volume 7 • number 16 • december 2016 issn 1729-9039

Volume 7 • Number 16 • December 2016ISSN 1729-9039

LiwaJournal of the National Archives

Editor-In-ChiefDr. Abdulla M. Al Raisi

Director General of the National Archives

Advisory BoardH.E. Zaki Anwar Nusseibeh

Adviser in the Ministry of Presidential Affairs, Deputy Chairman of Abu Dhabi Authority for Culture and

Heritage (ADACH) and Board Member of NationalArchives

Prof. Mustafa Aqil al- Khatib Professor of Modern History-Qatar University

Dr. John E. PetersonHistorian and Political Analyst

Dr. Muhammad Sa’ad al- MuqaddamAssistant Professor of Modern History

Sultan Qaboos University

Dr. Sa’ad Abdulla al- KobaisiAssistant Professor of Anthropology

UAE University

Deputy Editor-In-ChiefMajid Sultan Al Mehairi

Managing EditorDr. L. Usra Soffan

Editorial BoardDr. Jayanti Maitra

Farhan Al MarzooqiSaeed Al Suwaidi

Gregory Keith Iverson, Ph.D.

Editorial SecretaryNouf Salem Al Junaibi

Design & LayoutPrinting Unit

National Archives, 2016 ©Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates

The Editor of the Liwa Journal (ISSN 1729-9039) invites the submission of original and unpublished scholarly articles in English and Arabic related to archaeology, history andheritage of the UAE and the Arabian Gulf region.

Manuscripts and all other correspondences concerning ‘Liwa’ should be addressed to: [email protected]

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The views expressed in this issue are those of the individual authors and do not necessarilyreflect the views of the Editorial Board or the National Archives.

Printed in the National Archives Printing Press

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Volume 7 • Number 16 • December 2016

LiwaJournal of the National Archives

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Contents

When Mr Rickett Came To Sharjah

Mr. Michael Quentin MortonIndependent writer and researcher

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Economic transformation in Al Ain under Zayed’s governance in the pre-oil era

Dr. Jayanti MaitraResearch Adviser National Archives, UAE

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The Bridges of Wadi Ham, Fujairah, U.A.E.

Dr. Michele C Ziolkowski & Leslaw T ZiolkowskiArchaeologist and Researcher

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When Mr Rickett Came To SharjahMichael Quentin Morton

Sharjah from the air. (D.M. Morton)

In certain accounts of the early history of oil on the Trucial Coast, there are intriguing references to the visit of a mysterious Englishman to Sharjah in October 1936. His arrival set alarm bells ringing in the office of the Political Resident in Bushire and beyond, and triggered speculation among oil company representatives about the true purpose of his journey. This apparently random visitor was in fact a seasoned oil promoter and concession hunter, Francis William Rickett, who had already brushed with the authorities elsewhere. At a time when the British were sensitive about American activities in the region, the appearance of a man with extensive oil connections in Great Britain and the United States might not have been as innocuous as he claimed. This article describes Rickett’s career in the oil business, examines his visit to the sheikhdom and the response to it, and considers the reasons for British concerns about his presence there.

Michael Quentin Morton

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A Flying Visit

The unannounced arrival of a single-engined Vultee-1AD aeroplane at the Sharjah airfield on 4 October 1936 brought the Residency Agent, Abdur al-Razzaq Razuqi, to the scene; as a paid official of the British government, it was only natural that he should investigate. Great Britain acted as gatekeeper and guardian of the coastal sheikhdoms, and the air route through the Gulf was closed to private aviators, therefore the aeroplane’s presence – whether by accident or design – was most irregular. Razuqi met its two passengers, a 47-year-old Englishman named Francis William Rickett and his companion “Smith”, who in fact was Ben Smith, a Wall Street financier. He proceeded to quiz them. According to Rickett’s version, their plane had been diverted on its flight from India because of engine trouble, but Razuqi remained suspicious.

Having been told that Smith was an “American savage” interested only in gold mines, Razuqi related a tale about gold and presented Rickett with two small gold coins.1 This prompted Rickett to mention the gold mines of Saudi Arabia and ask if any gold might be found in the vicinity. He said they were interested in touring Sharjah, but Razuqi turned down his request for a motor car on account of smallpox in the area.2 The two visitors retired to the rest house in the fort adjoining the airfield. Built in 1932, the fort was a response to bedouin raiding in the area, although in fact there were few such attacks.3

At the time of Rickett’s arrival, not many Westerners could afford long-distance air travel. Sharjah was one stop of many on the week-long air route between Great Britain and India, a place for a single night in transit rather than a stopover for a leisurely vacation. Otherwise, the airfield rest house was the occasional haunt of those engaged on official assignments in the area, and private visitors were rare.4 The ruler, Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr Al Qasimi, was a regular visitor, and Razuqi was his official interpreter, which gave him scope to control any social interactions that might take place.5 When the sheikh dropped in that evening, Razuqi made sure that Rickett and the sheikh were kept apart. Smith offered the services of an American geologist to look for gold, but Razuqi did not pass the offer on.6

Their aircraft was briefly impounded and then released after Rickett complained of a duodenal ulcer haemorrhage which required treatment in London. According to one account, however, when his plane landed in Baghdad on its way back to England, he seemed to be “in the best of health”.7 He returned to London safely and, as far as is known, he was never heard of again in Sharjah. In ordinary circumstances, that would have been the end of the matter, and yet the movements of these eccentric but apparently harmless travellers were deemed important enough to be reported to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in London, Anthony Eden.8


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“Lawrence of Oil”

In order to understand why Rickett’s arrival in Sharjah should have caused such consternation among British authorities, it is first necessary to consider his earlier career. Among other things, he was a concession hunter and adventurer in the world of oil. He was closely involved in the petroleum affairs of Turkey and Iraq, and was dubbed the “Lawrence of Oil” on account of his Middle Eastern connections.9 He also happened to be a wealthy man, owning a mansion in Berkshire and a castle in Pembrokeshire, and counting King Feisal I of Iraq among his house guests.10

It was in the late summer of 1935, about a year before his Sharjah visit, that his name became widely reported in the Western press. He obtained an oil and mineral concession covering about half of Ethiopia just as the Italians were about to invade. It was a sensational coup, earning him front-page headlines on both sides of the Atlantic, though the agreement was cancelled when the US State Department intervened.11 Rickett was undeterred and five months later it was reported that he was still trying sell the concession to the fascist leader, Benito Mussolini, as Italian troops were advancing towards Addis Ababa.12 Ultimately, his efforts came to nothing.

Francis William (“Bill”) Rickett on his return from Ethiopia in 1935. (Illustrated London News)


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Memories of Ethiopia loomed large in the official mind, however, whenever the name F.W. Rickett was mentioned. In Sharjah, there was a danger that he would open up negotiations with the sheikh for an oil concession, and that the British authorities would be powerless to stop him in the face of American objections.13 At the very least, he would bring confusion to the Trucial Coast by offering impossible terms. Whatever his intentions, if Rickett had been hoping that his brief appearance in Sharjah would pass unnoticed, he was mistaken.

The Americans Are Coming

This was a particularly delicate moment in the oil development of the Trucial Coast. Exploration was in its early stages and the British authorities were anxious to protect the area from outside interference. By undertakings given in 1922, the local rulers had agreed not to grant oil concessions without the approval of the British government. In the mid-1930s, the British-led Iraq Petroleum group through its subsidiary company, Petroleum Concessions Ltd (PCL), began negotiations with the rulers, including Sheikh Sultan of Sharjah, for oil concessions.

Rickett’s visit to Sharjah at such a time was a puzzle for the oilmen. E.V. Packer, PCL’s local manager based in Bahrain, noted the event with concern, adding that Rickett’s “subsequent behaviour was regarded as somewhat peculiar and secretive”. Packer referred to him as “a Mr Ricketts [sic] of Bapco”, suggesting a connection with the Bahrain Petroleum Company (known as Bapco) and a possible American interest in obtaining oil concessions along the Trucial Coast.14 Bapco was owned by the Standard Oil Company of California (Socal), which held the concessions for Bahrain and the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia, Al Hasa.

Major Frank Holmes, who had acted for Gulf Oil in Kuwait, was now acting for PCL in the talks with the Trucial Coast sheikhs. An experienced concession hunter himself, Holmes must surely have heard or read about Rickett’s exploits in the course of his travels. Holmes had been absent in London for medical treatment at the time of Rickett’s brief visit to Sharjah, but on 15 January 1937 he shared his thoughts about it with another PCL manager, Brigadier Stephen Longrigg:

I heard in London before leaving that, now that the Texas Corporation are interested, the latter’s policy is to secure all the likely oil-bearing areas in Arabia. The general opinion here is that Rickett’s visit to Sharjah in late September or early October 1936 was not unconnected with the Texas Corporation people, but it is probable that you have obtained more reliable information regarding Rickett’s intentions in this area than I can here.15


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Major Frank Holmes (back row, middle) and A.C. Hearn (front row, far left) with a group of Anglo-Iranian Oil Company executives and the sheikh of Kuwait in London on 9 July 1935.

(BP Archive)

In view of recent developments in the Gulf region, this was a fair assessment. The Texas Oil Company (Texaco), a relative newcomer to the Middle East, was about to join forces with Socal in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain. Together the two companies would operate the Al Hasa and Bahrain concessions, and export Bahrain’s oil to markets in the Far East.

There was some evidence of American activity on the Trucial Coast, albeit of a tentative nature. A certain Hussain Yateem was believed to be an agent of Bapco, having come under the influence of the company’s vice president, Edward Skinner. Only a few days before Rickett’s visit, Yateem had been to Sharjah with letters and the gift of a wristwatch for Sheikh Sultan. There was also a link between Yateem and the dissident Sheikh Mana of Dubai, a cousin of the ruler, who was challenging the status quo in that sheikhdom. At the time of his visit to Sharjah, Yateem had left a pair of binoculars to be delivered to Mana as a gift. Yateem advised Razuqi that, if matters were not agreed between Sheikh Saeed bin Maktoum of Dubai and PCL, he could arrange for an American oil company to meet the ruler.16

Rickett’s presence was an added complication. If he had been acting for an American


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concern, whether it was Texas Oil, Bapco/Socal or through his own connections, the effect would have been the same. The Foreign Office, remembering Rickett’s exploits in Ethiopia and being aware of his links with the oil industry, were already wary of him – and the local PCL representative thought he was suspicious at the very least. In the circumstances, the connection between Rickett and recent American approaches in the area was an easy one to make.

