volume 159 november 1929 harpers - historellihistorelli.com/harper1929.pdf · volume 159 november...

VOLUME 159 NOVEMBER 1929

Harperso11yazz'ne

MUSSOLINI'S AMERICAN EMPIRETHE FASCIST INVASION qF THE UNITED STATES

BY l\IARCUS DUFFIELD

PART of Mussolini's empire, fromhis point of view, lies within theUnited States. Fascism, which

has seemed remote to the New World,has reached across the seas to fasten itsgrip upon four million Americans ofItalian extraction. Although many ofthem are naturalized American citizens,Mussolini considers them as his subjectsand is attempting to rule what he regardsas his outlying colony in this country.

nDuce has set up a political organiza-tion in the United States which resemblesan unofficial government of his own toclaim the allegiance of Italo-Americansand enforce their obedience. He pro-vides Fascist schools and courts here andeven imposes taxes. H Mussolini's"subjects" in this country, insisting ontheir Americanism, refuse to accept hisrule, Fascist agents persecute them byboycott and intimidation. Should theyvisit Italy, they are often held there byforce or compelled to serve trainingperiods in the army. Neither in this

country nor in Italy does Americancitizenship safeguard the Italo-Americanfrom Fascist domination or terroriza-tion.

Mussolini has presumably two ob-jectives in this curious sub-surface inva-sion of sovereignty, both arising frommilitary motives. ~okinlL-forward tothe next war, he is trying to keep Ameri-cans of Italian extraction thoroughlyItalianized and loyal to him so theywill respond to his call to arms. He seesno reason why perhaps a half millionpotential soldiers of Fascism should slipfrom his grasp by becoming American-ized. Second, n Duce wants to stifleall criticism in the United States, for herealizes that only if Fascism is favorablyregarded here can he get American loans.

The Fascist campaign here not onlyinvolves frequent violations of Americancitizenship rights, but also is in ceaselessconflict with our attempt to assimilatethe Italian element. An increasingnumber of informed persons feel with

Copyright. 1929. by Harper &; Brothers. All Rights Reserved.

662 HARPER'S MONTHLY MAGAZINE

Senator Borah that the Fascist activi-ties here are far more disturbing than theCommunists'. A group which includesProfessor Taussig of Harvard, OswaldGarrison Villard, and Rabbi Stephen S.Wise are sponsoring the " AmericanFriends of Italian Freedom," an organi-zation which has been investigating theFascisti in America with a view toseeking Government action to halt theirwork.

II

"My rder," Mussolini commanded,"is that an Italian citizen must reIllainan Italian citizen, no matter in what landhe lives, even to the seventh generation."Setting out to carry out the decree, heestablished a Bureau of Fascism Abroadand formulated its rules. Fascist or-ganizations in foreign lands, said Article1, were "unions of Italians residingabroad who have adopted for theirprivate and civic life obedience to ITDuce and to the laws of Fascism and whointend to collect around the LictoralEmblem colonies of Italians who areliving in strange countries." The Fas-cist rules of Italy apply, and the secre-tary of the Bureau of Fascism Abroad,now Piero Parini, is in command of allforeign Fascios. He visited the UnitedStates last winter on one of his periodicalinspections of the Fascist campaign.

In the original plan, representativesof these foreign colonies would have beenchosen to sit in the Italian parliamentand in the grand council of Fascism, butthe Fascist leader in America diplo-matically suggested that the time was un-ripe for this arrangement to apply here.

Mussolini found his way prepared inthe United States, for Fascism of a sorthad sprung up spontaneously shortlyafter the march on Rome, when a fewItalians here sought to ally themselveswith the winning party by proclaimingthemselves Fascisti. Having no co-herent program, they were distinguishedby their patriotic fervor and their con-tempt for Italians who had not partici-pated in the War. Their activities were

largely confined to speeches and paradesthat sometimes ended in street skir-mishes with their Socialist compatriots.

Presentl the Fascist League of NorthAmerica was incorporated in Ne --State, and at its head Mussolini set.hisfriend, Count Ignazio Thaon di Revel,a pleasant, keen-eyed aristocrat, thenephew of Admiral Paul di Rey~,formerly a member of the Fascist cabi-net. With the aid of secretaries entover from Rome, Count di Revel haswelded the League into a powerfulnucleus for Mussolini's American empire.These secretaries of the League areunder the direct orders of the head of theBureau of Fascism Abroad. Di Revelreports to II Duce.

