cohesion, violence and youth crime through fun, attractive and positive activities. The project was developed in order to tackle issues relating to barriers to education and employment, social exclusion, and to help reduce youth crime in Camden. The Café Hip Hop has been developed by the Kentish Town Community Organisation [KTCO] with the support of the London Borough of Camden's Equalities and Social Inclusion Team.

Organisation, location, duration Kentish Town Community Organisation / Established in March 2006; monthly events.


Youths from various ethnic and religious backgrounds

Participants 70‐100 participants

Funding source Kentish Town Community Organisation and London Borough of Camden's

Equalities and Social Inclusion Team.

Achievements & Challenges KTCO directors and youth workers review each event in terms of activities conducted as well as participant turnout and satisfaction. The project has received a very positive response from the young people who attended. There has been a high level of take up, with between 70 and 100 young people attending the sessions held since the launch of the project.

Contact Details: Masood Lone, Camden Town Hall, Judd Street, London WC1H 9JE

Ph: 020‐7278 4444 Email: [email protected]





Country UK

Project Proud to be Muslim

Description Produced DVD and open weekend; ensure youth centres open late at weekends

Organisation, location, duration Local Council and youth workers, Rochdale


Young men at risk of crime

Participants N.A

Funding source UK Govt “Aiming High” strategy Youth Crime Action Plan and the Tackling Knives Action Programme. Cost: £4 mill over 4 yrs in Rochdale: £680 mill for UK

Achievements & Challenges DVD made

Applicability to Australia Local DVD production – issue of use and distribution

Contact Details:

Reference UK Teenagers Make Film about Muslim Youth in Britain| IslamToday / Agencies| http://www.islamtoday.com/showme2.cfm?cat_id=38&sub_cat_id=2 295

http://www.islamtoday.com/showme2.cfm?cat_id=38&sub_cat_id=2


Country UK

Project Muslimyouth.net Youth Voices Campaign

Description Profile the social condition of young Muslims, encourage young people to build peer‐support networks and access services which will help them overcome their difficulties and concerns.

Organisation, location, duration Volunteers, National


Young people needing counselling

Participants N.A

Funding source N.A

Achievements & Challenges Major on‐line service; report on services identifies needs re relationships, drugs alcohol, mental health. Focuses attention on “normal” problems

Applicability to Australia Valuable model for community based and professionally supported project


Reference http://www.muslimyouth.net/campaigns?id=1&art=63

http://www.muslimyouth.net/campaigns?id=1&art=63


Country UK

Project Muslim Youth Skills Training and Consultancy

Description Muslim Youth Skills aims to equip individuals and organisations who work with young people and community groups to be competent and confident about their work. We do this by providing consultancy and a range of training, workshops and seminars for individuals and organisations

Organisation, location, duration N.A


Case Study 1

A community organisation approached us with the following questions:

* How can we enable young Muslims a 'Safe Space' to be able to

discuss issues that they are affected by?

* How can they redress negative stereo types?

* How can they explore and address contemporary issues affecting them?

We put forth a proposal that included:

* Using a newsletter that would bring the above key points together

* The publication would be facilitated by Key Workers, but be written and put together by young people themselves, including graphic design

* This publication could become a catalyst for work further‐afield

* Suggesting that they include input form Elected Members, Government Ministers and local religious Scholars

Participants N.A

Funding source Fee for service

Achievements & Challenges A Local Authority wanted to consult Young Muslims around various issues affecting them. After an initial analysis of the required outcomes, research into national statistics and trends, gathering experiences of practitioners and the views of Young Muslims themselves from various sources such as the Muslim Youth Helpline, we came up with a proposal which included the following topics:

* Discrimination * Criminality * Relationships * Violent Extremism

* Identity, Belonging and Citizenship * Drugs and Alcohol The consultation was successful, which culminated in a report with recommendations. These were followed up with a residential, which


allowed a group of young people to plan activities responding to local needs for a year. Subsequently, four other cities have followed the same format.

