American Civil War 1

American Civil WarThe American Civil War (1861–1865), often referred to simply as The Civil War in the United States, was a civilwar fought in the United States of America. In response to the election of Abraham Lincoln as President of theUnited States, 11 southern slave states declared their secession from the United States and formed the ConfederateStates of America ("the Confederacy"); the other 25 states supported the federal government ("the Union"). Afterfour years of warfare, mostly within the Southern states, the Confederacy surrendered and slavery was outlawedeverywhere in the nation. Issues that led to war were partially resolved in the Reconstruction Era that followed,though others remained unresolved.In the presidential election of 1860, the Republican Party, led by Abraham Lincoln, had campaigned againstexpanding slavery beyond the states in which it already existed. The Republicans strongly advocated nationalism,and in their 1860 platform they denounced threats of disunion as avowals of treason. After a Republican victory, butbefore the new administration took office on March 4, 1861, seven cotton states declared their secession and joinedto form the Confederate States of America. Both the outgoing administration of President James Buchanan and theincoming administration rejected the legality of secession, considering it rebellion. The other eight slave statesrejected calls for secession at this point. No country in the world recognized the Confederacy.Hostilities began on April 12, 1861, when Confederate forces attacked a U.S. military installation at Fort Sumter inSouth Carolina. Lincoln responded by calling for a volunteer army from each state to recapture federal property,which led to declarations of secession by four more slave states. Both sides raised armies as the Union seized controlof the border states early in the war and established a naval blockade. Land warfare in the East was inconclusive in1861–62, as the Confederacy beat back Union efforts to capture its capital, Richmond, Virginia, notably during thePeninsular Campaign. In September 1862, the Confederate campaign in Maryland ended in defeat at the Battle ofAntietam, which dissuaded the British from intervening.[1] Days after that battle, Lincoln issued the EmancipationProclamation, which made ending slavery a war goal.[2]

In 1863, Confederate general Robert E. Lee's northward advance ended in defeat at the Battle of Gettysburg. To thewest, the Union gained control of the Mississippi River after the Battle of Shiloh and Siege of Vicksburg, splittingthe Confederacy in two and destroying much of their western army. Due to his western successes, Ulysses S. Grantwas given command of the eastern army in 1864, and organized the armies of William Tecumseh Sherman, PhilipSheridan and others to attack the Confederacy from all directions, increasing the North's advantage in manpower.Grant restructured the union army, and put other generals in command of divisions of the army that were to supporthis push into Virginia. He fought several battles of attrition against Lee through the Overland Campaign to seizeRichmond, though in the face of fierce resistance he altered his plans and led the Siege of Petersburg which nearlyfinished off the rest of Lee's army. Meanwhile, Sherman captured Atlanta and marched to the sea, destroyingConfederate infrastructure along the way. When the Confederate attempt to defend Petersburg failed, theConfederate army retreated but was pursued and defeated, which resulted in Lee's surrender to Grant at AppomattoxCourt House on April 9, 1865.The American Civil War was one of the earliest true industrial wars. Railroads, the telegraph, steamships, andmass-produced weapons were employed extensively. The practices of total war, developed by Sherman in Georgia,and of trench warfare around Petersburg foreshadowed World War I in Europe. It remains the deadliest war inAmerican history, resulting in the deaths of 620,000 soldiers and an undetermined number of civilian casualties.Historian John Huddleston estimates the death toll at ten percent of all Northern males 20–45 years old, and 30percent of all Southern white males aged 18–40.[3] Victory for the North meant the end of the Confederacy and ofslavery in the United States, and strengthened the role of the federal government. The social, political, economic andracial issues of the war decisively shaped the reconstruction era that lasted to 1877.

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Causes of secessionThe causes of the Civil War were complex, and have been controversial since the war began. The issue has beenfurther complicated by historical revisionists, who have tried to improve the image of the South by lessening the roleof slavery.[4] Slavery was the central source of escalating political tension in the 1850s. The Republican Party wasdetermined to prevent any spread of slavery, and many Southern leaders had threatened secession if the Republicancandidate, Lincoln, won the 1860 election. Following Lincoln's victory, many Southern whites felt that disunion hadbecome their only option.While not all Southerners saw themselves as fighting to preserve slavery, most of the officers and over a third of therank and file in Lee's army had close family ties to slavery. To Northerners, in contrast, the motivation was primarilyto preserve the Union, not to abolish slavery.[5] Abraham Lincoln consistently made preserving the Union the centralgoal of the war, though he increasingly saw slavery as a crucial issue and made ending it an additional goal.[6]

Lincoln's decision to issue the Emancipation Proclamation angered both Peace Democrats ("Copperheads") and WarDemocrats, but energized most Republicans.[7] By warning that free blacks would flood the North, Democrats madegains in the 1862 elections, but they did not gain control of Congress. The Republicans' counterargument that slaverywas the mainstay of the enemy steadily gained support, with the Democrats crushed at the 1863 elections in Ohiowhen they tried to resurrect anti-black sentiment.[8]