The local branches, called Fascios,of which there are about one hundred"and twenty, are scattered throughout tileUnited States wherever there are Italiancommunities. Italian immigrants aremost numerous in the eastern manufac-turing States, New York, Pennsylvania,New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Island,and Massachusetts, and in Chicago.Control of the League is nominallyvested in a board of governors, butactually lies with Rome. The local Fas-cios are ruled by triumvirates selectedfrom New York City. Each memberpays dues of thirteen dollars a year, onedollar of which goes to the CentralCouncil and the rest to the Fascio. •

The official uniform of Fascisti in theUnited States is a black sateen shirtwith a flowing black tie, a tasseled over-seas cap, black trousers, spiral puttees,and shoes. Always conspicuous on thecostume is the Lictoral Emblem, thefasces, bundles of rods bound togetherwith an axe blade projecting, whence themovement takes its name.

The oath of allegiance which each newrecruit must take is illuminating alikein its appeasing gesture to Americaand in its frankness as to the real aimsof Fascism. ~ng talkingpoint in his bid for American favo;;a;-his supposed rescue of Italy from t edanger of Bolshevism; hence we £ina

MUSSOLINI'S AMERICAN EMPIRE

the same argument for the establishmentof the Fascist League here: ascism willfight Communism. The a osesOf tlle a e are the Italianization ofItalo-Americans and the crushing ofanti-Fascists, always with an eye toobtaining JlllYLpo and money for thenext war. The oath, then, becomes anaive patchwork of contradictory vows:

"I swear on my honor"To serve with fidelity and discipline

the Fascist idea of society based on re-ligion, the Fatherland, and the family,and to respect the authority of theLeague and of the hierarchy and the tra-dition of our race.

"To love, serve, obey, and exalt theUnited States of America and to renderobedience and respect to its constitutionand its laws.

"To keep alive the cult with Italyas the Fatherland and the eternal lightof civilization and greatness.

"To combat with all my might theo-ries and ideas tending to subvert, cor-rupt, and disgrace religion, the Father-land, or the family.

"To do my best to improve my cul-ture, my physique, and my morale torender me fit for the part I am to playin serving the Nation in its hour ofgreatness.

"To submit to the discipline of the• hierarchy of the Fascist League of North

America."On the back of the application card

which contains this oath is' a series ofquestions which are equally enlighteningas to the aims of the League. "To whatpolitical, economic, sporting, or literaryassociations do you belong?" the newrecruit is asked. "Through what asso-ciations and channels can you spreadFascist propaganda? What special at-tributes do you have to serve thecause of Fascism?"

The inaugural meeting of the Fasciod'Ambrosoli in Brooklyn will give anidea of the procedure in general. Dr.Giusepp Previtale,\ a Columbia Uni-versity professor, presided in the a -sence o.fCount di Revel, who was on one

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of his periodical trips to Rome to reportto Mussolini. When Doctor Previtaleentered, the members, standing, gavethe Fascist salute, upraised arm, palmforward, and their chant, "Mussolini:Eja! Ejat Alala!" After the rulingtriumvirate was installed the group sang"Giovinezza," and other Fascist an-thems, then despatched this cablegramto Mussolini, "Inaugurating with greatmanifestations of enthusiasm new sec-tion d'Ambrosoli, Brooklyn. Pray yourExcellency, founder of the fortune of ourcountry, to receive our devotion andhomage." The initiates then took theoath at the tribune, received theirmembership cards, and walked back-ward to their seats at salute. Speechesin the nature ofexhortations, more songs,and the making of plans for sportingcontests and social affairs occupied therest of the meeting.

A rudimentary judicial system wasestablished late in 1927. The news-paper Il Grido della Stirpe, which callsitself" AnOrgan of Fascist Propaganda,"announced the formation of a "corte didisciplina," officially authorized by theexecutive committee of the League.The court was designed after the fashionof the special military tribunals in Italy,for the purpose of preserving "rigiddiscipline" among the Fascisti here andto mete out "exemplary punishment."A Captain Martinez, formerly a militarytribunal judge in Italy, drew up its rulesand has presided over its sessions. Thevarious Fascios handle their own minorinfractions of discipline with the trium-virate sitting as a court, sometimesjoined by one of the judges sent out fromthe central court.

uspension, or expulsion from theFascist League is the commonest formof punishment imposed by these courts,but for more grave offenses there arepenalties of corresponding severity.Confiscation of property, revocation ofrtaIian citizenship, and boycott lie instare for him who turns anti-Fascist,for he is the traitor. The League ipsofacto penalizes any of its members who


become naturalized American citizensby taking away their rights and privi-leges as members of the Fascist organi-zation in Italy. This .may constitutea deprivation of no mean significance,for without the magic membership card,Italo-Americans traveling in Italy ortransacting business there are likely tofind their way beset by innumerabledifficulties.