Applicability to Australia Still in early development – may have longer term value as an agency model, but employment services networks in Australia work differently


Reference http://muslimyouthskills.co.uk

http://muslimyouthskills.co.uk/


Country UK

Project Stockwell Green Community Services

Description Aims of SGCS were to divert those at risk of social and economic marginalisation, crime and radicalisation through the provision of educational, training and personal development opportunities. The roots of these risks were considered to include foreign policy, racism, discrimination, poor housing, a lack of employment and training opportunities and a distrust of local and national government leading to disenfranchisement and increased social isolation. The ethos behind the project included the encouragement of responsibility within the community to engage with those vulnerable of becoming dislocated from society. To achieve this, the project adopted a triangular approach incorporating the Metropolitan Police, Lambeth Borough Council and the community, with the local Mosque providing the foundation for the project, acting to lend support as well as vital religious credibility.

Organisation, location, duration SGCS Muslim led voluntary agency: SEED project (Support for Employability Enhancement and Development) and its successor PROSEED (Providing Real Opportunity and Support for Employability Enhancement and Development) / Lambeth South London


client group of the SEED and PROSEED projects were diverse; roughly 50% were female, and ages ranged from 10 to 50, with an average age of 25 years. Beneficiaries were drawn from 13 ethnicities, with four continents represented in the project‘s activities, and those from BME groups making up 98% of the project‘s participants. Beneficiaries appeared to be somewhat distanced from mainstream education with a limited number enrolled in other centres of learning. Recruitment to SGCS was considered a two tier process; individuals were introduced to the project through various conduits, most usually through friends, the Mosque or via family members. Individuals about whom there was concern were identified by family or community members and were informally introduced to the project through Mosque elders and project leaders / Mosque elders Police

Participants N.A

Funding source European Regional Development Fund through the URBAN II regeneration programme:

Achievements & Challenges SGCS have exhibited an ability to reach, attract and engage with those most at risk of progressing towards extremist views and economic inactivity. This may be considered suggestive of the ability of SGCS to enable delivery of practical tools for academic, personal and social development. In addition, this indicates the instigation and continued propagation of a site for direct engagement with those at risk of crime and radicalisation.

Applicability to Australia Seems to be an excellent project with all the key dimensions covered, and with real flow‐on impact in the wider society



Reference http://www.mdx.ac.uk/hssc/acstructure/psychology/docs/ADLER_(PR O)SEED_repo.pdf.

http://www.mdx.ac.uk/hssc/acstructure/psychology/docs/ADLER_(PR


Country UK

Project Empowering Muslim communities in Watford

Description The project was delivered in two main strands: research and increasing understanding, and capacity building. Research covered the whole Muslim community. There were separate focus groups for different segments of the Muslim community. The funding to community groups focused on women.

Organisation, location, duration Watford Borough Council, A steering group, consisting of: * the elected mayor * all Muslim councillors * the police * relevant council staff. * Bridge of Peace women’s group

* Muslim Women’s Group * Watford’s Multi‐cultural Community Centre * North and central Watford mosques. / Watford London


Local government; local communities of difference; mainly women’s organisations / Community, mosques, Muslim women

Participants N.A

Funding source Prevent Programme

Achievements & Challenges It is too early in the project to be able to evaluate impact or meaningful outcomes. However, what has been achieved is a much improved dialogue with Muslim residents in a short period of time. This has reached some consensus on what the important issues are for them as citizens of Watford. The council has a clear list of areas that require further work. It has learned more about perceptions of belonging and community, some of which the council had not considered previously.

Applicability to Australia Implicit action research model could be used locally elsewhere subject to reasonable expectation of ongoing funding – ie model programs and once‐offs can be counter‐productive as they raise and then dash expectations. Success‐dependent follow‐through strategy required from outset


Reference http://www.idea.gov.uk/idk/core/page.do?pageId=8828667

http://www.idea.gov.uk/idk/core/page.do?pageId=8828667


Country UK

Project Waltham Forest’s Young Muslim Leaders Programme

Description * give young Muslims an opportunity to identify themselves as a welcome part of wider British society and feel accepted at a local level.

* to communicate the rejection of violent extremist ideology and

actively condemn it to their peers.

* an opportunity to develop a sustainable framework for the council and partners to engage with diverse communities

* an opportunity to develop the capacity for young Muslims to deal with problems where they arise in a positive manner

* and the creation of a support structure around diversionary activity for those at risk.