There is, however, a danger of reading too much into the situation. Holmes was not exactly a disinterested reporter, having his own irons in the fire, and Rickett was not known at that time to be in league with any of the American companies mentioned. It is not beyond the bounds of possibility that he might have been representing their interests, but without them it is doubtful that he could have commanded the financial resources necessary to operate on the Trucial Coast.

In reality, the obstacles were immense, especially for the independent group of financiers that Rickett was associated with: men such as Lord Inverforth who had backed the British Oil Development Company in Iraq. Their experience in Mosul had shown as much and, it could be argued, they would have faced even greater challenges on the coast. Thus, despite the stern response to Rickett and Smith’s appearance, there is a strong possibility that their visit to Sharjah was no more than two business friends skylarking about – and Ben Smith’s account seems to suggest as much.

Smith’s Gazelle

We do not have an account of the episode from Rickett himself but, in 1939, The Saturday Evening Post did a lengthy article about Ben Smith which included an account of their sojourn in Sharjah. The title of the article, “Sell ‘Em Ben Smith: The Epic of a Rover Boy in Wall Street”, reflected the brash adventurism of its subject.17

Ben, born Bernard E. Smith, gained a reputation on the 1920s New York Stock Exchange as a leading ‘bear’, meaning a trader who buys shares when markets are depressed and prices are low. His monicker “Sell ‘Em Ben” came from the 1929 Crash when he sold short as the market collapsed.18 He was also interested in the gold market and, by the time he visited Sharjah, had extensive interests in gold mining companies in the United States and Canada. From mid-1934 to 1937, he was based in London where he carried on various businesses including a number of ventures with Rickett. Smith was also implicated in Rickett’s failed Ethiopian concession.

Smith’s account of how their aeroplane came to land at Sharjah goes like this. Towards the end of September 1936, he decided to fly from London to India in order to visit his friend, the Maharajah of Jodhpur. He took Rickett with him. It was a spur-of-the-moment decision, and the arrangements were haphazard – Smith claimed that he was in such a hurry to depart that he did not have time to apply for permission from the


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Iranian government to fly through their airspace. On the outward flight, tailwinds hurried their aircraft across Iran.

Regarding their stay with the Maharajah of Jodhpur, we have a report in The Evening Telegraph of Dundee, Scotland to assist us:

MR RICKETT VISITS INDIA WITH MILLIONAIRE

But Not On Business

Mr Rickett [...] has left Jodhpur after a two-day visit with millionaire B. E. Smith of Bedford, Indiana – the “Flying Millionaire” – in an eight-seater monoplane. Their destination was Baghdad and later London. It is understood that Mr Rickett’s visit was not connected with business. During his brief stay he flew to Delhi with state officials.19

Smith tells us that on 4 October, as they returned to London, their aeroplane struggled to clear Iran and was running out of fuel when they diverted “just across the border” to Sharjah. On their arrival, they were forced to wait for three days while the red tape was sorted out. Smith considered the commerical opportunities in Sharjah, and found them wanting – which is hardly surprising since they were confined to the fort. The only object that caught his eye was a gazelle, which was kept as a pet by one of the guards. After a lengthy negotiation, the guard agreed to part with the animal and, come the day of their departure, Smith took it on board together with a supply of food.

An Arabian gazelle. (ETH Bibliothek)


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In Paris, Smith and the gazelle lodged at the Hotel Carillon, and he caused quite a stir when he led the elegant animal across the lobby on the end of rope. Among those who witnessed this unusual sight was Vincent Bendix, the American inventor and industrialist. Smith took the gazelle with him on his travels around Paris and London but, when he attempted to bring the animal into the United States, it was held in quarantine. The 1936 presidential campaign was underway, and Smith resorted to political means to get his way. He telephoned a friend in the White House secretariat and suggested that, if the gazelle could not get in, neither would Roosevelt. The reply was swift and to the point: “The gazelle’s in; so is Roosevelt.”

The Follow-Up

The story of Smith’s gazelle may have lit up a few dinner parties in New York, but it would have cut little ice with officials back in London. With the help of documents in the India Office Records (IOR), we can retrace Rickett’s journey and witness the rising sense of concern that accompanied his progress. Around the 26 September, he passed through Istanbul, travelling in an American aeroplane “en route for India via Baghdad”. The local press reported that he was negotiating an oil concession in Turkey.20

On 30 September, a message was telegraphed to the Secretary of State for India in London that Rickett’s aeroplane had left Basrah and was heading for Bahrain and Sharjah.21 Orders were issued to detain him if he landed there, but favourable winds ensured that they reached India without stopping in either of those places. On the return flight, as we have seen, Rickett was forced to land at Sharjah and the order to “detain” him was duly implemented – it seems that Abdur Razuqi was aware that the errant oilman might land on his patch at some point.

If Smith’s account is correct, the two men left Sharjah on 6 October. The wires were already humming as the Political Resident in Bushire, Trenchard Fowle, asked for news:

1. Please telegraph urgently whether RICKETTS [sic] or his party made any attempt to communicate with Shaikh or other local people. If so, did they talk oil?

2. What was nature of engine trouble?22

Abdur Razuqi responded with his account of Rickett’s visit, including their talk of gold, and how he had prevented him from talking to Sheikh Sultan. He added:

According to Ricketts’ [sic] mechanic ignition lead disconnected on one plug. None of them had a talk with Shaikh or local people except [with] a Hindu merchant from whom Ricketts wanted to buy pearls for Rs. 2,500 [£12,240 today] but was prevented by Smith on account of [the] high price. Smith bought a dagger from a guard for Rs. 25.23


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The Political Resident, Lt Col. Sir Trenchard Fowle, in 1937.(National Portrait Gallery)

On 8 October, Fowle reported the result of his investigation to the Secretary of State for India:

I have checked up on his statements. Resident Jodhpur states that “Rickett consulted [Doctor] Hayward professionally and left for Karachi with his knowledge.” Engine trouble is reported to have been bad ignition and a dirty plug. It is not easy to determine whether engine failure and plea for release of the aeroplane are genuine.24

The British ambassador in Baghdad weighed in with his opinion that Rickett’s plea


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of a medical emergency was a bluff, and observed that no work was done on the aeroplane while it was there.25

Fowle remained unconvinced by Rickett’s explanations, and suggested that he be refused any endorsements on his passport, and any future requests for a visa, for travel to the Arabian states of the Gulf and Iran; the aeroplane he travelled in, Vultee-1AD registration no. 14256, should be refused clearance for any future flights in the Gulf too. The Secretary of State for Air, Lord Swinton, agreed that future travel facilities for Rickett should be refused but, as far as the aeroplane was concerned, clearance should only be denied if Rickett was on board.26

The final word came from Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, whose view was conveyed to the Secretary of State for India on 1 December 1936:

Mr Eden concurs in his view that Mr Rickett should not be given facilities for travelling either to Persia [Iran] or to the Arab states of the Gulf without reference to the India Office and the Foreign Office.27

This was followed up on 28 December with a message from Fowle to the Political Agents in Kuwait, Bahrain and Muscat:

In connection with an unauthorised flight which the notorious Mr Rickett, a private aviator, made recently on the Arab side of the Persian [Arabian] Gulf, His Majesty’s Government are issuing instructions to consular officers abroad not to give facilities to this individual for travel to Iran or the Arab States in the [...] Gulf without reference to the Foreign Office. Similar instructions are being issued by the passport issuing authorities under the Government of India.28

It was now official: Rickett was “notorious”. Memories of Ethiopia were still raw: there was a feeling that he had, by his actions, played into Mussolini’s hands and made it more likely that the Italians would invade the country in order to secure its oil and mineral resources for themselves. Although the situation was entirely different in Sharjah, the threat was essentially the same: that Rickett might dabble in local affairs with disastrous consequences for British interests. Fowle summed it up when he wrote: “It would have been undesirable to let him remain on the Trucial Coast.” 29

Arthur Hearn, a director of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and not renowned for immoderate language, declared: “People like Rickett ought to be kicked to death!” Not that he seriously meant the threat should be carried out, of course, but it was an indication of the opprobrium Rickett incurred at the time of the Ethiopian crisis.30 By banning him from travelling in the region, the British government effectively ensured that Rickett was a spent force on the Trucial Coast.


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Plane Facts

Although only briefly mentioned at the time, the aeroplane used by Rickett and Smith provides another clue to their purpose. It was registered to the Cord Corporation owned by the American millionaire, Errett Lobban (E.L.) Cord, for his personal use. It had been converted into a executive version – hence the “D” for “deluxe” in its name, Vultee-1AD. In January 1936 it was sent to England.31 It was subsequently registered in Ben Smith’s name and, after the Sharjah incident, it was returned to London and ended up on the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War.32

A Vultee V-1 aircraft of the same design that brought Rickett to Sharjah. (US Navy)

Rickett’s association with Lord Inverforth was well known, that with Ben Smith and E.L. Cord less so. They all enjoyed access to business networks that included Standard Oil executives, but it is the name of Smith that lingers in the mind. He was a backer of the African Development Exploration Corporation, for whom Rickett had acted during the Ethiopian affair, and he had worked with Standard Oil executives in the past on that and other projects.33 Intriguingly, in his history of the aircraft of the Spanish Civil War, Gerald Howson describes Ben Smith as a “Standard Oil salesman” who leased the same Vultee aeroplane for “oil-deposit surveying in Ethiopia”.34 From these facts, it can be concluded that Rickett was not the only one interested in oil. Smith, the famous “Sell ‘Em Ben” of Wall Street, was a serious player in the oil business, too.35


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If Rickett and Smith did not intend to pursue an oil concession on the Trucial Coast in October 1936, they certainly had the potential to do so. But, as a first attempt to penetrate the area, their visit was a poor effort that ultimately backfired: the unauthorised landing at Sharjah gave the British authorities the pretext to ban Rickett from the area and so prevent him from attempting to seek concessions there in the future. For some reason, they overlooked Smith, even though he also would have posed a significant threat to their interests; it was Rickett they had in their sights.

Conclusion

After Rickett left Sharjah, there were other controversies to follow in his wake, including a plan to buy up Mexico’s oil supplies after its industry was nationalised in 1938. He never managed to repeat his fame of the 1930s in his later years; he was declared bankrupt in 1948, though he continued in business and lived for a good many years, passing away in 1981 at the age of 92 years. In his heyday, his flamboyant exploits were a journalist’s dream. He even found his way into Evelyn Waugh’s novel, Scoop, in the form of the fictional businessman, Mr. Baldwin, who at one point in the story complains: “How disconcerting. I believe they have found me out.”36 Not so in Sharjah, where the true purpose of his visit was suspected but never revealed.