SlaveryThe slavery issue addressed not only the well-being of the slaves (although abolitionists raised the issue) but also thequestion of whether slavery was an anachronistic evil that was incompatible with American values or a profitableeconomic system protected by the Constitution. All sides agreed slavery exhausted the land and had to find newlands to survive. The strategy of the anti-slavery forces was to stop the expansion and thus put slavery on a path togradual extinction.To the South this strategy made Southerners second-class citizens and trampled their Constitutional rights. Theanti-slavery movement in the United States had roots in the Declaration of Independence. Slavery was banned in theNorthwest Territory with the Northwest Ordinance of 1787.By 1804 all the Northern states (states north of the Mason-Dixon line) had passed laws to abolish slavery gradually.Congress in 1807 banned the international slave trade. Slavery faded in the border states and urban areas butexpanded in highly profitable cotton states of the Deep South.Despite compromises in 1820 and 1850, the slavery issues exploded in the 1850s. The new Republican Party angeredslavery interests by demanding the end to its expansion. The Republican idea was that without expansion slaverywould eventually die out (as it did in other nations). Abraham Lincoln, for example, in his 1858 House DividedSpeech, called for America to "arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in thebelief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction."[9] Much of the political battle in the 1850s focused on theexpansion of slavery into the newly created territories.[10][11] Eric Foner notes that both North and South assumedthat if slavery could not expand, it would wither and die.[12] Lincoln in 1845 explained how slavery could die anatural death: "we should never knowingly lend ourselves directly or indirectly, to prevent that slavery from dying anatural death — to find new places for it to live in, when it can no longer exist in the old."[13] With tobacco andcotton wearing out the soil so fast, the South needed to expand to new lands,[14] and many wanted to reopen theinternational slave trade.[15]

Southern fears of losing control of the federal government to antislavery forces, and Northern resentment of theinfluence that the Slave Power already wielded in government, brought the crisis to a head in the late 1850s.Disagreements between Abolitionists and others over the morality of slavery, the scope of democracy and theeconomic merits of free labor versus slave plantations caused the Whig and "Know-Nothing" parties to collapse, andnew ones to arise (the Free Soil Party in 1848, the Republicans in 1854, the Constitutional Union in 1860). In 1860,the last national political party, the Democratic Party, split along sectional lines.

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Northerners ranging from the abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison to the moderate Republican leader Lincoln[16]

stressed Jefferson's declaration that all men are created equal. Lincoln mentioned this proposition many times,including his 1863 Gettysburg Address.Almost all the inter-regional crises involved slavery, starting with debates on the three-fifths clause and atwenty-year extension of the African slave trade in the Constitutional Convention of 1787. The 1793 invention of thecotton gin by Eli Whitney increased by fiftyfold the quantity of cotton that could be processed in a day and greatlyincreased the demand for slave labor in the South.[17] There was controversy over adding the slave state of Missourito the Union that led to the Missouri Compromise of 1820. A gag rule prevented discussion in Congress of petitionsfor ending slavery from 1835–1844, while Manifest Destiny became an argument for gaining new territories, whereslavery could expand. The acquisition of Texas as a slave state in 1845 along with territories won as a result of theMexican–American War (1846–1848) resulted in the Compromise of 1850.[18] The Wilmot Proviso was an attemptby Northern politicians to exclude slavery from the territories conquered from Mexico. The extremely popularanti-slavery novel Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852) by Harriet Beecher Stowe greatly increased Northern opposition to theFugitive Slave Law of 1850.[19][20]

John Brown being adored by anenslaved mother and child as he

walks to his execution on December2, 1859.

The 1854 Ostend Manifesto was an unsuccessful Southern attempt to annexCuba as a slave state. The Second Party System broke down after passage of theKansas-Nebraska Act in 1854, which replaced the Missouri Compromise ban onslavery with popular sovereignty, allowing the people of a territory to vote for oragainst slavery. The Bleeding Kansas controversy over the status of slavery inthe Kansas Territory included massive vote fraud perpetrated by Missouripro-slavery Border Ruffians. Vote fraud led pro-South Presidents Franklin Pierceand James Buchanan to attempt to admit Kansas as a slave state. Buchanansupported the pro-slavery Lecompton Constitution.[21]

Violence over the status of slavery in Kansas erupted with the Wakarusa War,[22]

the Sacking of Lawrence,[23] the caning of Republican Charles Sumner by theSoutherner Preston Brooks,[24][25] the Pottawatomie Massacre,[26] the Battle ofBlack Jack, the Battle of Osawatomie and the Marais des Cygnes massacre. The1857 Supreme Court Dred Scott decision allowed slavery in the territories evenwhere the majority opposed slavery, including Kansas.

The Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858 included Northern Democratic leader Stephen A. Douglas' Freeport Doctrine.This doctrine was an argument for thwarting the Dred Scott decision that, along with Douglas' defeat of theLecompton Constitution, divided the Democratic Party between North and South. Northern abolitionist John Brown'sraid at Harpers Ferry Armory was an attempt to incite slave insurrections in 1859.[27] The North-South split in theDemocratic Party in 1860 due to the Southern demand for a slave code for the territories completed polarization ofthe nation between North and South.

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James Hopkinson's Plantation. Planting sweetpotatoes. ca. 1862/63.

Scars of whipped slave. This famous1863 photo was distributed by

abolitionists to illustrate what theysaw as the barbarism of Southern

society.[28] The victim likelysuffered from keloid, according toKathleen Collins, making the scarsmore prominent and extensive.[29]

Support for secession was strongly correlated to the number ofplantations in the region.[30] States of the Deep South, which had thegreatest concentration of plantations, were the first to secede. Theupper South slave states of Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, andTennessee had fewer plantations and rejected secession until the FortSumter crisis forced them to choose sides. Border states had fewerplantations still and never seceded.[31][32]

As of 1860 the percentage of Southern families that owned slaves hasbeen estimated to be 43 percent in the lower South, 36 percent in theupper South and 22 percent in the border states that fought mostly forthe Union.[33] Half the owners had one to four slaves. A total of 8000planters owned 50 or more slaves in 1850 and only 1800 plantersowned 100 or more; of the latter, 85% lived in the lower South, asopposed to one percent in the border states.[34] According to the 1860U.S. census, 393,975 individuals, representing 8 percent of all USfamilies, owned 3,950,528 slaves.[35]

Ninety-five percent of African-Americans lived in the South,comprising one third of the population there as opposed to one percentof the population of the North, chiefly in larger cities like New Yorkand Philadelphia. Consequently, fears of eventual emancipation weremuch greater in the South than in the North.[36]

The Supreme Court decision of 1857 in Dred Scott v. Sandfordescalated the controversy. Chief Justice Roger B. Taney's decision saidthat slaves were "so far inferior that they had no rights which the whiteman was bound to respect".[37] Taney then overturned the MissouriCompromise, which banned slavery in territory north of the 36°30'parallel. He stated, "[T]he Act of Congress which prohibited a citizenfrom holding and owning [enslaved persons] in the territory of theUnited States north of the line therein is not warranted by theConstitution and is therefore void."[38]

Southern Democrats praised the Dred Scott decision, but Republicansbranded it a "willful perversion" of the Constitution. They argued thatif Scott could not legally file suit, the Supreme Court had no right to consider the Missouri Compromise'sconstitutionality. Lincoln warned that "the next Dred Scott decision"[39] could threaten Northern states with slavery.

Lincoln said, "This question of Slavery was more important than any other; indeed, so much more important has itbecome that no other national question can even get a hearing just at present."[40] The slavery issue was related tosectional competition for control of the territories,[41] and the Southern demand for a slave code for the territorieswas the issue used by Southern politicians to split the Democratic Party in two, which all but guaranteed the electionof Lincoln and secession. When secession was an issue, South Carolina planter and state Senator John Townsendsaid that, "our enemies are about to take possession of the Government, that they intend to rule us according to thecaprices of their fanatical theories, and according to the declared purposes of abolishing slavery."[42] Similaropinions were expressed throughout the South in editorials, political speeches and declarations of reasons forsecession. Even though Lincoln had no plans to outlaw slavery where it existed, whites throughout the Southexpressed fears for the future of slavery.

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Southern concerns included not only economic loss but also fears of racial equality.[43][44][45][46] The TexasDeclaration of Causes for Secession[47][48] said that the non-slave-holding states were "proclaiming the debasingdoctrine of equality of all men, irrespective of race or color", and that the African race "were rightfully held andregarded as an inferior and dependent race". Alabama secessionist E. S. Dargan warned that whites and free blackscould not live together; if slaves were emancipated and remained in the South, "we ourselves would become theexecutioners of our own slaves. To this extent would the policy of our Northern enemies drive us; and thus would wenot only be reduced to poverty, but what is still worse, we should be driven to crime, to the commission of sin."[49]

Beginning in the 1830s, the US Postmaster General refused to allow mail which carried abolition pamphlets to theSouth.[50] Northern teachers suspected of any tinge of abolitionism were expelled from the South, and abolitionistliterature was banned. Southerners rejected the denials of Republicans that they were abolitionists.[51] The North feltthreatened as well, for as Eric Foner concludes, "Northerners came to view slavery as the very antithesis of the goodsociety, as well as a threat to their own fundamental values and interests."[52]