Being a pathfinder, this was new territory. Even given the baseline evidence, it was difficult to predict or assume that the project would be successful. The two methods of teaching ranged from interaction with military organisations and politicians to giving talks and facilitating debates in schools. Both approaches proved successful in providing the young people with public speaking skills, confidence and knowledge. These they could share and teach to their peers. It also empowered the beneficiaries to make an informed choice about extremism.

YML are active community leaders and mentors, peer educators and public speakers. They dispel myths about Islam and the Islamic way of life, and promote cohesion and citizenship. They have appeared at a number of public media events and have taken part in radio debates and interviews. As well as speaking at school assemblies and other events, they have produced DVDs about their experiences. They are regular participants at conferences, seminars and training events throughout the country.

Organisation, location, duration Local Council Schools and Police with Muslim community / Waltham Forest London


The programme aims to: * build leadership capacity in young Muslims * develop young Muslims as peer mentors.

Police, young Muslims, schools

Participants N.A Funding source UK Govt Prevent Programme

Achievements & Challenges Reached 500 young people in Waltham Forest. The YML project was shortlisted for a Preventing Extremism Award by the Government Office for London (GOL). It was commended by the Prime Minister in a speech on counter‐terrorism in December 2007. The project has been


independently evaluated and a new tranche of projects are being commissioned. Other important initiatives include training more than 100 frontline staff on community cohesion, faith awareness, and delivering an Islam Awareness Week. Year two of the programme was further specialised, with the two strands of clearly‐defined work with disengaged young people and those at risk. A second tranche interacted with schools and offered peer mentoring. The evaluation of these projects took place in April 2009. The council will be looking to mainstream the projects from 2009. It is also inviting the organisations to bid for external funding to continue the programmes. However, the numbers of young people for the two years were relatively low – 20 for the first and 30 for the second. It also had a disproportionate number of males to females.

Applicability to Australia Could be but singling out young Muslims seems to be a fairly isolating idea: multicultural youth leadership is much more sensible

Contact Details:

Reference http://www.idea.gov.uk/idk/core/page.do?pageId=10366633

http://www.idea.gov.uk/idk/core/page.do?pageId=10366633


Country UK

Project Young Muslim Advisory Group

Description Meetings and conference: mar 09 350 young people Leeds conference

Organisation, location, duration National


Young people

Participants 23 youth representatives from around Britain

Funding source Dept Communities Local Government

Achievements & Challenges Ongoing until 2010

Applicability to Australia Could provide model but singles out young Muslims


Reference http://www.communities.gov.uk/news/corporate/987399

http://www.communities.gov.uk/news/corporate/987399


Country UK

Project Ansar Youth Project

Description Ansar Youth Project (AYP) is an innovative, pilot model of values‐ based youth‐work, which embraces young people from all cultures and communities. As part of this objective, we are keen to ensure that youth from amongst minority faith and ethnic communities, feel included within this mainstream provision.

Organisation, location, duration 973 facebook members http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=2251219887 / London Bor. Harrow


11 to 16‐year‐olds from ethnic minorities and the youth club involved around 40 young people based around a drop‐in centre and organised activities

Participants N.A

Funding source Youth Opportunity Fund

Achievements & Challenges N.A

Applicability to Australia N.A


Reference http://www.ansaryouth.org.uk / http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=2251219887

http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=2251219887

http://www.ansaryouth.org.uk/

http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=2251219887


Country UK

Project The Channel Project, part of the Prevent strategy

Description The Channel Project is a multi‐agency approach to support vulnerable individuals. It is a local and community‐based initiative, which utilises existing partnership working between the police, local authority and the local community. The project takes referrals from a number of sources on individuals that may be vulnerable to becoming involved in violent extremism. A joint risk assessment of each individual case is then made by project members and any issues of concern are identified. A programme of intervention tailored to the needs of the individual is then developed and implemented. Involvement of community partners is key. They will have expertise and insight into the process of assessment, referral and intervention.

Organisation, location, duration N.A


Supports individuals who lack of effective support networks, poor understanding of their faith and uncertainty about their own identity is exploited by recruiters.