Waugh’s novel raises another point. It is often quite difficult to know where to draw the line between fiction and reality in the story of Rickett’s life. Perhaps there is something in the fact that the Sharjah episode never made the headlines and was not reported anywhere apart from The Saturday Evening Post, and so was not sensationalised. The reports in British government and oil company files provide a factual basis for drawing certain conclusions about Rickett’s true intentions. Was he really looking for an oil concession or was he simply on a frolic of his own?

One can hardly imagine two less innocent travellers than Rickett and his companion Ben Smith when they alighted at Sharjah airport in October 1936. For this reason, it strains credibility to suggest that their visit was purely an accident, especially as they had apparently been planning to visit Sharjah on their outward journey. The accounts are contradictory, too: it was reported that they had been forced to land because of bad ignition and a dirty spark plug, while Smith maintained they were running low on fuel.

That said, the possibility of a forced landing cannot be ruled out. Knowing Rickett and Smith, they probably took a deliberate gamble on their return journey to London, hoping they would clear the Arabian Gulf without refuelling – just as they had done on their outward flight. On this occasion, however, there was no tailwind to assist them and their aircraft made heavy work of the journey. This surely offers another plausible explanation.


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In the event that their visit was deliberately planned, it raises questions about the nature of Rickett’s business in Sharjah. He was clearly a wheeler-dealer, and looking for gold would not have been outside his remit. It was certainly within Smith’s field of interest. But, as noted, Rickett had a strong interest in oil and had been closely involved in a major oil venture in Iraq. He also had links with British and American oil interests, although his association with the Standard Oil companies of New Jersey and New York seems to have ended when he felt badly let down after they refused to back him during the Ethiopian affair.37 That leaves the possibility that he was making an approach on behalf of the Texas Oil Company – which was Major Holmes’ theory – or Bapco/Socal, or all of them. Again, no evidence has come to light to prove such a link.

In the final analysis, it is likely that this was an opportunistic foray into a part of the world that neither Rickett nor Smith truly understood. Even if their presence was accidental, their subsequent actions showed inquiring minds that were ready to explore an unfamiliar territory and investigate the possibility of finding gold and more. In view of their backgrounds, oil would most certainly have been on their minds, but ultimately Sharjah was on the margins of their world. In the event, Razuqi well and truly snipped their tentacles. Smith’s offer of an American geologist was undoubtedly a feeler, and Razuqi made sure that it went no further.

It is interesting to consider what might have happened should Sheikh Sultan have accepted that offer. There had been a similar situation in February 1935 when Sheikh Sultan bin Salim of Ras al-Khaimah had approached the commander of a French naval ship, Bougainville, when it was visiting, and asked for geologists to look for oil in his sheikhdom.38 The sheikh informed the Political Resident, Trenchard Fowle, whose first thought was to exclude the French. He wrote to the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, and two British geologists and a guide, “Haji” Williamson, were sent to the sheikhdom in order to sign a two-year option to explore for oil. As it happened, Sheikh Sultan of Sharjah signed a 75-year oil concession with PCL in September 1937. Generally, the British authorities rebuffed American attempts to make inroads on the Trucial Coast, and all the ruling sheikhs made agreements with PCL over the next few years.39

The real significance of Rickett’s visit is to be found in the behind-the-scenes response of the British authorities. They warned Razuqi of Rickett’s possible arrival so that he was on the scene, ready to parry his questions and keep him away from the sheikh. They made sure, by imposing travel restrictions, that Rickett would not return to Sharjah and talk about oil, or anything else for that matter. They were prepared to go to the highest level in order to exclude him from approaching the local sheikhs for oil concessions. Above all, they acted to preserve their interests on the Trucial Coast.

The modern world is proud of how interconnected it is, but Rickett’s story reminds us


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that it was already connected in the 1930s, though without the luxury of the internet and instant communication. His visit to Sharjah sent ripples through the British hierarchy. His interests were spread across the globe, and he was connected with powerful English and American oil concerns; for this reason, and due to his reputation as a concession hunter, the theory arose that Rickett’s visit was a deliberate ploy to engage the sheikh in a discussion about an oil concession. Perhaps this was what he intended but, as Rickett’s career demonstrates, his ventures were highly speculative. In the case of the Trucial Coast, an oil project would have been undertaken without official British blessing, and probably would have been doomed to failure.

Acknowledgements

The author thanks Peter Morton and Joanne Burman (BP Archive) for their kind assistance.


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Endnotes

1. Residency Agent, Sharjah, to the Political Agent, Bahrain, 6 October 1936, APOC – Miscellaneous (9/182), IOR/R/15/2/436.

2. In fact, the last outbreak of smallpox on the Trucial Coast had been declared over in May 1936, only to recur in December of that year, see Stanley-Price, Imperial Outpost in the Gulf, The Airfield at Sharjah, 1932–1952 (Brighton, 2012), p. 172.

3. Ibid., pp. 34–7.

4. Ibid., pp. 135–8.

5. Ibid., p. 144.

6. Residency Agent, Sharjah to the Political Agent, 6 October 1936, APOC – Miscella-neous (9/182), IOR/R/15/2/436.

7. Political Resident to Secretary of State for India, 9 October 1936, APOC – Miscellaneous (21/182).

8. Rendel to the Secretary of State for India, 1 December 1936, APOC – Miscellaneous (47/182).

9. File note, 9 September 1935, BP Archive ref. 58920; “Who is Rickett?”, Time & Tide Business Guide, volume 16, issues 27–52, p. 1271.

10. “The Mysterious Mr Rickett”, Sunday Express, 1 September 1935.

11. “The Four-Day Concession”, The Spectator, 5 September 1935; “International: The Odor of Oil”, Time, 16 September 1935.

12. “Italy: Again, Rickett”, Time, 6 April 1936.

13. Heard, David, From Pearls to Oil: How the Oil Industry Came to the United Arab Emirates (Dubai, 2011), p. 219.

14. Packer to Longrigg, 20 October 1936, cited in Heard: From Pearls to Oil, Appendix 21, pp. 465–6.

15. ADPC files, Box 41, PC28 Part 3, November 1936–April 1937, p. 94, cited in Heard: From Pearls to Oil, p. 218.

16. Residency Agent, Sharjah, to Political Agent, Bahrain, Memorandum, 10 October 1936, Confidential 86/7-IV B.40. Petroleum Concessions Limited – Trucial Coast, IOR/R/15/1/674; Heard: From Pearls to Oil, pp. 192–4.


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17. Davis, Forrest, “Sell ‘Em Ben Smith: The Epic of a Rover Boy in Wall Street”, The Satur-day Evening Post, 4 February 1939, pp. 14–15, 45–50.

18. Fisher, Kenneth L., 100 Minds That Made the Market (Hoboken, 2007), p. 333.

19. The Evening Telegraph, 6 October 1936, p. 5.

20. British Embassy, Istanbul, to the Foreign Office, 3 October 1936, APOC – Miscella-neous (31/182), IOR/R/15/2/436.


22. Political Resident, Bushire, to Political Agent, Bahrain, 5 October 1936, APOC – Mis-cellaneous (9/182).

23. Residency Agent, Sharjah, to the Political Agent, Bahrain, 6 October 1936, APOC – Miscellaneous (9/182).


25. Political Resident to the Secretary of State for India, 16 October 1936, APOC – Miscel-laneous (25/182).

26. Self to the Under Secretary of State for India, 10 November 1936, APOC – Miscella-neous (37/182).

27. Rendel to the Secretary of State for India, 1 December 1936, APOC – Miscellaneous (47/182).

28. Political Resident to the Political Agents in Kuwait, Bahrain and Muscat, 28 December 1936, APOC – Miscellaneous (49/182).


30. Hearn to the Chairman, AIOC, 2 September 1935, BP Archive ref. 58920.

31. American Aviation Historical Society Journal, vol. 20, issue 1 (1975), p. 288.

32. Civil Aircraft Register <www.airhistory.org> accessed 28 September 2016.

33. Borgeson, Griffith, Errett Lobban Cord, His Empires, His Motor Cars (New Albany, 2003), p.179.

34. Howson, Gerald, Aircraft of the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939 (Washington, 1990), p. 288.


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35. Forrest: “Sell ‘Em Ben”, p. 48.

36. Waugh, Evelyn, Scoop (London, 1943), p. 178.

37. “Italy: Again, Rickett”, Time, 6 April 1936.

38. Zahlan, Rosemarie, The Origins of the United Arab Emirates: A Political and Social History of the Trucial States (London, 1978), p. 108.

39. Fowle to AIOC General Manager, 26 April 1935, file 14/201 I B 32 “Trucial Coast Miscellaneous”, IOR/R/15/1/280; “Memorandum on the Oil Concessions in the Arab Sheikhdoms”, 13 March 1944, IOR/L/PS/18/B478.

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Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahyan, Ruler’s Representative in Al Ain, 1946-1966.

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Economic transformation in Al Ain under Zayed’s governance in the pre-oil era Jayanti Maitra

‘Water was as much the subject of Arab dreams as oil’.

“Water was as much the subject of Arab dreams as oil. Not only would it quench their thirst, but it would bring the desert itself to life with lush grazing, fruitful palms and fields of melons, onions and tomatoes”.1

This apt quote best exemplifies the pursuit of one man’s dream - the iconic ‘desert prince’, Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahyan, during his twenty-year tenure (1946-66) as the Ruler’s Representative in Al Ain, the Eastern Province of Abu Dhabi. The region, formerly known as the Buraimi Oasis, has been for centuries an area of vital strategic and economic importance. Blessed with fertile soil and plentiful supply of water supporting large date-groves in the middle of sandy wastes, and lying on the crossroads for caravan trade and communication, Buraimi was described as “a key to the surrounding regions and a prize of intrinsic worth”.

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The Al Nahyan Ruling Family of Abu Dhabi gained their first foothold in Buraimi during the early years of the 19th century when Sheikh Shakhbut Bin Dhiyab, the Ruler of Abu Dhabi, (1795-1816), built a fort in Al Muraijib in the north-western part of the oasis. Historically, the settlements comprising Buraimi Oasis have been amicably shared by the Sultans of Muscat and Oman and the Rulers of Abu Dhabi. The larger six villages of Al Ain, Jimi, Hili, Qattarah, Mu’taradh and Muwaiji, belong to the Emirate of Abu Dhabi, and the three villages of Buraimi, Sara and Hamasa belong to the Sultan of Muscat and Oman. Additionally, the Al Nahyan Ruling Family of Abu Dhabi also acquired the plantations of Jahili, Masudi, Muraijib and Salmi. With the acquisition of farms, date groves, gardens and houses, the Al Nahyans became the wealthiest and most prominent members of the Bani Yas in the interior oases which came to form the Eastern Province of the Emirate of Abu Dhabi.