During the 1850s, slaves left the border states through sale, manumission and escape, and border states also hadmore free African-Americans and European immigrants than the lower South, which increased Southern fears thatslavery was threatened with rapid extinction in this area. Such fears greatly increased Southern efforts to makeKansas a slave state. By 1860, the number of white border state families owning slaves plunged to only 16 percent ofthe total. Slaves sold to lower South states were owned by a smaller number of wealthy slave owners as the price ofslaves increased.[53]

Even though Lincoln agreed to the Corwin Amendment, which would have protected slavery in existing states,secessionists claimed that such guarantees were meaningless. Besides the loss of Kansas to free soil Northerners,secessionists feared that the loss of slaves in the border states would lead to emancipation, and that upper South slavestates might be the next dominoes to fall. They feared that Republicans would use patronage to incite slaves andantislavery Southern whites such as Hinton Rowan Helper. Then slavery in the lower South, like a "scorpionencircled by fire, would sting itself to death."[54]

According to historian Chandra Manning, both Union and Confederate soldiers who did the actual fighting believedslavery to be the cause of the Civil War. He argues that a majority of Confederate soldiers fought to protect slavery,which they viewed as an integral part of southern economy, culture, and manhood. Further, he argues that Unionsoldiers believed the primary reason for the war was to bring emancipation to the slaves. However, many Unionsoldiers did not fully endorse the idea of shedding their own blood for African American slaves, whom they viewedas inferior. Manning's research involved reading military camp newspapers and personal correspondence betweensoldiers and families during the Civil War. Manning stated that the primary debate in Confederate states oversecession was not over state rights, but rather "the power of the federal government to affect the institution ofslavery, specifically limiting it in newly added territories."[55] Other historians, such as Eric Foner, argue that no twopeople held the same motivations. He argues that while some were motivated mainly by slavery, most weremotivated by some mixture of politics, culture, nationalism, honor, or any other number of motivations.[56]

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Sectionalism

Status of the states, 1861.   States that seceded before April 15,1861   States that seceded after April 15, 1861   Union states thatpermitted slavery   Union states that banned slavery   Territories

Sectionalism refers to the different economies, socialstructure, customs and political values of the North andSouth.[57][58] It increased steadily between 1800 and1860 as the North, which phased slavery out ofexistence, industrialized, urbanized and builtprosperous farms, while the deep South concentratedon plantation agriculture based on slave labor, togetherwith subsistence farming for the poor whites. TheSouth expanded into rich new lands in the Southwest(from Alabama to Texas).[59]

However, slavery declined in the border states andcould barely survive in cities and industrial areas (itwas fading out in cities such as Baltimore, Louisvilleand St. Louis), so a South based on slavery was rural and non-industrial. On the other hand, as the demand for cottongrew the price of slaves soared. Historians have debated whether economic differences between the industrialNortheast and the agricultural South helped cause the war. Most historians now disagree with the economicdeterminism of historian Charles Beard in the 1920s and emphasize that Northern and Southern economies werelargely complementary.[60]

Fears of slave revolts and abolitionist propaganda made the South militantly hostile to abolitionism.[61][62]

Southerners complained that it was the North that was changing, and was prone to new "isms", while the Southremained true to historic republican values of the Founding Fathers (many of whom owned slaves, includingWashington, Jefferson and Madison). Lincoln said that Republicans were following the tradition of the framers ofthe Constitution (including the Northwest Ordinance and the Missouri Compromise) by preventing expansion ofslavery.[63]

The issue of accepting slavery (in the guise of rejecting slave-owning bishops and missionaries) split the largestreligious denominations (the Methodist, Baptist and Presbyterian churches) into separate Northern and Southerndenominations.[64] Industrialization meant that seven European immigrants out of eight settled in the North. Themovement of twice as many whites leaving the South for the North as vice versa contributed to the South'sdefensive-aggressive political behavior.[65]

The Territorial Crisis and the United States ConstitutionBetween 1803 and 1854, a vast expansion of US territory was achieved through purchase, negotiation and conquest.These acquisitions included over a million and a quarter square miles acquired in just the last decade of this periodalone.[66] Of the states carved out of these territories by 1845, all had entered the union as slave states: Louisiana,Missouri, Arkansas, Florida and Texas, as well as the southern portions of Alabama and Mississippi.[67] And withthe conquest of northern Mexico, including California, in 1848, slaveholding interests looked forward to theinstitution flourishing in these lands as well. Southerners also anticipated garnering slaves and slave states in Cubaand Central America.[67][68] Northern free soil interests vigorously sought to curtail any further expansion of slavesoil. It was over these territorial disputes that the proslavery and antislavery forces collided over the future of slaveryin America.[69][70]