The public appearances of the Fascistihere are limited to occasions of statewhich afford them opportunity to paradetheir uniforms. Whenever a distin-guished Italian visitor is received at theNew York City Hall, there a squadronof Fascisti is sure to be found providinghim with an official escort. When Ru-dolph Valentino took out first citizenshippapers the Fascisti were indignant, andthreatened to boycott his films in Italy,but when he died, they claimed him. Asolemn, black-shirted guard of honorsurrounded his coffin as it lay in statein New York City.

III

The real business of the Fascisti inthe United States is conducted quietly,without ostentation, and Americans ingeneral never hear of it. The first dutyof the Leagpe is to prevent the American-ization of Italians in this country; tokeep them Italianized and loya to:MUssolini. This is so they will con mueto send money remittances to their rel-atives in Italy-a source of substantialhelp in bolstering the lira-and so theywill be ready to answer the next call toarms. The war motive underlying theanti-Americanization campaign is no-where better set forth than in theofficial utterances of the Bureau ofFascism Abroad through its Romeorgan, the newspaper Il Lequmario.

"With strenuous efforts," said aneditorial in Il Lequmario last year whichwas reprinted in the New York Corriered'America, "all the nations are preparingto face new events, so that we may saythat another war is being deferred only

by economic difficulties. It is essentialthat we organize ourselves in order toface a situation every day more perilous.Fascism abroad should organize to com-bat the first and most imminent prob-lem, that of denationalization of ourcommunity abroad and its division intoscattered foreign groups. The UnitedStates is trying by every possible meansto absorb them. If Italian communitiesin foreign lands are not defended, weShallsoon see the spectacle of ten millionItalians lost to the mother country."

"Why should our mothers raisesoldiers for other countries?" bluntlydemanded another editorial in Il Le-gionario.

As indicated in the questions askedof applicants, Fascism immediately setout to capture the Italian societies inthe United States, their institutions andtheir channels of expression. John diSilvestro, an early leader of AmericanFascism and now president of the largestItalian society, the Sons of Italy, whosemembership numbers about three hun-dred thousand, sought to deliver thatorganization to Fascism in a body."I accept your oath," Mussolini cabledhim, "wishing that all the Sons of Italymay feel the new-born spirit of the moth-erland presiding over their manifesta-tions." The effort met with successexcept for one rebellion in New Yorkwhere a group seceded, taking along theproperty and funds of the New YorkState Grand Lodge, and precipitating along legal dispute which' is still in thecourts. The Sons of Italy proper,which formerly did Americanizationwork, this last summer sponsored inco-operation with Fascisti here a pil-grimage to Rome to do homage toMussolini and impress him with theirloyalty.

The Casa Italiana, an organizationfor Italian students at Columola m-versity was likewise swallowed byFascism, and the lectures became 18-sertations on the merits of Mussolini'sregime until university authorities in-tervened with thesuggestion that topics


of a cultural rather than political natureshoUld e chosen. Even now certain

Columbiaprofessors most active in CasaItaliana are prominent members of theFascist League.

The League tried to get control of theItalian Hospital in New York City, butfound the way blocked by Dr. SantoModica, who is now the object of viciousattacks in the Fascist press here. Anamusing incident in connection withthe hospital campaign afforded grist forthe Fascist judicial mill. Judge F. X.Mancuso arranged a banquet to promotethe hospital and, hoping for wide sup-port, he invited along with the Fascisti,Carlo Tresca, one of the most vocal ofthe anti-Fascists. When Tresca, grin-ning to himself, took his dinner seat, allbut three of the Fascist leaders arose and-left. The three who stayed were after-ward tried in the tribunal and punishedby suspension from the League.

The Italian-language newspapers inthe United States, with but two ex-ceptions, have been brought under theinfluence of the Fascisti. Obviouslythis is a source of great power, for manyof the Italian immigrants read onlypapers in their own language, and theconstant iteration of Fascist principles,together with the entire exclusion ofmatter unfavorable to Fascism, tre-mendously reinforces the influence ofthe League. The Italians are taughtthrough the newspapers to regard those

heir number who become Americancitizens ~s renegades. Adoration of

ussolini is the daily theme. The twoexceptions among the newspapers areIl N'IJ.()lJ() Mondo and Il MartelW, theformer a daily and the latter a weekly,both ardent anti-Fascist crusaders.

The Fascisti have, in addition, es-tablished two organs of their own inNew York City, Il Grido della Stirpe, or"The Cry of the Race," and Giavinezza,or "Youth," the Fascist watchword.Both these. newspapers devote theircolumns almost exclusively to Fascistaffairs and exhortations. One of theaims of the Fascist organization, Gio-

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vinezza points out, is to "bring back toItalian citizenship all those countrymenwho have been legally denationalizedand, what is much worse, who by ac-cepting foreign ideals and a foreign lan-guage have made themselves bastardsof Italy."