Village settlements in the Buraimi Oasis.


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Any study of the development of Al Ain and its suburbs in the pre-oil era, shows how the Al Nahyan Rulers were instrumental in bringing progress by establishing villages, promoting agriculture, cleaning up old and constructing new aflaj (underground water channels), and building impressive fortresses as symbols of their growing power and prosperity. The people in the interior were for generations engaged in agriculture, especially palm tree caring and date collection. “They planted and we fed, and we plant to feed future generations” - the saying that used to be common amongst the local people - amply illustrates the extent to which agriculture and irrigation were essential for survival in the desert. Every bush and ghaff or sumra tree were valued, and some of the desert bushes like the arta, which were available after a good rain, used to be eaten with the staple rice and meat, as they were excellent sources of vitamins and iron.2

Muraijib fort built by Sheikh Shakhbut Bin Dhiyab in the early years of the 19th century.

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Date Palm cultivation constituted the basis of oasis agriculture


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Mud brick houses set in the midst of large date groves

Each village consisted of a cluster of low houses built of mud-brick and palm branches, and had its protecting fort, a number of watchtowers, its wells and aflaj, and its own date gardens with a certain amount of local cultivation of crops and vegetables. While the aflaj-irrigated plots shadowed by the palm trees were planted with orchards of orange and lemon bushes, on the fringes of the date gardens were small green fields filled with onions, tobacco, some lucerne, and tiny squares of wheat, which were often watered by massive wells in the gardens themselves rather than by the aflaj.3 However, the aflaj were for centuries the life-line of the oasis providing water for cultivation, domestic needs and also for the animals. Sometimes borne by aqueducts, sometimes in tunnels eighty feet below the ground, the water flowed from the far-off rocky mountains of Hafit and Al Hajar, starting as a spring where the rainfall was comparatively plentiful.4 For centuries, the undisputed experts who specialised in the work of digging and keeping the channels in repair were from the tribe of Al Awamir, allies of the Bani Yas, famed for their knowledge of aflaj and for their apparent ability to smell water.5

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The aflaj were the lifeline of the oasis.

Through the 19th century, the possessions and influence of the Al Nahyan Ruling Family began to increase steadily in the oasis villages of Al Ain and its suburbs. During the reign of Sheikh Zayed Bin Khalifah (1855-1909), famously known as Zayed the Great, Abu Dhabi emerged as the paramount sheikhdom on the Gulf Coast. Sheikh Zayed Bin Khalifa was in the habit of making yearly visits to Buraimi. Just before the end of the 19th century, he built the imposing Jahili fort west of Al Ain and the power of Abu Dhabi progressed from the periphery of the oasis towards its southern centre.6 In furtherance of the Al Nahyan tradition of caring for agriculture and irrigation, Sheikh Zayed reconstructed the old and neglected falaj of Al Jahili. His eldest son, Sheikh Khalifa, established a new farm in Al Masudi, west of Hili village, and provided it with a special canal known as Al Masudi falaj. The wisdom of this policy was evident from the remarkable agricultural expansion in the interior. Al Ain became lush with vegetation. In 1905, during his visit to Buraimi, Captain P.Z. (later Sir Percy) Cox, then Officiating Resident in the Gulf, estimated that there were at least 60,000 date palms in the oasis, in addition to all the fruits and vegetables to be found in the region.7 The chief crop was date, much of which was exported to Abu Dhabi as the dates grown there were of an inferior type and were used chiefly to feed animals. Following the footsteps of his father and brother, Sheikh Sultan Bin Zayed, who later became the Ruler of Abu Dhabi (1922-26), showed great interest in agriculture and irrigation, and ordered the construction of Al Muwaiji falaj, which brought prosperity to that village. He also built a fort in Al Ain in 1910.


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The famous Jahili Fort built by Zayed the Great, 1898.

Al Masudi farm established by Sheikh Khalifa Bin Zayed the First.

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Sheikh Sultan Bin Zayed’s Fort in Al Ain established in 1910.

Letter from Sheikh Sultan Bin Zayed to Mohammad Bin Hilal Bin Mohammad Al Dhahiri about number of people serving in Aflaj Al Jahili and Al Muwaiji, 1925.


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The old falaj in Jimi.

In 1946, when Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahyan became the Governor of Abu Dhabi’s Eastern Province, the situation in the interior presented a picture of general decline and lawlessness. Years of tribal disturbances had resulted in the neglect and ruin of the ancient aflaj, and there was precious little, if any, vegetation aside from the palm groves. Like his grandfather, Sheikh Zayed had a vision to make Al Ain a haven of green, and to provide the people of every district with water, medical care and education. In keeping with the Al Nahyan family tradition, he devoted himself wholeheartedly to the two core issues, irrigation and agricultural expansion, and ushered in remarkable transformations in the oasis villages that were described by his contemporaries as “unseen in the century”.

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Sheikh Zayed’s perennial concern for the supply of water in the oasis led him to take a momentous step. In order to ensure its free and equitable distribution amongst all his people, he conveyed a memorable message to one and all in the most unmistakable terms: “Falaj water coming out of the ground is a communal and universal right enjoyed by all those who live on the ground”.8 Based on the principle of social equality in Islam, he ordered an overall revision of the local water ownership rights. Furthermore, in a gesture of rare magnanimity, he surrendered the rights of his own family as an example to the others.9 From that date on, irrigation in Al Ain town and its suburbs became free to all and equally shared. Praising Zayed’s benevolent attitude, Edward Henderson, Political Officer in Abu Dhabi noted: “It is remarkable that in a country where water is so expensive it should be given to the farmers free”.10

Zayed’s next step was to rehabilitate the ancient canals which had long been abandoned or ruined as a result of prolonged tribal feuds, and to dig new canals and sink water wells for future agricultural expansion. One of the first projects that brought him considerable praise was the sinking of four new shafts near the source of the Aini falaj which supplied water to his main village of Al Ain. This resulted in an increased flow of water and reduced the time required to complete the circuit of the Al Ain gardens bringing substantial benefit to the palms and other fruit trees. Sheikh Zayed also

Sheikh Zayed took a personal interest in the cleaning and construction of Aflaj.


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undertook some much needed cleaning and repair work on the Mu’taradh falaj.11 In order to carry out these activities, Zayed used to bring in groups of skilled workers from the Awamir tribe. Cleaning and repair work on the aflaj were time-consuming and involved huge expenses. Without sufficient funds to pay the workers, Zayed adopted a remarkably novel approach by inviting the tribesmen to have regular meals with him in the fort. After lunch, he personally accompanied them in order to lend a hand in their work or give instructions on the proper direction of drilling, thereby setting a uniquely successful example of tribal community effort.12

Sheikh Salim Bin Hamm of the Awamir tribe with a hawk of Sheikh Zayed, 1954

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Letter from Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahyan to Sheikh Hazza Bin Sultan Al Nahyan urgently requesting the payment of Rs. 9144 to Abdulla

Bin Ali for work completed in falaj Al Dawoudi, 1953

Falaj Al Aini, 1953-54.


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Sheikh Zayed with Julian Walker in Al Ain in 1954.

Sheikh Zayed inspecting a falaj in Al Ain in 1953.

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To Zayed, the quest for water, the most precious commodity in the desert, was of paramount importance. In 1954, when Colonel Kenneth Merrylees, a dowsing expert dubbed as “the water god”, visited Buraimi in the company of Julian Walker, then posted in the Political Agency in Sharjah, Zayed took full advantage of his expertise to improve the water supplies of his villages in the Oasis.13 After the end of the ‘Buraimi Crisis’, although the British Government spent nearly 5000 pounds on falaj cleaning, it admitted the difficulty of sustaining these expenses in the future. But Zayed did not allow financial constraints to forestall his development work. He invested his personal funds in the work of repairs of irrigation channels, and additionally carried out new falaj development works which swallowed up a lot of his money. This was another remarkable instance of Zayed’s generosity of spirit in light of the fact that in the 1950s, he received only £10,000 a year to administer the Abu Dhabi villages in the Oasis on behalf of his brother, Sheikh Shakhbut, who himself had very limited revenues at his disposal.14 Mr. Edward Henderson recorded that since 1955, Zayed was spending as much as half a lakh a year and his efforts produced gratifying results.15 The trees in Al Muwaiji’s grove which were dying improved with the increased frequency of watering. The other groves in the Abu Dhabi villages also began to receive increased supplies of water. With new sources linked up with underground channels under construction, it was expected that Al Ain, the largest village, will have many times

Letter from Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan to Sheikh Shakhbut Bin Sultan, Ruler of Abu Dhabi, asking him to send Rs. 75000 with Ahmad Bin Mah-

moud for work completed in aflaj Al Aini and Al Dawoudi, 1964.


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its previous supply.16 Not satisfied with mere repair and restoration work, Zayed next embarked on the ambitious project of constructing a new falaj with the help of Awamir tribesmen. The imposing Al Saruj canal was the first one to be dug in Al Ain under his orders, and it took eighteen years to be completed mainly due to lack of funds.17

The imposing Al Saruj falaj was the first one to be dug in Al Ain under Zayed’s orders

In order to further stimulate the local agrarian economy, Sheikh Zayed adopted some constructive measures despite the absence of a proper budget or the requisite staff. He started by distributing lands and tools to the farmers, and managed to buy a British tractor and implements for use.18 In September 1962, Sheikh Zayed engaged the services of a Pakistani Agricultural Officer, A. H. Khan, the first government employee to arrive in Al Ain to plan and supervise the planting of trees in the oasis under his direct supervision. He paid him from his own funds to advise and assist the local farmers in improving, expanding and diversifying their crops. A small experimental farm was set up, and with the provision of several hundred water pumps as gifts or against time payments, impressive improvements were effected in the field of agriculture which resulted in an enormous expansion of the acreage and quality of produce.19 Soil improved considerably, and as agriculture flourished, new crops were grown, people’s diet improved and became more varied. Export of vegetables,

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which were badly needed to supplement the diet of the inhabitants of the Trucial Coast, steadily increased. Vegetables and meats became staples of the local diet with a resultant appreciable improvement in the general health of the populace. Zayed’s daring project proved a great success and marked the beginning of the greening of the desert.

Modernisation of agriculture under Sheikh Zayed’s initiative.

Agriculture showed signs of impressive improvements and diversification.