The existence of slavery in the southern states was far less politically polarizing than the explosive question of the territorial expansion of the institution in the west.[71] Moreover, Americans were informed by two well-established readings of the Constitution regarding human bondage. First, that the slave states had complete autonomy over the institution within their boundaries; and second, that the domestic slave trade – trade among the states – was immune

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to federal interference.[72][73]

With the outlawing and criminalization of the Atlantic slave trade in 1808 and 1820, the only constitutionallyfeasible strategy available to freesoilers to attack slavery was to restrict its introduction into the territories. A policyof “containment” - limiting slavery to where it already existed - would set the institution on a trajectory towards“ultimate extinction”.[74] Slaveholding interests fully grasped the danger that this strategy posed to the security andperpetuation of human bondage.[75][76] Both the South and the North drew an identical conclusion: “The power todecide the question of slavery for the territories was the power to determine the future of slavery itself.”[77][78]

Four doctrines, each mutually irreconcilable, emerged to provide the answer to the question of federal control in theterritories. All these theories claimed to be sanctioned by, or derived from, the Constitution - either explicitly orimplicitly.[79] The traditional or “conservative” position was based on Article 4, Section 3, Clause 2 of theConstitution: “The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respectingthe Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construedas to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.”From these enumerated powers, two of the four doctrines emerged, each arguing that Congress had full authority todecide the fate of slavery in the territories. The precedents of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 and the MissouriCompromise of 1820 were cited by proponents of federal control. In each of these historic compromises, theterritories under consideration were divided into an explicitly designated free-soil region, as well as an undesignatedregion lacking a slavery exclusion clause. In other words, the legislation provided for, but did not require, a balancebetween free-soil and slave-soil. In all areas not placed off-limits to slavery, the institution was quickly establishedthere.[80]

Here, the two traditional or “conservative” doctrines parted ways. The Constitutional Union Party regardedCongressional allocation of free-soil and, implicitly, slave-soil territory as an established method of compromise.Any dispute over slavery expansion was to end in similar apportionments. The Crittenden Compromise of 1860 wasan expression of this political outlook.[81]

The Republican Party, which also championed federal control over territories, rejected this narrow interpretation ofthe precedents. They insisted that the clause conveying authority to Congress in the territories did not bind legislatorsto any particular policy; slavery could be constitutionally excluded altogether in a territory at their discretion.[81]

The only caveat the Republicans issued was that the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment be applied in theterritories to slavery: Congress might positively prohibit slavery, but they could never establish it; to do so,according to the Republicans, would amount to a federal mandate for slavery and violate the principles of theDeclaration of Independence.[82][83]

Illinois Senator Stephen A. Douglas and his southern Democratic Party allies devised the third of these politicaltheories: territorial sovereignty. By this doctrine Congress would relinquish direct federal control over the internalaffairs of territories regarding slavery. In this respect, territorial sovereignty (also known as “popular” or “squatter”sovereignty) diverged sharply from the two aforementioned conservative theories.[83]

Douglas declared that “the people of every separate political community” – be it a state, a territory, or otherwise –“have an inalienable right to govern themselves” with respect to local concerns. Among these local concerns,Douglas included slavery. When challenged to explain how territorial sovereignty trumped the role of Congress asenumerated in Article Four, he replied this way: that Congress was empowered only to confer authority into thehands of the territorial government, but never to exercise any direct control, including the establishment of socialinstitutions.[84]

The fourth in this quartet of constitutional doctrines was that of state sovereignty (also known as states’ rights).Among the principles of state sovereignty was that all authority regarding the institution of slavery in the territoriesresided in the slave states themselves. The role of the federal government was merely to enable the implementationof slave state laws when residents of the states entered the territories.[85]

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As early as 1847, shortly after the introduction of the Wilmot Proviso, the ideology of state sovereignty emerged as arebuttal and antidote to free soil claims to the Mexican Cession.[86][87] South Carolinian statesman John C. Calhounasserted that the federal government in the territories was only the trustee or agent of the several sovereign states,obliged not to discriminate among the states and hence incapable of forbidding the bringing into any territory ofanything that was legal property in any state. He concluded that citizens from every state had the right to take theirproperty to any territory.[88]

State sovereignty gave the laws of the slaveholding states extra-jurisdictional effect. The slave-owner and hisproperty would settle in a territory much as a colonist settled in early colonial America; all rights and privilegesrecognized in the mother country (or sovereign slave state) would be retained by the colonists in their new home (USterritory). The United States federal government would be bound by law to protect the settlers sovereign "rights" andintercede on their behalf if state statutes were threatened.[85]

Essentially, “states’ rights” was an ideology formulated and applied as a means of advancing slave state intereststhrough federal authority and thwarting free state interests, by application of the same federal authority.[89] Ashistorian Thomas L Krannawitter points out, “[T]he Southern demand for federal slave protection represented ademand for an unprecedented expansion of federal power.”[90]