Participants N.A

Funding source Home Office

Achievements & Challenges Over 200 people identified and “intervened”

Applicability to Australia Core to thinking of current Government – has received poor media response from Muslim media, but Home Office sees progress


Reference http://security.homeoffice.gov.uk/news‐publications/publication‐ search/prevent‐strategy/preventing‐violent‐extremism

Country UK

Project No Place for Hate

Description Organisational pledge against Hate: We recognise that all agencies, statutory, voluntary, community and private sector have a role to play in tackling hate and discrimination and promoting community safety. By signing this pledge we commit ourselves to creating a Tower Hamlets that is no place for hate. We will:

* Promote and implement a policy that promotes diversity and equality and challenges all forms of discrimination

* Ensure that our employment and health and safety policies and procedures deal effectively with hate crime or incidents that occur in the workplace whether between employees, or against staff members or the public

* Display posters and leaflets in our public reception areas

http://security.homeoffice.gov.uk/news


condemning all forms of hate and providing information for victims to enable them to access support

* Review the way our agency responds to the needs of service users or employees who may have experienced hate crime

* Train our staff on hate crime issues and how to respond to victims who report incidents to them

* Monitor the cases of hate crime that are reported to our agency, and ensure appropriate records are kept of all reports and action taken

* Share monitoring information about the number and types of cases that come to our attention with the Race and Hate Interagency Forum (RHIAF) to contribute to creating a better picture of hate crime in the borough

* Identify a lead officer in our agency who will maintain up to date information on hate crime issues and service developments in the borough

* Undertake at least one activity every year that promotes the No Place for Hate Campaign

* Agree for our organisation’s name and logo to appear on the No Place for Hate campaign web pages and publicity materials.

Organisation, location, duration Local organizations including / Tower Hamlets


Local community and government organisations

Participants N.A

Funding source Local Council

Achievements & Challenges Sign‐on list has 26 local organisations

Applicability to Australia Possible local model


Reference http://www.towerhamlets.gov.uk/lgsl/1101‐ 1150/1133_hate_crime/no_place_for_hate_campaign/organisational _pledge.aspx

http://www.towerhamlets.gov.uk/lgsl/1101


Country UK

Project Diversity and Dialogue

Description Diversity and Dialogue was conceived at a meeting of Christian, Jewish, Muslim and secular NGOs in July 2002. They thought about their potential to help counter current inter‐religious tensions and their conclusion was a commitment to run an interfaith education project in partnership – Diversity and Dialogue. Diversity and Dialogue began work in 2004 and aims to build understanding and friendship between young people from different faiths and backgrounds in the UK. It develops new models of intercultural dialogue and co‐ operation. Diversity and Dialogue works with 14–19 year olds across the UK to build trust, address discrimination and foster more cohesive communities. The successful first phase of the project was completed in 2006 and a second phase of work has begun.

Organisation, location, duration Citizenship Foundation / Established in 2004; ongoing projects


Young people aged between 14‐19 across UK

Participants Hundreds in various towns around UK.

Funding source It’s a registered charity funded by private businesses and government

Funding

Achievements & Challenges Diversity and Dialogue is heavily reliant on participant input as well as feedback from young people in evaluating and redesigning their program. With this in mind, it has prepared a report on the opportunities and

challenges of youth interfaith work in consultation with 124 young people living in multifaith cities in England

Contact Details: James Sevitt, Diversity and Dialogue, Citizenship Foundation, 63 Gee Street, London EC1V 3RS, Ph: 020 7566 4138,

Email: [email protected]





Country UK

Project Community Clear‐up

Description Part of the 'Together for Peace' festival (www.togetherforpeace.co.uk), the aim of FaithAction! was to bring young people of different faiths together for a day to help clear up litter from an estate in south Leeds. The idea was that the young people would have in common the shared value of looking after the environment, and through this they would come together, have fun and make a real difference to a small area in south Leeds.

Organisation, location, duration Together for Peace / One‐off event


13‐19 year olds as well as some young adults from various religious backgrounds

Participants 30

Funding source Diversity and Dialogue

Achievements & Challenges No formal evaluation was conducted except for direct verbal feedback from participants which indicated a positive response.