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To activate the volume of trade and fulfill the needs of his people, Zayed opened a new souq in Al Ain in the summer of 1958, which was built in the form of a street and covered over. “This project” wrote M. S. Buckmaster, the Political Officer at Abu Dhabi, “was financed entirely by Shaikh Zaid, and though it cost him over a lac rupees, he charges no rent for the use of the 25 or so shops in the suq”.20 This flourishing new souq had a wider range of goods than those on sale in Abu Dhabi, and as expected, its inauguration attracted a number of merchants from outside the Abu Dhabi sector who established themselves alongside the Al Ain merchants. Many of them came from the Muscat villages, while one or two were from Sharjah and Dubai. The Al Ain souq also had the effect of drawing trade away from the souqs at Buraimi and Hamasa.21 Zayed’s next step was to expand the Qattarah souq, which enabled the villagers from the neighbouring areas of Jimi and Hili to buy almost anything they needed from there, instead of having to depend on the souqs of Muscat as in former times.22 Thus, within a decade after taking charge in the Oasis, Zayed managed to establish several small souqs in all the villages belonging to Abu Dhabi, which increased the volume of trade covering a wide area. On the whole, there was a “general atmosphere of progress and prosperity”, noted Buckmaster, in his report about the principal developments and changes in the Abu Dhabi sector of the Buraimi Oasis between 1957 and 1958.23

Zayed’s daring projects made barren land green.

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Al Ain souq in 1960.

The main shopping area in Al Ain in 1963.

Thanks to the tireless efforts put in by Zayed, Al Ain flourished with a well-equipped hospital operated by American and Canadian missionaries, a new souq, central power for electricity, two British Banks, and a school supervised by Jordanian teachers. Building activities went apace in this principal village with over a hundred new shops completed, and many of them being available for rent, generated some extra income for the residents. The volume of trade continued to expand due to the stimulus of the new souq. There was a steady rise in the export of vegetables which were badly needed to supplement the diet of the inhabitants of the Trucial Coast. The level of employment remained high because of the recruitment of a large number of young


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men in the Trucial Oman Levies, the peace-keeping force which brought a measure of security in the oasis. The immigration of farmers, traders and semi-skilled laborers gave the oasis “an air of expectancy and prosperity unknown in this century”.24 The Political Agent witnessed in sheer amazement Zayed’s accomplishments in his home-town, Al Ain, and in the surrounding area – all for the benefit of his people. “Everyone who visited Buraimi noticed the happiness of the people in the area”, remarked Boustead. He was particularly astonished at the crowds who gathered around Zayed, and he observed how they “treated him with the sort of reverence and attention due to a minor saint”. But what amazed him most was that “he [Zayed] invariably had a kind word for everybody, and was most generous with his money”.25

It largely goes to Sheikh Zayed’s credit that contemporary British officials, oil company representatives, as well as other foreign diplomats and important personalities who visited Al Ain and witnessed the remarkable progress achieved in the Oasis under his stewardship since the very early years formed a highly favourable opinion of him. All of them paid eloquent tributes to his majestic physical appearance and his blossoming personality and character. In 1948, when Edward Henderson visited the region as the representative of the Iraq Petroleum Company, he described Sheikh Zayed as “clearly a man of action and resolution”.26 Early in January 1954, when Julian Walker, the newly-appointed Political Officer at Sharjah and the self-styled “Tyro on the Trucial Coast”, was chosen to accompany Hammond Innes27 on his visit to Buraimi, he recollected that as Zayed shook hands with them, it could easily be understood “why he had become so popular and admired in the area. All Arabs of the Coast were, by European standards, incredibly polite, but Zaid’s courtesy was tinged with warm informality”.28 A decade later, when Hugh Boustead visited Buraimi for the first time in the early 1960s as the Political Agent at Abu Dhabi, he remarked: “I will not easily forget my first visit to Buraimi and my first meeting with Sheikh Zaid. A most ebullient character, always laughing, cheerful, and popular, easy to talk to, it is impossible to meet him without immediately being taken by him”.29

It was particularly noteworthy that the Political Resident, W.H. Luce, after spending a couple of days in Buraimi during his visit to Abu Dhabi in March 1962, noticed how the population of the nine Buraimi villages (about 4000) appeared “peaceful and contented”. Sheikh Zayed was popular and respected both in the Oasis and among the surrounding Bedu, and even the Muscat subjects regarded him “as their chief benefactor”.30 Looking to the future with the in-coming oil revenues, the Resident was hopeful that with the growing prosperity, the expansion of employment opportunities, the immigration of farmers, traders and semi-skilled labourers, Buraimi would exert a powerful attraction upon those of its inhabitants who left either for political reasons or to look for work elsewhere.31 The prevailing atmosphere of progress and prosperity in 1963 also attracted the attention of Mr. J.E. Horner, the American Consul General in Dhahran, who outlined in detail Zayed’s achievements in contrast to the stagnation in the capital city of Abu Dhabi.

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A man far in advance of his time in thought and action, Zayed reached out to his people with a promise: “Give me cultivation and I assure you of civilization”. Thanks to his undaunted spirit, tireless efforts and his legendary generosity, the desert became green, and the principal village of Al Ain emerged as the economic and political hub of the Oasis in the pre-oil era.

Photo Credits:

Sir Wilfred Thesiger © Pitt Rivers Museum

Julian Walker

Gertrude Dyck

Alain Saint Hilaire

Anthony Rundell

NA (National Archives of the UAE) Photo Archives

NA Qasr Al Hosn Archives

Report on Buraimi Oasis by Mr. Horner, American Consul, Dhahran, 1963.


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Endnotes

1. Julian Walker, Tyro On The Trucial Coast, Durham, 1999, p. 137.

2. Gertrude Dyck, The Oasis Al Ain memoirs of ‘Doctora Latifa’, Motivate Publishing, 1995, p. 84.

3. Walker, Tyro On The Trucial Coast, op. cit., p. 36.

4. Anthony Shepherd, Arabian Adventure, London, 1961, p. 119.

5. Walker, Tyro On The Trucial Coast, op. cit., 1999, pp. 34-35.

6. Julian Walker, Trucial Oman 1900-1950, Sabbatical Paper, Faculty of Oriental Studies, Cambridge, Vol., 1, p. 62.

7. J.B. Kelly, Eastern Arabian Frontiers, London, 1964, p. 103.

8. Hamdi Tammam, Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahayyan. The Leader and the March, Abu Dhabi, 1981, p. 61.

9. United Arab Emirates Year Book, 2005, Ministry of Information and Culture, Abu Dhabi, UAE, Trident Press, London, 2005.

10. 1960. FO 371/148916. Note by Mr. Edward Henderson, Political Officer, Abu Dhabi, to Mr. Archie Lamb, Political Residency, Bahrain, on the improvement of the ‘falajes’ in the Buraimi area by Shaikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, 27 March 1960.

11. FO 1016/624. File No.1013/41/58. From the Political Agency, Abu Dhabi, to D.F. Hawley, H.M. Political Agent, Dubai, September 3, 1958.

12. Jayanti Maitra, Zayed: From Challenges to Union, National Archives, (Former Center for Documentation & Research), Abu Dhabi, 2007, Interview with HE Zaki Nusseibeh, p. 36.


14. Ibid., p. 37.

15. 1960. FO 371/148916. Note by Mr. Edward Henderson, Political Officer, Abu Dhabi, to Mr. Archie Lamb, Political Residency, Bahrain, on the improvement of the ‘falajes’ in the Buraimi area by Shaikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, 27 March 1960. [Lakh or lac is a unit in the Indian numbering system equal to one hundred thousand].

16. 1960. FO 371/148916. Note by Mr. Edward Henderson, op. cit.

17. Tammam, Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahayyan, op. cit., p. 59.

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18. FO 371/168924. Annual Economic Report for Abu Dhabi, 1962.

19. Airgram No. A-234. “Buraimi Oasis – Miscellaneous Notes. From J.E. Horner, Ameri-can Consul, Dhahran, to Department of State, April 10, 1963. National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, DC.

20. FO 1016/624. File No.1013/41/58. From the Political Agency, Abu Dhabi, to D.F. Hawley, H.M. Political Agent, Dubai, September 3, 1958.

21. Ibid.

22. Ibid.

23. Ibid.

24. Clarence C. Mann, Abu Dhabi: Birth of an Oil Shaikhdom, Beirut, 1969, pp. 87-88.

25. Hugh Boustead, The Wind of Morning. The Autobiography of Hugh Boustead, London, 1971, pp. 233-234.

26. Edward Henderson, This Strange Eventful History Memoirs of Earlier Days in the UAE and Oman, London, 1988, p. 57.

27. Hammond Innes was the author of popular adventure books. His book titled ‘The Doomed Oasis’ was written after his visit to the Buraimi Oasis.


29. Boustead, The Wind of Morning, op. cit., p. 233.

30. FO 371/162797. From W.H. Luce, British Residency, Bahrain, March 21, 1962, to R.S. Crawford, Foreign Office.

31. Ibid.

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The Bridges of Wadi Ham, Fujairah, U.A.E. Michele C Ziolkowski & Leslaw T Ziolkowski

Introduction:

Highlighted in numerous studies is the strategic importance of Fujairah’s Wadi Ham (Figs.1 & 2)1. Traditionally Wadi Ham formed the main access route from the coast of Fujairah City to the inland settlements of the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.), via Masafi. This historical trail through the mountains to the west of Fujairah city was primarily traversed along the wadi floor. Whether on foot, via animal-based transportation, or motorised vehicle, this was a long and arduous journey, which was often made more difficult by flash floods and fallen debris. After the discovery of oil reserves in the U.A.E. (formerly the Trucial States), there was a period of infrastructure-based development, which was undertaken by the Trucial States Council (T.S.C.) and the Development Fund. It is within this period immediately before, during and after the formation of the United Arab Emirates that the British Royal Engineers constructed the bridges in Wadi Ham. Four Truss bridges and two culverts were built in Fujairah’s Wadi Ham with the assistance of a hired labour force, as part of the Development Fund’s ‘Roads Project’.

Fig.1

Michele C Ziolkowski & Leslaw T Ziolkowsk

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During March of 2011, the authors surveyed and recorded the four bridges and one culvert (Culvert 2) located in Fujairah’s Wadi Ham (Fig.3)2. Culvert 1 was surveyed in August 2016. This paper presents the results of the field surveys combined with ethnographic accounts provided by Keith Whibley3, a former member of the Royal Engineers. Keith Whibley was part of 32 Field Squadron Royal Engineers, stationed at Sharjah from 1st October 1969 to 7th July 1970. He was a 20-year-old Sapper POM (Plant Operator Mechanic), trained to operate and maintain construction equipment used within the Army (Fig.4). Keith worked on two of the bridges (1 & 2) and Culvert 1 in Wadi Ham. His knowledge, experience and photographic record of this particular infrastructure project are invaluable.