The Fascist campaign of Italianizationreaches its climax in its efforts to instillloyalty to Il Duce in Italo-Americanchildren, whose impressionable mindsmake them a particularly fertile field foranti-Americanization work, and whosenatural tendency toward absorbingAmerican ways makes their capture forFascism a first essential for its successin the United States. 'I'h young-sters, most of them born here, not onlyare being taught in Italian schoolsestablished by the Fascisti, but actuallyare being given preliminary training tofit them for the Fascist army.

The Fascist organizations for childrenin Italy, devoted, of course, to trainingthem for war, comprise two age groups:the Ballila for boys from eleven tofourteen who are distinguished by theirfezzes, and the Avanguardista, - fromfourteen to seventeen, who drill withsmall muskets. At eighteen the boysgraduate into the Fascist militia, be-coming full-fledged reserve soldiers.Although the Fascisti in America do notofficially describe their schools here asBallila or Avanguardista, they con-stantly refer to them as such in theirown newspapers. The schools are con-ducted in connection with local Fascios,in some instances in conjunction withparochial schools, and elsewhere asItalian language classes using borrowedspace in public school buildings. Theselatter are supervised either by thenearest Fascio or by an Italian consularagent.

Mary Maolini found that out to hergrief. She was teaching Italian tochildren in late afternoon classes in apublic school building in Yonkers, NewYork. A Yonkers Italian consular of-ficial sent her a Fascist Governmentdocument outlining in a general way


what children in Fascist schools abroadshould be taught. She returned it, feel-ing that, as an American, it was not herplace to instill Fascism into the young-sters. The consular official thereuponvisited Miss Maolini's class and askedthe pupils questions about Mussoliniand Fascism which they were unableto answer. Shortly afterward MissMaolini was dismissed, and her place wasfilled by a teacher sent over from Italy.

The Dante AIighieri Italian school inProvidence, Rhode Island, using a pub-lic school room, was investigated by theProvidence Journal. The children, itwas found, were taught Fascism alongwith their A-B-C's. They learned theFascist hymn, "Giovinezza," and theirdiplomas and prizes were awarded bythe Marquis di Ferrante, Italian consulin Boston. Further inquiry revealedthat the Department of Italian SchoolsAbroad in Rome was sending textbooksand granting a subsidy to the school,listed on its books as "eussidio regioqooerno:"

The thoroughness with which loyaltyto Mussolini is inculcated in the childrenis significantly brought out in a speechmade by a pupil on the occasion of acelebration in Pittsburgh of the "Feastof Fascism," at which children fromall their schools in Pennsylvania wereassembled.

"The young student read an addressas an act of homage to our consul,"read the account of the affair in Il Gridodella Stirpe. '''Our teacher,' he said,'has often told us that here in Pitts-burgh is a man who represents our Kingand our Duce, who . • . wants us tolearn the language which is spoken inour Fatherland. I wish to pray youin the name of my fellow-students, Mr.Consul, to write a letter to our Duce andtell him that there are many Italianchildren here who love him. . . . Tellhim that we, too, are obedient to himlike those children who live in Italyand that we wish to grow up worthychildren for our dear Italy which he hasmade so powerful and so beautiful.'''

The definite link between the Ballilaschools here and in Italy was fullydisclosed only this last summer when theFascist League sent one hundred andsixty Italo-American children to Fascistsummer camps in Italy for two months'training. The youngsters apparentlyhad been well drilled in Ballila schoolshere, for they marched to the pier information three abreast, and executedtheir turns and simple maneuvers withalmost the precision of an army com-pany. Their uniforms were a com-promise between our Boy Scout cos-tumes and the Italian Ballila dress, withthe Fascist shield prominently displayed.They bore banners of the local Fasciosto which their schools were attached;and Italian and American flags. Theywere marshalled on to the boat by Fas-cist leaders bearing their customary"manganelli," or heavy-handled shortwhip-lashes. The affair was presidedover by Camillo Canali, secretary of theFascist League and by the Italian Am-bassador to Washington, Giacomo diMartini, for whom the children joinedin giving the Fascist salute before theysailed. On their arrival in Italy theywere to be presented to Mussolini andthen taken to Ballila and Avanguardistacamps near Naples and Palermo.