Contact Details: Leeds Together for Peace, 'Fred Shed', 45 Westfield Road

(Cordelia House) Burley, Leeds LS3 1DG, Ph: +44 (0) 113 350 8085/86




Country UK

Project Fairtrade Football (UK ‐ Bradford)

Description During Fairtrade Fortnight 2005 Save the Children, Christian Aid, Islamic Relief, Active Faith Communities and United Co‐operatives organised a Fairtrade Football Tournament for young people across Bradford. This event brought young people from different faiths and backgrounds together to play football, learn about Fairtrade and meet each other. It involved around 80 young people between the ages of 12 and 16 from different parts of Bradford.

Organisation, location, duration Save the Children, Christian Aid, Islamic Relief, Active Faith Communities / One‐off event in March 2005


10‐16 year olds in Bradford district from different religious communities

Participants 100 youths

Funding source United Co‐operatives Ltd


Contact Details: PO Box 57330 London E1 2WJ United Kingdom, Ph: 084526 26786




Country UK

Organisation The Radical Middle Way

Description The Radical Middle Way (RMW) is a revolutionary grassroots initiative aimed at articulating a relevant mainstream understanding of Islam that is dynamic, proactive and relevant to young British Muslims.

Through public lectures, seminars, workshops and cultural programs, we engage with real issues through legitimate orthodox scholarship. The RMW is about erasing the schism between public and private discourse over issues affecting Islam and Muslims in the modern world – we believe in open debate and meaningful discussion.

The Radical Middle Way is based on clear principles:

* a rejection of all forms of terrorism; * a commitment to the revival of mercy, public service and a

concern for social justice as emblematic Islamic duties; * a commitment to the emergence of a distinct British Muslim

identity that encourages the active involvement of British Muslims in social, public and economic life of Britain; and

* inspiring young people to become active agents for peace and positive change in their local communities

These themes are grounded in Islamic scholarship, tradition and civilisation. The project is committed to creating spaces where young Muslims can engage with these ideas in a meaningful, open and creative way.

Organisation, location, duration


Young British Muslims

Participants Funding source Achievements & Challenges Bringing the Best – Together

Since 2005, RMW has brought thousands of young people into contact with leading scholars of Islam from all over the world. Our visiting scholars and speakers are figures who command wide respect and authority, including Shaykh Abdullah bin Bayyah, Shaykh Ali Gomaa, Habib Ali al Jifri, Reis‐ul‐Ulema Mustafa Ceric, Ustadh Amr Khaled, Imam Suhaib Webb, Dr Tariq Ramadan, Shaykh Abdal Hakim Murad, Dr Jamal Badawi, Imam Ziaullah Khan, Murad Hoffman, Shaykh Hassan Le‐Gai Eaton, Shaykha Halima Krausen, Yusuf Islam, Shaykh Walead Mossad, Mufti of Rwanda Saleh Habimana and Na’eem Jeenah. All are outstanding leaders and visionaries.


“Radical Middle Way events have given frontline workers like me the opportunity to engage with very senior Muslim scholars. Their advice has strengthened my understanding of the dilemmas we face as Muslims in the West. As a result, I am better able to serve the young men in my local community who are crying out for leadership and guidance.” – Participant

“It's nice to hear people speak forcefully and unapologetically about the middle‐way and really brings home the meaning of what that exactly is. Too often the mainstream majority is too quiet. It struck the heart beautifully.” ‐ Participant

Contact Details:

Reference http://www.radicalmiddleway.co.uk/about_us.php

http://www.radicalmiddleway.co.uk/about_us.php


France

Country France

Organisation Ligue Nationale des Musulmans de France (LNMF)/

Description To transmit the call of Islam and explain its principles and teachings. Organize regular lectures, seminars and symposiums on various issues relevant to Islam and Muslims. Educate the Muslim community in France on its role in the EU. Providing services in the areas of education, education, culture, social welfare, health, and other needy sectors. Establishing places of worship, publishing books, enabling travel etc

Organisation, location, duration Ligue Nationale des Musulmans de France (LNMF)/


Muslim community in France

Participants

Funding source Self‐funding

Achievements & Challenges Provides information and connections – marriage, prayer, travel etc – for Muslims in France.