Fig.2


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Fig.3

Fig.4


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Historical Background:

Established in 19524, the Trucial States Council T.S.C. became responsible for the ever-growing development programme (Trucial States Development Office & Trucial States Development Fund) initially financed by the British government5. The Council consisted of all the rulers and their close family members, with the British Political Agent presiding6. There were usually two meetings per year, one in the spring, the second in the autumn, and a wide range of issues was discussed, such as travel documents, anti-locust measures, education, public health, postage stamps, infrastructure schemes, etc,7. In 1965 the Political Agent ceased to preside over these meetings, his place being taken by one of the rulers, the first chairperson being Sheikh Saqr bin Mohammed al-Qasimi of Ras al-Khaimah8.

By 1969 the services of the Development Office included running the headquarters of the Trucial States Council, providing agricultural services, trade and technical schools, scholarships abroad, health services, a fisheries department, and a public works department (which included road maintenance)9. Infrastructure schemes such as the development of roads and bridges were also funded and implemented by the T.S.C.10. Initial roads/tracks were opened up by the Trucial Oman Scouts (prev. Levies), and by 1960, roads/tracks from Masafi to Fujairah through the Wadi Ham and from Masafi to Dibba through the Wadi Ayyinah (Al Uyaynah) were made passable for motorists for the first time11. The track via Wadi Ham from Fujairah to Dhaid (Sharjah Emirate) and Dubai was asphalted in 197412. Further development consisted of town water supplies, electricity, housing projects, telephone systems, jetties, wharfs and road improvements13.

Ethnographic Information (provided by Keith Whibley):

The work in Wadi Ham, Fujairah, was carried out under the Trucial States Council (T.S.C.) and the Development Fund. The bridges and culverts in Wadi Ham were a joint project between the Royal Engineers and the T.S.C. (Figs. 5 & 6) The team consisted of about 20 Pakistani men under the guidance of an Indian supervisor, a Pakistani charge hand and a contingent of about 30 military personnel under the control of one officer and other ranks (Figs. 7 & 8). Both teams worked independently of each other but assisted one another when needs arose. The T.S.C. built the abutments for Bridges 1 and 2, plus a central pier for Bridge 2 (Callender-Hamilton bridge type) in Wadi Ham. Then the military team assembled the bridges and winched them into place, built a large culvert (Culvert 1), blasted and cut several kilometres of road (mainly side hill cuts) (Figs. 9, 10 & 11)14. The two bridges and one culvert were started and completed within Keith’s tour of duty 1/10/1969 – 7/7/1970. Additional Callender-Hamilton bridges (Bridges 3 and 4) were constructed and another culvert (Culvert 2) built after Keith’s tour in the U.A.E.


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Fig.5

Fig.6


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Fig.7

Fig.8


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Fig.9

Fig.10


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Fig.11

The Callender-Hamilton bridges were manufactured in the United Kingdom. This type of bridge would have been stored in various military theatres throughout the world to be used in emergencies or local community projects. The bridges arrived in sections and were manually fitted together on site15. The bridge abutments and piers were built with concrete and local stone. Sand used in the construction of the abutments was locally sourced, and the cement came by lorry from Fujairah. The stone was initially sourced, from the surrounding area and carried by hand until eventually a lorry was supplied to go further afield for the building material. The majority of the building equipment and materials appeared from the direction of Fujairah. The heavy machinery came by sea from Sharjah to Fujairah and landed on the beach. The civilian team had one Bedford RL open backed lorry and a very antiquated diesel driven concrete mixer. During the later part of Keith’s tour, a brand new Caterpillar D9 crawler tractor (Dozer) arrived (Fig. 12). The military team had access to more equipment on site including two Caterpillar D8 dozers, one Caterpillar D4 Dozer, concrete mixers, generators, various lorries and Land Rovers.


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According to Keith, no major accidents occurred on site during his tour in Wadi Ham. He did recall one incident when the rains arrived:

“We had no idea how much rain would appear in such a short space of time, although you would have thought we could have worked it out by looking at the size of the wadi beds and culvert. On this particular occasion it started to rain so we went to the culvert site to secure all the equipment, only to see our beloved Caterpillar D4 Crawler tractor being washed away with the force of the water16.”

Truss Bridges:

The ancient Romans used truss bridges; however, the modern truss concept seems to have been originated by Andrea Palladio, a sixteenth-century Italian architect17. From Palladio’s time to the present, truss bridges have taken many forms18. Early truss bridges were made of timber. Over a period of time, the combination of timber compression members and wrought iron tension members evolved and eventually the timber components were replaced by cast iron19. Following the construction of the Eads Bridge across the Mississippi River in St Louis, Missouri (ca., 1873), steel became more widely used and remains today the predominant, and almost exclusive, material for truss construction20. According to Kulicki:

Fig.12


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“A truss is a structure that acts like a beam but with major components, or members, subjected primarily to axial stress. The members are arranged in triangular patterns”21.

Most modern truss bridges are some form of Warren configuration22. The four bridges in Wadi Ham are Callender-Hamilton truss bridges and based on the Warren type23. The Callender-Hamilton is a bridge of the Warren girder type with variable section trusses constructed in multiples of 10 feet (ca., 3 metres) in length from a set of standard parts24. Archibald Milne Hamilton, an engineer from New Zealand, developed the Callender-Hamilton bridging system, circa 193025. According to Hamilton:

“The plan envisaged was none other than to make a radical change in bridging methods by the provision of readymade bridge stocks which would be so adaptable to any bridging problem that the crossing of a stream, river or obstacle, anywhere, would be capable of immediate accomplishment in a quick, yet permanent and economical matter”26.

Callender-Hamilton bridges were designed for variable bridge spans of up to 200 ft (ca., 61 metres), of a permanent or semi-permanent type capable of taking the heaviest road loads27. The bridge materials could be conveniently stored in depots and the various standard parts stacked separately thus enabling the materials for any particular span to be quickly loaded and the stock lists debited by the store-keeper28. This multi-truss multi-tier bridge system developed by Hamilton allowed for faster than normal construction due to its prefabricated components29. The Callender-Hamilton Bridge proved to be extremely effective and was used in the development of military bridging before and during World War II30.

Bridge Descriptions:

Bridge 1: Al Khalo31.

GPS:

N 25.15878º

E 56.25507º

Bridge 1 is located approximately 6 kilometres northwest of Fujairah City (from the western side of Fujairah Airport). The bridge spans a small wadi, which runs north-northeast to south-southwest, and is roughly parallel with the highway through Wadi Ham (Figs.13 & 14). A small, local farm adjoins the east-southeast end of the bridge, and the farm workers use Bridge 1 on a daily basis32. Bridge 1 is aligned east-southeast and west-northwest. The abutments constructed on either side of the wadi were built using locally sourced mountain rocks and concrete (Fig. 15). The bridge was


53

manufactured using a galvanised steel frame and bolts. The truss on either side of the bridge contains vertical and diagonal beams, plus an upper chord (the beam which runs across the top). There is a lower lateral bracing on the underside of the bridge, which is located below the floor beams33. The decking consists of prefabricated, reinforced concrete slabs34. There are no visible inscriptions in the concrete decking and abutments.

Fig.13


5554

Fig.15

Fig.14


55

Table 1: The steel frames contain the following embedded details:

DL & Co Ltd (9)-M-BRO

SKINNINGROVE ENGLAND ℗

ROUNDOAK ℗

DORMAN LONG & Co Ltd MBRO 2 ℗

Table 2: Bridge 1 Measurements:

Height of the vertical truss beams on either side of the bridge. 3.23m

Width of the bridge (exterior measurement). 6.095m

Width of the bridge (interior measurement). 4.3m

Length of the bridge (steel truss measurement). 25.35m

Length of the bridge (concrete decking measurement). 25.72m

Bridge 2: Umm Lehuuf35.

GPS:

N 25.17885º

E 56.23268º

Bridge 2 is located approximately 9 kilometres northwest of Fujairah City. The bridge spans a wide wadi situated close to the old and modern highways in Wadi Ham. It is positioned at the southeastern end of the village at Bithnah, adjacent to local farms. The bridge is aligned north to south. It contains two abutments on either side of the wadi and a central pier with an abutment on the western side (Figs. 16 & 17). The abutment connected to the central pier also acts as a water deflection device. The abutments and pier were constructed with locally sourced mountain rocks and concrete (Fig. 18). All three features extend outwards on the eastern side of the bridge, which may have provided space for a second truss bridge at a later stage36. The bridge was manufactured using a galvanised steel frame and bolts (Figs. 19 & 20). The truss on either side of the bridge contains vertical and diagonal beams, plus an upper chord (the beam which runs across the top). There is a lower lateral bracing on the underside of the bridge, which is located below the floor beams. The decking consists of prefabricated, reinforced concrete slabs (Fig.21).


5756

Fig.17

Fig.16


57

Fig.19

Fig.18


5958

Fig.21

Fig.20


59

Fig.22

Table 3: Two visible inscriptions in the concrete on the top of the central pier:

DG 10

Do

HF

1970|RER FRAH 11

On the eastern face of the central pier is a rectangular-shaped, concrete slab, which was keyed to enable a plaque to be attached. The plaque is missing. The concrete decking contains numerous inscriptions referring to the construction date of the prefabricated concrete slabs. According to Keith Whibley:

“As Royal Engineers we were very proud to leave our mark on work carried out, it was not unusual for a plaque to be made up in brass or timber and attached for all to see” (Fig. 22)37.


6160

Table 4: Twenty-three calendar dates were noted in the concrete decking, which include the following dates (Fig. 23):

4-10-71

5-10-71

7-10-71

10-10-71

17-10-71

22-10-71

24-10-71

26-10-71

Fig.23


61







Bridge 3: Khalo bin Sulaiman38.

GPS:

N 25.21562º

E 56.21341º

Bridge 3 is located approximately 13.5 kilometres northwest of Fujairah City. The bridge spans a wadi situated within farming land at the northwest end of Bithnah (Figs. 24 & 25). On the opposite side of the modern highway is the village of Bulaydah. This truss bridge is still used by local landowners and farm workers. Bridge 3 is aligned north-northwest and south-southeast. The abutments constructed on either side of the wadi were built using locally sourced mountain rocks and concrete (Fig. 26). The abutments extend outwards on the north-northeastern side of the bridge, which may have provided space for a second truss bridge at a later stage. The bridge was manufactured using a galvanised steel frame and bolts. The truss on either side of the bridge contains vertical and diagonal beams, plus an upper chord (the beam which runs across the top). There is a lower lateral bracing on the underside of the bridge, which is located below the floor beams (Fig. 27). The decking consists of prefabricated, reinforced concrete slabs. The decking contains numerous calendar dates inscribed into the concrete.