By 1860, these four doctrines comprised the major ideologies presented to the American public on the matters ofslavery, the territories and the US Constitution.[91]

Nationalism and honorNationalism was a powerful force in the early 19th century, with famous spokesmen like Andrew Jackson andDaniel Webster. While practically all Northerners supported the Union, Southerners were split between those loyalto the entire United States (called "unionists") and those loyal primarily to the southern region and then theConfederacy.[92] C. Vann Woodward said of the latter group, "A great slave society...had grown up and miraculouslyflourished in the heart of a thoroughly bourgeois and partly puritanical republic. It had renounced its bourgeoisorigins and elaborated and painfully rationalized its institutional, legal, metaphysical, and religious defenses....Whenthe crisis came it chose to fight. It proved to be the death struggle of a society, which went down in ruins."[93]

Perceived insults to Southern collective honor included the publication of Uncle Tom's Cabin (1854)[94] and theactions of John Brown in 1859.[95]

While the South moved toward a Southern nationalism, leaders in the North were also becoming more nationallyminded, and rejected any notion of splitting the Union. The Republican national electoral platform of 1860 warnedthat Republicans regarded disunion as treason and would not tolerate it:

we denounce those threats of disunion...as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowalof contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and foreversilence.[96] The South ignored the warnings: Southerners did not realize how ardently the North would fight tohold the Union together.[97]

States' rightsEveryone agreed that states had certain rights—but did those rights carry over when a citizen left that state? TheSouthern position was that citizens of every state had the right to take their property anywhere in the U.S. and nothave it taken away—specifically they could bring their slaves anywhere and they would remain slaves. Northernersrejected this "right" because it would violate the right of a free state to outlaw slavery within its borders. Republicanscommitted to ending the expansion of slavery were among those opposed to any such right to bring slaves andslavery into the free states and territories. The Dred Scott Supreme Court decision of 1857 bolstered the Southerncase within territories, and angered the North.[98]

Secondly the South argued that each state had the right to secede—leave the Union—at any time, that the Constitution was a "compact" or agreement among the states. Northerners (including President Buchanan) rejected

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that notion as opposed to the will of the Founding Fathers who said they were setting up a "perpetual union".[98]

Historian James McPherson writes concerning states' rights and other non-slavery explanations:While one or more of these interpretations remain popular among the Sons of Confederate Veterans and otherSouthern heritage groups, few professional historians now subscribe to them. Of all these interpretations, thestate's-rights argument is perhaps the weakest. It fails to ask the question, state's rights for what purpose?State's rights, or sovereignty, was always more a means than an end, an instrument to achieve a certain goalmore than a principle.[99]

Marais des Cygnes massacre of anti-slaveryKansans. May 19, 1858.

Slave power and free soil issues

Antislavery forces in the North identified the "Slave Power" as a directthreat to republican values. They argued that rich slave owners wereusing political power to take control of the Presidency, Congress andthe Supreme Court, thus threatening the rights of the citizens of theNorth.[100]

"Free soil" was a Northern demand that the new lands opening up inthe west be available to independent yeoman farmers and not be bought out by rich slave owners who would buy upthe best land and work it with slaves, forcing the white farmers onto marginal lands. This was the basis of the FreeSoil Party of 1848, and a main theme of the Republican Party.[101] Free Soilers and Republicans demanded ahomestead law that would give government land to settlers; it was defeated by Southerners who feared it wouldattract to the west European immigrants and poor Southern whites.[102]

TariffsThe Democrats in Congress, controlled by Southerners, wrote the tariff laws in the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s, andkept reducing rates, so that the 1857 rates were the lowest since 1816. The South had no complaints but the low ratesangered Northern industrialists and factory workers, especially in Pennsylvania, who demanded protection for theirgrowing iron industry. The Whigs and Republicans complained because they favored high tariffs to stimulateindustrial growth, and Republicans called for an increase in tariffs in the 1860 election. The increases were finallyenacted in 1861 after Southerners resigned their seats in Congress.[103][104]

Historians in recent decades have minimized the tariff issue, noting that few Southerners in 1860–61 said it was ofcentral importance to them. Some secessionist documents do mention the tariff issue, though not nearly as often asthe preservation of slavery.

Election of Lincoln

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Abraham Lincoln, 16th President(1861–1865)

The election of Lincoln in November 1860 was the final trigger forsecession.[105] Efforts at compromise, including the "Corwin Amendment" andthe "Crittenden Compromise", failed. Southern leaders feared that Lincoln wouldstop the expansion of slavery and put it on a course toward extinction. The slavestates, which had already become a minority in the House of Representatives,were now facing a future as a perpetual minority in the Senate and ElectoralCollege against an increasingly powerful North. Before Lincoln took office inMarch 1861, seven slave states had declared their secession and joined to formthe Confederacy.