Shortly before the children set out,the Viuoriale, an Italian magazine inNew York City, reprinted an editorialfrom Il Legionario which outlined themotive so clearly that no comment couldadd anything. "What a marvelousspectacle!" the editorial said in part."Eight thousand Italian children livingin foreign lands come to our camps ...and mingle with our own children al-ready proud of the BalliIa fez or of themusket of the Avanguardista. Theywill return to foreign lands with anindelible impression of the new power-ful generation which is rising under theemblem of Fascism. In turn these chil-dren will become Ballila and Avan-guardista themselves .... They willfind youths' organizations which gatheraround their masters, around Fascist


secretaries and consuls, to cultivate theirbodies and souls to the worship of theirFatherland. "

IV

Mussolini's American empire is by nomeans a meek colony, nor peaceful.The Fascisti say that seventy per centof the Italians in the United States areat least sympathetic toward the regime.This perhaps is an optimistic estimate.At any rate, the unsympathetic minority,if it is a minority, is inclined to be ex-tremely vocal. The United States, be-ing like England a haven for Continentalpolitical refugees, has attracted for yearsItalian liberals and dissenters of variousshades. These groups, unanimous itheir dislike of Mussolini's regime, haveformed an opposition to Fascism in theUnited States which includes Italiansof all political faiths who disapprove ofMussolini's methods for various causes.

Mussolini's noted intolerance of criti-cism, w .ch as ea him to suppressfree speech in Italy, applies equally inthiS country. The Fascisti, in fact, feelthat it is a matter of the highest im-portance to muzzle critics in the UnitedStates. They realize the value of ourgood will, not only in diplomatic affairs,b~ specifically as it affects financialmatters. The regime already has beengreatly aided, if not actually saved, byAmerican bankers loans of $800,-000,000. Mussolini will want moremoney from America, but unless thiscountry is friendly, he will find nopurchasers for his bonds nor bankinghouses to float the loans. Hence, theFascist League has orders to stifle atany cost opposition which might injureMussolini's reputation in the UnitedStates; and this duty takes a place ofmajor importance beside the work ofItalianization. It is in the performanceof this task that the League goes toextremes which are quite undreamed ofby most Americans.

Fear hampers an investigation of thisphase of Fascism here. With a fewexceptions, Italians blacklisted by the

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Fascisti are afraid to speak lest theysuffer reprisals. Their questioner mightbe a Fascist spy; their names mightappear in print. They have learnedthat .it is dangerous 0 en Icize Mus-solini in this country, even in the bankswhere they cash their pay checks or intheir restaurants. Only by the patientbuilding up of confidence can they beinduced to tell the stories of persecutionthat reveal the methods only too sug-gestive of despotic terrorism with whichthe Fascist League is crushing Italianopponents in America.

The first and most powerful weaponof the Fascisti here is economic. Putbaldly, they know that they can silencemost of their foes if they can starvethem. Most Italo-Ameriean firms dopart of their business in Italy, notablythe banks, importers, steamship lines,and a few manufacturers. Unless theyare obedient to Mussolini their businessin Italy will promptly be ruined, sincen Duce has industry well under histhumb. The Italian Chamber of Com-merce in New York City is, and ob-viously has to be, pro-Fascist, TheseItalian firms in America, therefore, areperforce subject to the orders of theFascisti. This makes possible the em-ployment of both the boycott and thelock-out against critics of the regime.

It works out in this manner: an Italian-language newspaper or magazine whichincurs the wrath of the League losesits advertisements and is likely to die.If an Italian grocer is on the Fascistblacklist !VS trade disappears. If theemployee of an Italian firm speaks againstFascism he loses his job. NaturalizedAmerican citizens are subjected to thistreatment equally with immigrant resi-dents.

Il Carroccio was a flourishing Italianmagazine of high standing in New YorkCity. Its editor, Augostino de Biasi,still proclaims himself an ardent fol-lower of Mussolini, but he expressed inhis editorial columns disapproval of theviolent methods of the 'League. Aninspection of the advertising-fattened


volumes of his magazine before thateditorial criticism, and the wraith-likevolumes since, reveals the power of theboycott. By actual count, the ad-vertisements of thirty firms, some ofthem purely American, and one of themthat of his own brother, immediatelydropped out.

Other anti-Fascist publications suf-fered likewise. In one case a journalwas boycotted and forced to suspendpublication because its editor wroteanti-Fascist articles in Il Nuevo Mondo,although his own journal was strictlynon-partisan. Lest it be thought thatthis boycott is in any way voluntary, letme quote from a letter the original ofwhich I read in an editor's office:

"We would appreciate your discon-tinuing our advertisement in yourvaluable publication, because for thelast eighteen months we have been re-ceiving letters from our factory abroadadvising us that your publication doesnot meet with the approval of certainauthorities in Rome, and enjoining us todiscontinue using --. We have beenholding out as long as possible, but itseems that the situation has reached apoint where our not complying with thefactory's request may become a disturb-ing factor in our relations with them, andtherefore, we trust that you will be kindenough to withdraw our advertisement.""-By the same token, anti-Fascists aredismissed from their positions and findthemselves unable to get new jobs.Pietro Allegra, an American citizen, tellsof his dismissal from a responsible postwith' an Italian house in New YorkCity after repeated pleadings and warn-ings to give up his anti-Fascist views.He refused a substantial money offerfor signing a statement of resignation,and is suing the company. He there-upon opened a small business of hisown in the same line; and a jagged holein the back of his shop marks the placewhere someone broke in at night andransacked the office, probably in searchof papers that would brand him as adangerous radical in the eyes of the

police, for Allegra has socialistic leanings.When their opponents cannot be

reached by business pressure, the Fas-cisti have found an equally effectiveand even more vicious weapon in theintimidation of relatives in Italy ofanti-Fascists here. Nearly all the Ital-ians in this country have fathers ormothers, brothers, sisters, or other familymembers in the homeland. In hun-dreds of instances I talc-Americans, manyof them naturalized citizens of the UnitedStates, have received letters from theirrelatives in Italy imploring them to jointhe nearest Fascio lest those in Italysuffer arrest, violence, or even imprison-ment.

"Dearest papa, I urge you not to talko anyone about politics, for it is a

dangerous thing," wrote a daughter toa naturalized Italian in Philadelphia,after telling him of repeated visits of

e caribinieri to her home in Italy."My dear husband," wrote another

woman, whose letter was given to me bythe husband, a naturalized Americancitizen living in Chicago. "A caribi-niere came again to our house and toldme to go to the police station because themarshal wanted to talk to me. Themarshal upbraided me because of youractivities, and demanded the two pic-tures of you that hang on our wall. Iam overcome with fear because thecaribinieri keep coming nearly everyday to our house on one pretext oranother. It is worrying me sick, andyou would hardly know me. I amafraid our little baby also will get sick."

"We may at any time be sent to theislands," wrote a sister in Apulia to anItalian in Milford, Massachusetts. Shewas referring to the dreaded penalislands in the Mediterranean. "Youmust go directly to the Fascio of --and say you will join. If not yourfamily will be ruined."

Giuseppe Ramieri, of Hoboken, NewJersey, who is a naturalized Americancitizen, left four sons in Italy. Eversince he has been in this country he andhis wife have been saving, week by


week, from their small working-man'ssalary, to bring the boys here to jointhem. Two years ago they got thenecessary papers and passports fromthe United States Government and sentthe steamship fares over to the boys.But the Fascisti here had reportedRamieri as an anti-Fascist, and thesecretary of the Fascio in his home townin Italy, Molfetta, told the boys, "jym nOC 4!li 0 erica.•.now or ever."Protests to our tate Department andappeals for aid to American consuls inItaly all have been in vain. Ramieri'sboys still are in Molfetta.

An Associated Press dispatch fromRome, passed by the censor because itcarried an object lesson, told the storyof Manlio Chiossone. Manlio, a boyof twenty who had been living in Boston,attracted the attention of the Fascistihere by his criticism of the regime. Asis their frequent habit, they first lookedup. his record and found that hehad entered this country clandestinely.They reported him to American immi-gration authorities and had him de-ported. When he arrived in Italy hewas arraigned in a military tribunal ona charge of having "spread lies abroadabout Italy's internal conditions, hencehurting her credits and prestige." Hewas sentenced to twelve and a half yearsin prison.

That was Mussolini's message tothose who opposed him in America;his warning of the last drastic punish-ment for flouting the authority of theFascist League here. Of course thispunishment can be inflicted only onthose upon whom the Fascisti can laytheir hands in Italy, but none the lessit is an extremely effective weapon.Most of the Italian immigrants herehold a cherished dream of returning toItaly to visit their friends and relatives.The incident of Chiossone and numeroussimilar cases have shown them that inorder safely to visit the homeland with-out being imprisoned there they mustjoin the League and be obedient subjectsof Mussolini in the United States, even

669

though they have taken our citizenship.Nearly the whole Italian colony in

New York City is aware of the case ofF. N. Giavi, a wealthy Italian importerwho had a successful business here.He went to Italy nearly two years agoto attend to his affairs there, intendingto return at once. He never has re-turned. The Italians here have theirexp a ttion, although the censorship hasallowed no officialword to come throughfrom him. Giavi, they say, entertainedthe son of ex-Premier Nitti at a dinnerin New York City, and was immediatelyrebuked by the Fascisti, for Nitti isone of the outstanding foes of Mussolini.Shortly afterward Giavi made his tripto Italy, and through their own under-ground channels of information camethe report to New York Italians that,like Chiossone, he had been arrestedand imprisoned for anti-Fascism here.