6362

Fig.25

Fig.24


63

Fig.27

Fig.26


6564

Table 6: Eighteen calendar dates were noted in the concrete decking, which include the following dates:

1-11-71

4-11-71

6-11-71

7-11-71

8-11-71

9-11-71

17-11-71

30-11-71

3-12-71

4-12-71

8-12-71







Bridge 4: Al Mathwia39.

GPS:

N 25.23072º

E 56.19784º


65

Bridge 4 is located approximately 16 kilometres northwest of Fujairah City. It is situated on the northeast side of the modern Wadi Ham Highway in the new village of Al Rumani, north of Bulaydah. The bridge is aligned north-northwest and south-southeast (Fig. 28). The abutments constructed on either side of the wadi were built using locally sourced mountain rocks and concrete. The abutments extend outwards on the north-northeastern side of the bridge, which may have provided space for a second truss bridge at a later stage. The bridge was manufactured using a galvanised steel frame and bolts. The truss on either side of the bridge contains vertical and diagonal beams, plus an upper chord (the beam which runs across the top). There is a lower lateral bracing on the underside of the bridge, which is located below the floor beams. The decking consists of prefabricated, reinforced concrete slabs. The decking contains numerous calendar dates inscribed into the concrete.

Fig.28

Table 8: Ten calendar dates were noted in the concrete decking, which include the following dates:

1-1-72

2-1-72

11-1-72

13-1-72


6766

Table 940: Inscriptions located in the concrete on the abutments (Figs. 29 & 30):

K. GEORGE VARGHESE

19-2-72

CDHK

1970

H

H 10

Lº

BUILT W

THE AK

PLANT TR

53 (GUEELS

RE

15/8/1970

OP

SGT J

CPL O

LCPL CHI

SPR BO

SPR L

T.S.C.

15-8-1970


67

Fig.29 Fig.30








6968

Culverts:

Culverts provide a means to convey water from streams crossing the road and then carry water from one side-ditch to another41. It may also be defined as a transverse drain under a road42. “A culvert, in contrast to a bridge, goes through an embankment to maintain flow of water in the streams and rivers, whereas a bridge crosses over or spans the stream or river”43. This situation is evident regarding Culverts 1 and 2 constructed in Wadi Ham, which were built into dry streambeds. During heavy rainfall, these shallow gorges contain runoff from the nearby mountains, which would result in flooding along the track. “Most culverts have an upstream headwall and terminate downstream with an endwall. Headwalls direct the flow into the culvert, while endwalls provide a transition from the culvert to the outlet channel. Both protect the embankment from erosion by flood water”44. For larger culverts, headwalls and endwalls are normally supplemented with wingwalls at an angle to the embankment45.

Culvert 1: Nayd al Beqhar46.

GPS:

N 25.17288º

E 56.24243º

Culvert 1 in Wadi Ham is located approximately 8 kilometres northwest of Fujairah City. It is situated in a low wadi depression, to the north of the current Wadi Ham Highway (Fig. 31). The culvert provided a path through the wadi, which would have otherwise been inaccessible during heavy rainfall. The culvert crossing is aligned east to west, and the drainage holes are aligned north to south. Noted between Culvert 1 and the modern highway through Wadi Ham is a stone and gravel retaining wall (date unknown). According to Keith Whibley, the culvert was constructed using timber formers, which were manufactured on site, wrapped around laced steel reinforcing and filled with concrete (mixed on site) (Figs. 32 & 33). For this project, Keith’s team were supplied with a civilian mobile crane and operator47. Culvert 1 contains two large, slightly rectangular-shaped drainage openings, plus a headwall, endwall and wingwalls.


69

Fig.32

Fig.31


7170

Fig.31

Table 11: Culvert 1 measurements:

LxW drainage openings. 2.46x1.8m

Span of north and south faces. 6m

Length of wingwalls. 9.20m

Height of culvert from current ground level. 2.10m

Length of drainage tunnels. 18.30m

As noted by Keith Whibley:

“The culvert that we built just about managed to take the amount of water that fell during one of the storms we experienced so it bridged quite a wide gully”48.

Culvert 2:

GPS:

N 25.17271º

E 56.24194º


71

Culvert 2 in Wadi Ham is located approximately 8 kilometres northwest of Fujairah City. It is positioned approximately 52 metres west of Culvert 1. It is situated in a low wadi depression, to the north of the current Wadi Ham Highway (Fig. 34). The culvert provided a path through the wadi, which would have otherwise been inaccessible during heavy rainfall. The culvert crossing is aligned east-northeast and west-southwest. The interior width of the culvert crossing is 10.11 metres, and the external width is 11.25 metres. The culvert is circular in shape, containing a headwall and endwall, plus wingwalls. There is a central, circular-shaped pipe, which runs through the interior of the culvert. This pipe measures 83 cm in diameter. The headwall, endwall and wingwalls were constructed with concrete and stone masonry. Various decorative patterns were etched into the concrete these include cross-hatching, wavy-lines and a floral motif. The remains of two stone and gravel built retaining walls were noted in the immediate vicinity of Culvert 2 (date unknown) (Fig. 35).

Fig.34


7372

Summary:

The bridges and culverts constructed in Wadi Ham are reflective of the extensive development, which was taking place in the Trucial States before the federation of the United Arab Emirates. These infrastructure projects were initiated and funded by the Trucial States Council and the Development Fund. The ‘Roads project’ in Wadi Ham was part of this large-scale development, which included the four truss bridges and two culverts. Ethnographic data and photographs provided by Keith Whibley (former British Royal Engineer) concerning the ‘Roads Project’ in Wadi Ham, highlights this fascinating period in the history of the U.A.E. Additional ethnographic data from local sources reveals a close connection to the landscape and environment, which developed into the modern-day United Arab Emirates.

Acknowledgements:

We would like to acknowledge the continuing support of HH Sheikh Hamad bin Mohammed al-Sharqi (Ruler of Fujairah & U.A.E. Supreme Council Member). The authors are extremely grateful to Keith Whibley for recalling his personal experiences of working in Fujairah and sharing his archive of photographs. Thank you to David Edwards for putting us in contact with Keith Whibley. Much gratitude to Christina Ziolkowski, Peter Hellyer and Carol Hyland for their time, editing earlier drafts of this manuscript. We thank Ali Khamis Naser al-Kindi for providing ethnographic data on the bridges and Culvert 1. We are grateful for the ethnographic details provided by Said Obaid al-Nuaimi. Thank you to Jahir Ali for translating the Malayalam inscription. We are also extremely grateful to Abdulla Suhail al-Sharqi for extra help in the field and research on this project.

Fig.31


73

Bibliography:

MM Abdulla (1994) The United Arab Emirates: A modern history. London: Hurtwood Press Limited.

Baker WM, Molcsan ND & Buchanan AH (2014) “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History” 4th Australasian Engineering Heritage Conference, Lincoln University, Canterbury, 24-26 November 2014. https://www.ipenz.org.nz/heritage/documents/Baker,%20Molcsan%20and%20Buchanan%20paper%20(380%20KB).pdf

Hald T, Hassing J, Høgedal M & Jacobsen A (2004) “Hydrology and Drainage” in R Robinson & B Thagesen (eds) Road Engineering for Development. London: Spon Press: 178-204.

Hallmark DE (1962) Some Important Factors of Culvert Design. Chicago: Portland Cement Association.

Hamilton AM (1946) “The Callender-Hamilton Bridging System” New Zealand Engineering. 1/1: 30-31.

Hawley D (1970) The Trucial States. London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd.

Heard-Bey F (1999) From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates. London: Longman.

Kulicki JM, Prickett JE & LeRoy DH (1999) “Truss Bridges” in RL Brockenbrough & FS Merritt (eds). Structural Steel Designer’s Handbook. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc: 13.1-13.51.

Kulicki JM (2000) “Highway Truss Bridges” in W-F Chen & L Duan (eds). Bridge Engineering Handbook. London: CRC Press: 16.1-16.34.

Schall JD, Thompson PL, Zerges SM, Kilgore RT, Morris JL (2012) Hydraulic Design of Highway Culverts (Third edition). U.S. Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration.

Tomkinson M (1975) The United Arab Emirates. London: Michael Tomkinson Publishing.

White-Parsons GD (1952) Callender-Hamilton Bridge Handbook: highway bridges Type ‘B’. London: British Insulated Callender’s Construction Company, Ltd.

Ziolkowski MC & al-Sharqi AS (2009) “Tales from the old guards: Bithnah Fort, Fujairah, United Arab Emirates” Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 20: 94-107.


7574

Endnotes

1. For detailed information regarding Bitnah Fort and the strategic importance of Wadi Ham, see: M.C. Ziolkowski & A.S. al-Sharqi, “Tales from the old guards: Bithnah Fort, Fujairah, United Arab Emirates.,” Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 20 (2009): pp. 94-107.

2. The bridges and their associated inscriptions were noted by: M.Tomkinson, The United Arab Emirates, (Michael Tomkinson Publishing: London, 1975), pp.178-179.

3. Additional ethnographic information was provided by:

Ali Khamis Naser al-Kindi, whose father, Khamis bin Naser (deceased) worked as a local guard at the bridge construction sites for the ‘Roads Project.’

Said Obaid al-Nuaimi (b.1946, Fujairah) worked as a driver on the ‘Roads Project’ in Wadi Ham. Said was hired to drive a Bedford lorry owned by Sheikh Suroor bin Saif al-Sharqi. The T.S.C. hired trucks and local drivers to work on development projects. Said along with (Ahmed Sabr, Suhail bin Said and Abdulla bin Rutha) transported the labour force and building materials on a daily basis: Pers comm. Said Obaid al-Nuami 2016.

According to Said, preparations for a 5th bridge began in Wadi Ham with work on the abutments. However, after completing a couple of metres of concrete and stone construction, the work was cancelled. Afterwards, Said was employed to work on a sealed road from the Hilton Hotel (Fujairah Corniche) to Mirbah (ca., 17km north of Fujairah along the coast): Pers comm. Said Obaid al-Nuaimi 2016.

4. M.M. Abdulla, The United Arab Emirates: A modern history, (Hurtwood Press Limited: London, 1994), p. 135; D. Hawley, The Trucial States, (George Allen & Unwin Ltd: London, 1970), p. 176; F. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, (Longman: London, 1999), p. 322.