Battle of Fort Sumter

The Lincoln Administration, just as the outgoing Buchanan administration beforeit, refused to turn over Ft. Sumter—located in the middle of the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina. JeffersonDavis ordered the surrender of the fort. Union Maj. Anderson gave a conditional reply which the Confederategovernment rejected, and Davis ordered Beauregard to attack the fort before a relief expedition could arrive. After aheavy bombardment on April 12–13, 1861 (with no intentional casualties), the fort surrendered. On April 15,Lincoln then called for 75,000 troops from the states to recapture the fort and other federal property.[106]

Rather than furnish troops and access for an attack on their fellow southern states, Virginia, North Carolina,Tennessee and Arkansas elected to join them in secession. North and South the response to Ft. Sumter was anoverwhelming demand for war to uphold national honor. Only Kentucky tried to remain neutral. Hundreds ofthousands of young men across the land rushed to enlist.[107]

Secession begins

Jefferson Davis, the only President ofthe Confederate States of America

(1861–1865)

Secession of South Carolina

South Carolina did more to advance nullification and secession than any otherSouthern state. South Carolina adopted the "Declaration of the Immediate CausesWhich Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the FederalUnion" on December 24, 1860. It argued for states' rights for slave owners in theSouth, but contained a complaint about states' rights in the North in the form ofopposition to the Fugitive Slave Act, claiming that Northern states were notfulfilling their federal obligations under the Constitution. All the allegedviolations of the rights of Southern states were related to slavery.

Secession winter

Before Lincoln took office, seven states had declared their secession from theUnion. They established a Southern government, the Confederate States of

America on February 4, 1861.[108] They took control of federal forts and other properties within their boundarieswith little resistance from outgoing President James Buchanan, whose term ended on March 4, 1861. Buchanan saidthat the Dred Scott

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The Union: blue, yellow (slave);The Confederacy: brown

*territories in light shades; control of Confederateterritories disputed

decision was proof that the South had no reason for secession, and thatthe Union "was intended to be perpetual", but that "the power by forceof arms to compel a State to remain in the Union" was not among the"enumerated powers granted to Congress".[109] One quarter of the U.S.Army—the entire garrison in Texas—was surrendered in February1861 to state forces by its commanding general, David E. Twiggs, whothen joined the Confederacy.

As Southerners resigned their seats in the Senate and the House,Republicans were able to pass bills for projects that had been blockedby Southern Senators before the war, including the Morrill Tariff, landgrant colleges (the Morill Act), a Homestead Act, a transcontinentalrailroad (the Pacific Railway Acts), the National Banking Act and the authorization of United States Notes by theLegal Tender Act of 1862. The Revenue Act of 1861 introduced the income tax to help finance the war.

The ConfederacySeven Deep South cotton states seceded by February 1861, starting with South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida,Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas. These seven states formed the Confederate States of America (February 4,1861), with Jefferson Davis as president, and a governmental structure closely modeled on the U.S. Constitution.Following the attack on Fort Sumter, President Lincoln called for a volunteer army from each state. Within twomonths, an additional four Southern slave states declared their secession and joined the Confederacy: Virginia,Arkansas, North Carolina and Tennessee. The northwestern portion of Virginia subsequently seceded from Virginia,joining the Union as the new state of West Virginia on June 20, 1863. By the end of 1861, Missouri and Kentuckywere effectively under Union control, with Confederate state governments in exile.

The Union statesTwenty-three states remained loyal to the Union: California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas,Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, NewYork, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Wisconsin. During the war, Nevada and WestVirginia joined as new states of the Union. Tennessee and Louisiana were returned to Union military control early inthe war.The territories of Colorado, Dakota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah, and Washington fought on the Unionside. Several slave-holding Native American tribes supported the Confederacy, giving the Indian Territory (nowOklahoma) a small, bloody civil war.[110][111][112]

Border statesThe border states in the Union were West Virginia (which separated from Virginia and became a new state), and fourof the five northernmost slave states (Maryland, Delaware, Missouri, and Kentucky).Maryland had numerous pro-Confederate officials who tolerated anti-Union rioting in Baltimore and the burning ofbridges. Lincoln responded with martial law and sent in militia units from the North.[113] Before the Confederategovernment realized what was happening, Lincoln had seized firm control of Maryland and the District of Columbia,by arresting all the prominent secessionists and holding them without trial (they were later released).In Missouri, an elected convention on secession voted decisively to remain within the Union. When pro-Confederate Governor Claiborne F. Jackson called out the state militia, it was attacked by federal forces under General Nathaniel Lyon, who chased the governor and the rest of the State Guard to the southwestern corner of the state. (See also: Missouri secession). In the resulting vacuum, the convention on secession reconvened and took power as the

American Civil War 12

Unionist provisional government of Missouri.[114]