In Hoboken, New Jersey, is a colonyof immigrants from Molfetta, in thesouth of Italy. They come from in-dependent stock and almost to a manare opposed to Fascism, but, like allItalians, they want to go home on visits.They tell of one of their number, CarloRagno, who got leave of absence fromhis employer for a trip to see his motherin Italy. He thought because he was anAmerican citizen he would be safe. Heleft more than a year ago and has notreturned. The same subterranean Ital-ian news sources bring the word that hisAmerican passport was taken away fromhim, and that he is being held there un-less he promises to become a Fascist inthe United States. My own investiga-tion in official quarters in Washingtonshowed that Ragno's passport was re-ported as "lost," that a new one wasauthorized for him early last January.But he still has not returned.

A similar fate has befallen Signora diCarmelo, who was born here and is,therefore, an American citizen. Sheand her husband live in Furnari, Italy.Last spring she made arrangements toreturn to the United States. I have theletter from the Italian Ministry of


Foreign Affairs refusing her permissionto leave the country. Signora di Car-melo is a cousin of Dr. Charles Fama,a former surgeon in the United StatesArmy, who is one of the most activeanti-Fascists in New York City.

Physical violence, finally, is not un-known as a weapon of the Fascisti inthis country. The plant of It NuoeoMondo twice has been raided at night,and its linotype machines smashed andput out of commission. In one of theraids the Irish watchman, who had nointerest whatever in Mussolini, wasseverely beaten, and he has since main-tained a scrupulous detachment fromall Italian politics. Vicente Vacirca, aformer deputy in the Italian Chamber,has an ugly scar on his head by which toremember his days as editor of It NuotoMondo. He was attacked from behind,the weapon being the leaded handle of a••manganeUi." After Doctor Fama, anAmerican citizen, began his intensivecampaign against Fascism he receivedso many letters threatening his deaththat he carried on his medical practicefor months under police guard. Therenever has been a satisfactory explanationof the death of two Fascisti outside a hallin New York City where Carlo Trescawas conducting an anti-Fascist meeting.They were riding past in a small motorcar which was destroyed apparently bythe ill-timed explosion of a bomb meantfor the anti-Fascist hall.

vWhile his Fascist League is carrying

Ion its sleepless campaign to hold Mus-solini's American empire intact byIthwarting Americanization and by crush-I ing critics, Il Duce is proceeding to as-Isert his rule over his colony here in two

fundamentals of sovereignty-taxationand military conscription. He is, soto speak, cashing in on his Americandomain, attempting to wring from itboth money and man power directly.In reality the amount of money flowinginto Fascist coffers in Rome cannot be

large, nor can the number of men sogained be great. The significance liesnot so much in the tangible results thusfar attained as in the fact that Mussolinidoes assume and methodically exercisethese prerogatives over American citi-zens as well as others of Italian bloodwho have adopted this country as theirhorne.

The problem of collecting taxes fromhis American subjects must have beenperplexing, but enviable ingenuitywas brought to bear on it. By nojustifiable reckoning could Italo-Ameri-cans be reached by income, property,or stamp taxes. There were, however,numerous unmarried men of Italianextraction living in the United States.Very well, they should be made to paythe Fascist bachelor tax.

There has been, of course, no an-nouncement to that effect, but so manycases of Italo-Americans receiving as-sessments for bachelor tax have comeup within the last year that it seems tohave become a definite policy. Doubt-less the Fascist organization in thiscountry is the source of informationthrough which the home governmentlearns which are unmarried and liableto the tax. At any rate, Italo-Ameri-cans in New York, New Jersey, Penn-sylvania, and throughout New Englandhave been billed. It is impossible toknow how many have resignedly paid,but certainly not all of them did, forprotests have been coming in to Wash-ington from some who happened tobe naturalized citizens, and others havesought help through appeal in their localnewspapers.

The Fascisti, however, are ready tomeet the eventuality of non-payment,providing the rebellious bachelor hasrelatives in Italy. The relatives, whocan have no choice, are forced to pay thetax for the delinquent in America. Ihave an official stamped receipt madeout to Mr. X in Italy showing that hepaid ••for his son" fifty-two francs' tax"sur celibi." The son is a naturalizedcitizen of the United States living in


Yonkers. Another American citizen inMassachusetts declined to pay only tofind that his mother in Italy wasassessed.

"I have received a notice from thegovernment." she wrote him. "whichimposed a tax because you were notmarried. They said I had to pay. Iwent to the city with four witnesses totell them that you had gone from us andhad lived in America for twenty years.my child. But they have sent me abill for three hundred lire, and saidthat I should have to pay the tax for allthe years since you were twenty-five."