Contact Details:

Reference


Country France

Organisation Jeunes Musulmans de France (JMF)

(Young Muslims of France)

Description An association of young Muslims in France, that aims to support and educate young Muslims



Young Muslims of France

Participants 750 members in 13‐16 local organizations



Contact Details:

Reference


Country France

Organisation Étudiants musulmans de France (EMF) (Muslim Students of France)

Description An association of Muslim students aimed

At improving student life, to support students on campus as well as in the broader society.



Muslim Students of France, The EMF is open to all irrespective of religion

Participants

Funding source Partially funded

(€ 10 000en 2003)by Saudi Arabia

Achievements & Challenges The EMF is open to all irrespective of religion

Contact Details:

Reference


Country France

Organisation Association Collectif Liberte Egalite Fraternite Ensemble Unis. (ACLEFEU)

Description A nonreligious organization that is traveling to poor and migrant areas across the country to encourage voter registration. Formed in Clichy‐ sur‐Bois after the 2005 riots



Participants


Achievements & Challenges Traveled round France on board 2 buses visiting 120 cities and collected over 20 000 observations, complaints and proposals for change. Contributions focused on housing and living environment, employment and job insecurity, education and early childhood, justice and policing, citizenship, the vote of immigrants and political situation of women, intergenerational issues and communication, and environmental insecurity, wealth distribution and inequality, health and disability, discrimination and exclusion, transport and isolation, culture, religions and leisure. Noted as achieving more success than some other organizations by reaching out to communities and signing people up to vote.


Country France

Organisation Union des Organisations Islamiques de France

Description The UOIF is the dominant voice in the French Council for the Muslim Faith, established in 2003 as an interlocutor between Muslims and the French government.

Organisation, location, duration Union des Organisations Islamiques de France


Participants

Funding source The Council's head, Dalil Boubakeur, is the director of the Algerian government‐financed Paris Grand Mosque.

Achievements & Challenges Noted as particularly unsuccessful in preventing riots in 2005.

Contact Details:

Reference


Country France

Organisation Les Indigenes de la Republique

Description Formed in 2005 the association's goal is to fight against any discrimination of race, sex, religion or origin



Participants

Funding source

Achievements & Challenges Formed round anti‐colonial struggles, though with its origins in the struggles over the secular state, it combines Muslim activists, anti‐ colonial and anti‐globalizations activists and various leftist groups.

Contact Details:

Reference


Country France

Organisation Collectif des Musulmans de France (CMF)

Description The French Muslim Collective is a space of exchange between locally‐ based associations and individuals



The Collective of Young Muslims of France was created in 1992 and developed into the broader Collective in 2002

Participants

Funding source

Achievements & Challenges The Collective tries to fight against all forms of extremism, and to develop accountability for Muslim citizens, governments and society in general on future challenges of common concern.

Contact Details:

Reference


Country France

Organisation Présence Musulmane

Description Muslim Presence is a network Promoting universal values and active citizenship based on a contextualized reading of Islam, an open identity, and a harmonious co‐existence within the society.



Participants

Funding source


Contact Details:

Reference


Canada

Country Canada

Project “Being a Canadian Muslim Woman in the 21st Century.”

Description It will focus on equipping young Muslim women to lead and participate in a number of workshops with their educators and non‐ Muslim and male peers to discuss discrimination, violence and human rights. “This will be achieved by their involvement in their local communities with other youth of different religions and cultural backgrounds.”

Organisation, location, duration The Canadian Council for Muslim Women is a national non‐profit organization of women committed to the equality, equity and empowerment of Muslim women. It is based in Kingston, Ontario. The Council will be working in partnership with the Afghan Women’s Organization of Toronto and a national youth organization called YOUCAN.


Young Muslim Women

Participants

Funding source Status of Women Canada will provide $314,000


Contact Details:

Reference


Country Canada

Project Canadian Ismaili Muslim Youth Choir (CIMYC),

Description The group is led by professional music director Hussein Janmohamed, and has four singers for each of the soprano, alto, tenor and bass parts.