5. D. Hawley, The Trucial States, p. 23. For detailed information concerning funding for the Trucial States Development Fund, see: D. Hawley, The Trucial States, p. 226; F. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, pp. 320-323. From the establishment of the Fund, Abu Dhabi and Dubai increasingly used their own resources. Further contributions came from Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and the United Nations Agencies See: D. Hawley, The Trucial States, p. 226. “When Shaikh Zāyid bin Sulṭān became ruler in Abu Dhabi in August 1966 he immediately gave £500,000 to the Development Fund. He contributed a further £365,000 in April 1967, one million pounds Sterling in September 1967 and another £300,000 in August 1968. Until the end of 1972, when the Fund was disbanded and the duties of the Development Office were transferred to the new federal ministries, Abu Dhabi’s contributions rose steadily until they covered 80 per cent of the total budget.” See: F. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, p. 323. “After the federation was established in 1971, the development projects began to transform the northern Emirates beyond recognition, thanks to the almost unlimited funds which Abu Dhabi provided.” See: F. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, p. 325.

6. D. Hawley, The Trucial States, pp. 176-177.


75

7. D. Hawley, The Trucial States, p. 177.

8. D. Hawley, The Trucial States, p. 178; F. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, p. 324. The British Political Agent presided over the Trucial States Council from its creation in 1952 until 1965, after which the chairmanship rotated among the seven rulers. See: Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, p. 311.

9. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, p. 321. This included the agricultural trial station in Diqdaqah (Ras al-Khaimah) in 1955, run by Tim Ash. See: F. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, pp. 321 & 326-327.

10. D. Hawley, The Trucial States, p. 241. “The British initiative in identifying and implementing development schemes for these States involved their representatives in various ways: the Political Agent or his deputy usually presided over or at least participated in the hospital and trade school board meetings, and various other committees engaged in development projects.” See: F. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, p. 311.

11. D. Hawley, The Trucial States, p. 176. Wadi al-Uyaynah follows on from Wadi Tayyibah and is located south of Ashasha village, Fujairah. Which formed the old route from Masafi to Dibba. Tomkinson mentions this particular route, see: M. Tomkinson, The United Arab Emirates, p. 179.

According to Keith Whibley, there was no sealed road from Fujairah through Wadi Ham to Masafi, in 1969/70: Pers comm. Keith Whibley 2013.

12. F. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, p. 17.

13. D. Hawley, The Trucial States, p. 241. “The biggest single item in every budget, of great benefit to all the States, was the provision for the construction of roads, and the Trucial States Council always agreed to give priority to the improvement of communications.” See: F. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, p. 323.

14. The new tracks carved by the military in order to join up the bridges and culvert: Pers comm. Keith Whibley 2013.

15. According to Keith Whibley, the Callender-Hamilton bridge was found to be very heavy to handle and was superseded by the Bailey Bridge, which was of lighter construction and quicker to assemble: Pers comm. Keith Whibley 2013.

16. Pers comm. Keith Whibley 2013.

17. J.M. Kulicki, J.E. Prickett, and D.H. LeRoy, “Truss Bridges,” in R.L. Brokenbrough and F.S Merritt eds., Structural Steel Designer’s Handbook, (McGraw-Hill, Inc: New York, 1999): 13.1.

18. J.M. Kulicki, J.E. Prickett, and D.H. LeRoy, “Truss Bridges,” p. 13.1.

19. J.M. Kulicki, “Highway Truss Bridges,” in W-F. Chen and L. Duan eds., Bridge Engineering Handbook, (CRC Press: London, 2000), p. 16-5.

20. J.M. Kulicki, “Highway Truss Bridges,” pp. 16-5 & 45-33.



7776


23. For details on Warren Type girders, see: G.D. White-Parsons, Callender-Hamilton Bridge Handbook: highway bridges Type ‘B,’ (British Insulated Callender’s Construction Company, Ltd: London, 1952), pp. 3-9.

24. G.D. White-Parsons, Callender-Hamilton Bridge Handbook, p. 1.

25. A.M. Hamilton, “The Callender-Hamilton Bridging System.,” New Zealand Engineering 1/1 (1946): p. 30. In 1930, Hamilton in collaboration with G.D. White-Parsons, sketched out a new type of bridge that would best meet his requirements of speed and simplicity, and planned the founding of a world-wide service for bridge engineers and roadway and railway constructors. See A.M. Hamilton, “The Callender-Hamilton Bridging System.,” p. 30. The bridge type was patented in 1935 by Hamilton, who had graduated with a Bachelor of Engineering (Civil) degree from Canterbury College (now the University of Canterbury, New Zealand) in 1924. See: W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” 4th Australasian Engineering Heritage Conference, Lincoln University, Canterbury, 24-26, November, 2014, (2014): p. 1. https://www.ipenz.org.nz/heritage/documents/Baker,%20Molcsan%20and%20Buchanan%20paper%20(380%20KB).pdf

“White-Parsons was a friend and colleague, who eventually assisted developing Callender-Hamilton bridges as an employee of the Callender Construction Company in London.” See: W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” p. 2.

“Hamilton signed a contract with British Insulated Callenders Cables Limited (BICC), which is where the first part of the bridge name originates.” See: W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” p. 6.

26. A.M. Hamilton, “The Callender-Hamilton Bridging System.,” p. 30.

Hamilton set the following goals for his pre-fabricated truss bridge design:

• “As few members as possible.”

• “A bridge form of any span and width to carry a range of loads.”

• “Easy and cheap to manufacture with a high degree of accuracy and uniformity.”

• “Light enough to permit easy transport.”

• “Easy erection on site without the need for highly skilled labour or elaborate plant.”

• “Fixing of any type of bridge deck.”

• “Suitable for rapid dismantling, without damage.”

• “The structure must permit a simple process of proportioning the members according to the stresses imposed by the system of loading.” See: W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” p. 3.

27. G.D. White-Parsons, Callender-Hamilton Bridge Handbook: highway bridges Type ‘B,’ p. 1.


77

Hamilton devised a concept of using standard sets of parts that could be fixed together in order to form different lengths. “The strength could then be varied by attaching further members.” See: W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” p. 3.

28. G.D. White-Parsons, Callender-Hamilton Bridge Handbook: highway bridges Type ‘B,’ p. 46.

29. W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” p. 1.

The bridge is comprised of 10 different parts, and the heaviest member weighs 191 kilograms. See: W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” p. 3. “The bridges are formed together using bolted construction, eliminating any welding or cutting processes from site.” See: W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” pp. 3-4. “The components were manufactured in the United Kingdom (UK), India and South Africa from 1938 to 1945.” See: W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” p. 5.

30. See: W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” p. 1.

According to Baker et al: over 1,000 Callender-Hamilton bridges exist worldwide, across 50 countries. See: W.M. Baker, N.D. Molcsan and A.H. Buchanan, “Callender-Hamilton Truss Bridges: The New Zealand History,” p. 1.

31. Al Khalo is the local name for Bridge 1. Pers comm. Ali Khamis Naser al-Kindi 2016.

32. During a recent visit to Bridge 1 it was noted that bridge access had been closed off using fencing wire.

33. Bridge launching: According to Keith Whibley, Bridges 1 and 2 were launched in the following manner:

“Rollers are sited parallel on the top of each bridge abutment and at various distances apart on the launch side. The bridge is assembled on the rollers and as the bridge grows in length it is pushed or winched across the gap, always ensuring of course that there is more weight on the launch bank than on the nose. Once the bridge reaches the required length, i.e., the bridge has spanned the gap, the nose is removed plus the excess panels placed on the launch side of the bridge to act as a counterweight. The whole bridge is then jacked up a few inches, the rollers removed to be replaced by bank seats (pads to spread the load of the bridge).” Pers comm. Keith Whibley 2016.

34. “Most modern truss designs continue to use concrete decks, as well as filled grid, or grid and concrete composite systems as efficient durable decks.” See: J.M. Kulicki, “Highway Truss Bridges,” pp. 16-11.

According to Keith Whibley, Bridges 1 and 2 did not have decking in place when he left the Gulf. Pers comm. Keith Whibley 2013.

35. Umm Lehuuf is the local name for Bridge 2. Pers comm. Ali Khamis Naser al-Kindi 2016.


PB78

36. “Regarding the abutments, you may be correct in assuming that a further bridge would be placed parallel to the first, I can see no other reason for building double width abutments, we always felt that one day there would be a tarmac, two lane carriageway where only a four wheeled drive vehicle had ventured. The wing walls to the abutments were always extended to control vortex that formed when large amounts of water were forced to reduce in flow to pass under the bridge or culvert.” Pers comm. Keith Whibley 2016.


38. Khalo bin Sulaiman is the local name for Bridge 3. Pers comm. Ali Khamis Naser al-Kindi 2016.

39. Al Mathwia is the local name for Bridge 4. Pers comm. Ali Khamis Naser al-Kindi 2016.

40. A further inscription in English may have been another name but is illegible. Two more inscriptions were also noted in the concrete. One in Arabic of which three letters are legible: ba, alif, lam. The second inscription is in the Indian language of Malayalam, and reads ‘George Varghese.’ Note: the final inscription listed in Table 9 is incomplete due to it being partially obscured by concrete.

41. T. Hald, J. Hassing, M. Høgedal and A. Jacobsen, “Hydrology and Drainage,” in R. Robinson and B. Thagesen eds., Road Engineering for Development, (Spon Press: London, 2004), p. 195.

42. D.E Hallmark, Some Important Factors of Culvert Design, (Portland Cement Association: Chicago, 1962), p. 4.

43. D.E. Hallmark, Some Important Factors of Culvert Design, p. 4.

“The difference between culverts and bridges is, that culverts are placed in the embankment below the road pavement, whereas bridge decks form part of the pavement.” See: T. Hald, J. Hassing, M. Høgedal and A. Jacobsen, “Hydrology and Drainage,” p. 195. “Culverts, bridges and storm drains all provide for management and conveyance of storm water runoff throughout a roadway system.” See: J.D. Schall, P.L. Thompson, S.M. Zerges, R.T. Kilgore and J.L. Morris, Hydraulic Design of Highway Culverts (Third edition), (U.S. Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration, 2012), p. 1.3. Therefore, culverts are provided to retain as much as possible the conditions of natural drainage that existed prior to construction of the roadway embankments. See: D.E. Hallmark, Some Important Factors of Culvert Design, p. 4.

44. T. Hald, J. Hassing, M. Høgedal and A. Jacobsen, “Hydrology and Drainage,” p. 195.

45. T. Hald, J. Hassing, M. Høgedal and A. Jacobsen, “Hydrology and Drainage,” p. 195.

“Headwalls and endwalls are sometimes both called headwalls.” See: T. Hald, J. Hassing, M. Høgedal and A. Jacobsen, “Hydrology and Drainage,” p. 195.

46. Nayd al Beqhar is the local name for Culvert 1. Pers comm. Ali Khamis Naser al-Kindi 2016.



volume 7 • number 16 • december 2016 issn 1729-9039

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