Fascism made another curious attemptto reap a financial harvest in the UnitedStates, but that failed. In a test caselast June the Italian consul general inNew York City presented a claim inthe name of his government for theproperty of an Italian here who diedintestate without heirs, on the groundthat although he was long a resident ofthis country, he was still a subject of theKing, and his property should revert tothe crown. The plea was denied incourt. Had a favorable precedent beenset, the Fascist treasury would havebenefited substantially.

The question of citizenship rightshas projected itself even more sharplyinto the situation created by the Fascistpolicy of seizing Italo-Americans travel-ing in Italy, including naturalized Ameri-can citizens, and compelling them toserve training periods in the Italianreserve army. This. again, is in accordwith Mussolini's idea that all Italiansare his subjects and that war materialcan and should be drawn from Americaas well as from any other colony.

The problem arising out of dissimilarnationalization conventions is not a newone. Several foreign nations do notrecognize any change in the citizenshipof their natives. Italy theoreticallyrecognizes American naturalization, butdoes not grant exemption from militarytraining on that ground. Hence, .therehave long been so-called "militarycases" confronting our state departmentas subjects of representation to various

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other governments. Frequently thecomplainant had left home and soughtAmerican naturalization for the expresspurpose of avoiding military service,then had returned home only to be ap-prehended for the army, whereupon hesought to escape the consequences bycalling on our government for aid.

Mussolini's conduct differs vastlyfrom that of previous regimes and othergovernments in that the military caseshad cropped up hitherto only sporadi-cally, and principally in circumstancesof definite evasion, whereas the presentFascist Government has taken advantageof the lack of a naturalization treatywith the United States to institute whatcan only be regarded as a fixed policyof arresting for military duty all eligibleItalo-Americans visiting Italy exceptFascisti in good standing. That is,what had been an occasional incident,under Mussolini has become, to all ap-pearances, a systematic impressment.Our government, in fact. has felt itnecessary to open new negotiations withthe Fascist Government looking towardthe conclusion of a naturalization treaty.

So regularly have Italo-Americanvisitors been seized for the army inItaly that there is now a fear of goinghome prevalent among Italians in Amer-ica. This was strikingly attested lastsummer when the Sons of Italy ad-vertised their pilgrimage to Rome to payhomage to n Duce. They hoped tohave a large representation to impressMussolini not only with their faithful-ness but with their numerical strength,but despite the reduced steamshiprates the response was discouraging.The sponsors conferred as to what waswrong and then inserted advertisementsin the Italian language papers in thiscountry which were curiously reminis-cent of Imperial Germany's warning toAmericans to keep off the Lusitania onits fatal voyage. In this case, however,the foreign government promised, byspecial dispensation, not to molest Amer-ican citizens. The Italian advertise-ment, addressed to "Citizen or Non-


Citizen," stated that "The governmentof Italy has sent an official communica-tion to Giovanni eli Silvestro giving itspledge that no traveler on the pil-grimage will be arrested because of un-fulfilled military service."

Specific instances of such seizure areall too numerous and much alike in theirdetails. Arturo B., who was naturalizedin Brooklyn six years ago, saved the fareto Italy to visit his father, obtainedleave of absence and sailed, happy atheart. Meanwhile the Fascist consulin America who gave Arturo his visahad cabled ahead to Fascist police inItaly to look up his record. No soonerhad Arturo reached his father's homethan he was called before a militarytribunal where he was given the choiceof five years' imprisonment or fulfillmentof his military term. Arturo, as anAmerican citizen •.appealed to the nearestAmerican consul who gave him noencouragement. He smuggled a letterthrough to his wife here asking her toappeal to Senator X, who took the mat-ter up in Washington, and eventuallya form protest went through to Rome.Rome was sorry, but the man could not

be released. So Arturo served, and hiswife in Brooklyn is taking care of herselfand their children as best she can. Thisis not an isolated case, but typical ofscores like it that are constantly comingup and are a matter of record in Wash-ington.

An educated Italian importer sittingin his officein New York City told me ofbeing arrested on a business trip to Italybecause he had become a "renegade"by taking American citizenship andbecause he was not a Fascist here. Hetold of his release through influence, oftheir threats to take away the agencythrough which he does business here,and how, finally, he joined a Fascio inNew York City to save his firm. "Whydoes our government allow the Fascistito carryon their work here?" he asked."Here is a foreign government organiza-tion combating the Americanization offour million of our residents and citizens,laying its plans for getting men andmoney for war from this country, andpersecuting by boycott and terrorismthose who resist. Why doesn't ourgovernment act to protect its owncitizensand residents?"

volume 159 november 1929 harpers - historellihistorelli.com/harper1929.pdf · volume 159 november...

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