Participants

Funding source Arts and Culture Portfolio of the Ismaili Council for Canada


Contact Details:

Reference


Country Canada

Project Muslim Youth Helpline

Description A free and 100% confidential resource for anyone (not just youth!) who has a question, problem, needs counselling, or just needs someone to talk to. Counsellors are Islamically qualified, as well as fluent in English and familiar with growing up in the West. Some counsellors also speak Arabic. Sisters have the option of choosing to speak with a female counsellor. The Ajyal for Youth Development also offers other programs for youth. These include Summer Camps, Scouts and Youth Conferences.

Organisation, location, duration Ajyal for Youth Development Ajyal for Youth Development Suite 255 11590 Cambie Plaza Richmond BC V6X 3Z5

Phone: 604‐304‐0000 Fax: 604‐518‐0254 email: [email protected]


More about MYHL:The first toll‐free, anonymous phone counselling, for Muslim youth in North America. Every day, Imams and professional counsellors provide immediate, caring support to young people in urban and rural communities across CANADA & the US.

Participants

Funding source

Achievements & Challenges They have 6 volunteers Imams and professional counsellors across the country.

Contact Details:

Reference



Country Canada

Project Muslim Youth Association Website

Description Long list of events includes: MYA Scholarship Program 2005. ISLAMIC RETREAT ‐ CAMP at Grundy Lake Young Muslims Facebook!



It is MYA policy to involve as many Shia Youth organizations in the network as possible. In fact, the next generation should pool resources and work together, which is why the Muslim Youth Association always welcomes local Shia youth groups in Canada become a member of the team, for which there is no membership fee. Alhamdulillah there are MYA representatives across Canada and inshallah with your prayers, this medium will reach out to even a larger number of youths in high school, college and university.

Participants

Funding source


Contact Details:

Reference http://www.muslimyouth.ca/users/mya/News/MYANews.html

http://www.muslimyouth.ca/users/mya/News/MYANews.html


Country Canada

Project “MY CANADA.”

Description Provides access to multi‐faith sessions for both Muslim and non‐ Muslim youth in schools and community centres. “This project demonstrates the importance of promoting common understanding and mutual respect — the basic building blocks to achieve peace and stability here in Canada and elsewhere in the world,” says Immigration Minister Jason Kenney.



Participants

Funding source Citizenship and Immigration Canada will provide $441,000


Contact Details:

Reference


New Zealand

Country New Zealand

Project Te Korowai Whakapono: New Zealand

Inter‐ Faith Network

Description NZ Inter‐Faith Network is an interfaith network update which aims to support and publicise groups that undertake interfaith activities, projects and programmes that contribute to religious tolerance, public understanding of religions, and interfaith cooperation for peace, security and harmonious relations. The network operates on the principles of inclusivity, mutual respect, acceptance of difference and the autonomy of participants.

Organisation, location, duration Human Rights Commission (NZ) / Established in 2005, organises annual religious diversity forum


Groups that undertake interfaith activities

Participants 100+ participants in annual forum

Funding source Government and private funding

Achievements & Challenges NA

Contact Details: Rohan Jaduram, PO Box 5428, Wellington NZ, Ph: 09 3758640, Email:

[email protected]





Appendix B

Questionnaire

ABOUT YOU

Q1: In what year were you born? (2 digit)

Q2: Are you male or female?

A. Male

B. Female

Q3: Suburb of residence Postcode

Q4: Are you

A. Australian citizen

B. Australian resident

C. Asylum applicant awaiting determination

D. Temp. visitor (inc. 457 visa)

Q5: What is the main language spoken between you and your parents?

A. English B. Other (which):

Q6: If you use a language other than English at home, how would you describe your language level?

A. Can understand and speak a little

B. Can understand and speak quite well

C. Can read language with difficulty

D. Can read the language well

E. Can write the language with difficulty

F. Can write the language well

G. Other:

Q7: Your Country of birth A. Australia B. Other:

Q8: Mother's Country of birth A. Australia B. Other:

Q9: Father's Country of birth A. Australia B. Other:

Q10: Your marital status

A. Single

B. Married

C. Divorced

D. Widowed

E. Other


Q11: What is your current occupation? (Please tick all that apply.)

At high school At TAFE At College/University

Employed full/Time Employed Part/Time Unemployed

Illness or disability benefit Employed in business or industry

Employed in government

Employed in community Self‐employed/business owner Other:

Q12: What is the main Mosque(s) and/or prayer room you usually attend?

YOUR IDENTITY

Q13: Do you feel good about living in Australia?

Yes Sometimes Rarely No

Q14: Thinking about living in Australia, would you say you are:

Australian Australian Muslim

Partly Australian and partly of another ethnicity or nationality

Of another nationality or ethnicity

Other:

Q15: Thinking about contemporary political issues in Australia, please tick the most important issues for you.

Health system Education system Economic crisis Security and terrorism

Australian foreign policy in the Middle East

Indigenous people’s situation

Human rights Multiculturalism

Corruption in public life

Climate change and environment

Refugees and border protection

Personal safety

Q16: What ideas and people inspire you?


VALUES AND BELIEFS

Q17: Here is a list of qualities that can be encouraged at home. Which, if any, do you consider to be especially important? Please choose up to 5 that are important to you. (Please choose up to 5.)

Politeness and neatness

Independent Hard work Honesty

Responsibility Patience Imagination Tolerance and respect for other people

Leadership Thrift Religious practices Obedience

SOCIAL NETWORKS

Q18: What proportion of your friends are Muslim?

All Most Some Non I don’t have friends

Q19: What Muslim organizations do you belong to or participate in (eg religious, sporting, cultural, social, etc.) What's the best thing about them for you?

Q20: What non‐Muslim organizations do you belong to or participate in (eg religious, sporting, cultural, social, etc.)What's the best thing about them for you?

MEDIA USE AND SOURCES OF INFORMATION

Q21: Thinking of the top five Web sites you have used in the last few months, for what purposes did you use them?

Site Use


Q22: Which of the following do you/have you uploaded to (that is, not just looked at but also added to)?

My own blog, facebook or MyPsace etc. site

Someone else’s blog, facebook or MySpace etc. site

Picture site (eg Picasa, Flickr)

Youtube/Vimeo etc. LinkIn Twitter

MSN Other:

Q23: Where or whom would you normally turn to for information about personal problems?

Parents/Grandparents/ Uncles/Aunts

Brothers/Sisters/ cousins

Friends Teacher/Counsellor Internet website, forum or chatroom

Australian cable TV Satellite TV Free to air TV

Am or FM Radio Newspapers

Community elder Youth leader Religious advisor

Other:

Q24: Where or whom would you normally turn to for information about politics and world events?

Parents/Grandparents/ Uncles/Aunts

Brothers/Sisters/ cousins

Friends Teacher/Counsellor Internet website, forum or chatroom

Australian cable TV Satellite TV Free to air TV

Am or FM Radio Newspapers

Community elder Youth leader Religious advisor

Other:


Q25: Thinking about your leisure time, which singers/ groups/ musicians/ films/ events/ concerts etc. are you following/have you attended recently? (Please indicate if your religious belief mean that you do not listen to music.)

Q26: Thinking about media and sports and political and academic “celebrities” in Australia (both Muslim and non‐Muslim), whom do you think has contributed most positively to images of Muslims?

Q27: Thinking about significant people or opinion leaders, which if any do you see as creating misunderstanding between Muslims and non‐Muslims?

Q28: Thinking about important issues, which if any do you see as creating misunderstanding between Muslims and non‐Muslims?

Q29: Thinking about community leaders in Australia, whom do you look to as a source of good advice and clear thinking about issues?

EXPERIENCE OF DISCRIMINATION

Q30: How often have you experienced any anti‐Muslim prejudice and/or discrimination at school, TAFE, University or at another education institution?

Never Once A few times Often

Q31: How often have you experienced any anti‐Muslim prejudice and/or discrimination in public places and spaces, including at work or on transport?

Never Once A few times Often

RELIGIOUS PRACTICE

Q32: How regularly do you pray?

Five times a day

One to four times a day

Friday prayer only

Occasionally Eid days only

Never Other

Q33: Do you fast all or some of Ramadan?

All Some Not at all


Q34: Do you only eat Halal food?

Yes When possible Not important

Q35: Do you wear hijab (answer only if you are female)?

Yes Sometimes No

Q36: How would you describe your religious affiliation?

Muslim(general) Sunni Shià Islamìli Àlawi Sufi Druze Other

AND NOW....

Q37: Do you have any other comments you would like to make?