A Roman Catholic Union army chaplaincelebrating a Mass

Kentucky did not secede; for a time, it declared itself neutral. WhenConfederate forces entered the state in September 1861, neutralityended and the state reaffirmed its Union status, while trying tomaintain slavery. During a brief invasion by Confederate forces,Confederate sympathizers organized a secession convention,inaugurated a governor, and gained recognition from the Confederacy.The rebel government soon went into exile and never controlledKentucky.[115]

After Virginia's secession, a Unionist government in Wheeling asked48 counties to vote on an ordinance to create a new state on October24, 1861. A voter turnout of 34% approved the statehood bill (96% approving).[116] The inclusion of 24 secessionistcounties[117] in the state and the ensuing guerrilla war[118] engaged about 40,000 Federal troops for much of thewar.[119] Congress admitted West Virginia to the Union on June 20, 1863. West Virginia provided about20,000-22,000 soldiers to both the Confederacy and the Union.[120]

A Unionist secession attempt occurred in East Tennessee, but was suppressed by the Confederacy, which arrestedover 3000 men suspected of being loyal to the Union. They were held without trial.[121]

OverviewOver 10,000 military engagements took place during the war, 40% of them in Virginia and Tennessee.[122] Sinceseparate articles deal with every major battle and many minor ones, this article only gives the broadest outline. Formore information see List of American Civil War battles and Military leadership in the American Civil War.

The beginning of the war, 1861Lincoln's victory in the presidential election of 1860 triggered South Carolina's declaration of secession from theUnion. By February 1861, an additional six Southern states made similar declarations. On February 7, the sevenstates adopted a provisional constitution for the Confederate States of America and established their temporarycapital at Montgomery, Alabama. A pre-war February Peace Conference of 1861 met in Washington in a failedattempt at resolving the crisis. The remaining eight slave states rejected pleas to join the Confederacy. Confederateforces seized most of the federal forts within their boundaries. President Buchanan protested but made no militaryresponse apart from a failed attempt to resupply Fort Sumter using the ship Star of the West, which was fired uponby South Carolina forces and turned back before it reached the fort.[123] However, governors in Massachusetts, NewYork, and Pennsylvania quietly began buying weapons and training militia units.

The great meeting in Union Square, New York, tosupport the government, April 20, 1861

On March 4, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was sworn in as President. In hisinaugural address, he argued that the Constitution was a more perfectunion than the earlier Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union,that it was a binding contract, and called any secession "legallyvoid".[124] He stated he had no intent to invade Southern states, nor didhe intend to end slavery where it existed, but that he would use force tomaintain possession of federal property. His speech closed with a pleafor restoration of the bonds of union.[125]

The South sent delegations to Washington and offered to pay for thefederal properties and enter into a peace treaty with the United States.

American Civil War 13

Lincoln rejected any negotiations with Confederate agents because he claimed the Confederacy was not a legitimategovernment, and that making any treaty with it would be tantamount to recognition of it as a sovereigngovernment.[126] However, Secretary of State William Seward engaged in unauthorized and indirect negotiationsthat failed.[126]

Fort Monroe in Virginia, Fort Sumter in Charleston, South Carolina, and Fort Pickens, Fort Jefferson, and FortTaylor, all in Florida, were the remaining Union-held forts in the Confederacy, and Lincoln was determined to holdthem all. Under orders from Confederate President Jefferson Davis, troops controlled by the Confederategovernment under P. G. T. Beauregard bombarded Fort Sumter on April 12, forcing its capitulation. Northernersrallied behind Lincoln's call for all the states to send troops to recapture the forts and to preserve the Union,[127]

citing presidential powers given by the Militia Acts of 1792. With the scale of the rebellion apparently small so far,Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers for 90 days.[128] For months before that, several Northern governors haddiscreetly readied their state militias; they began to move forces the next day.[129] Confederate sympathizers seizedLiberty Arsenal in Liberty, Missouri on April 20, eight days after Fort Sumter. On May 3, 1861, Lincoln called foran additional 42,034 volunteers for a period of three years.[130]

Four states in the upper South (Tennessee, Arkansas, North Carolina, and Virginia), which had repeatedly rejectedConfederate overtures, now refused to send forces against their neighbors, declared their secession, and joined theConfederacy. To reward Virginia, the Confederate capital was moved to Richmond.[131] The city was the symbol ofthe Confederacy. Richmond was in a highly vulnerable location at the end of a tortuous Confederate supply line.Although Richmond was heavily fortified, supplies for the city would be reduced by Sherman's capture of Atlantaand cut off almost entirely when Grant besieged Petersburg and its railroads that supplied the Southern capital.

Anaconda Plan and blockade, 1861

1861 cartoon of Scott's "Anaconda Plan"

Winfield Scott, the commanding general of the U.S. Army, devised theAnaconda Plan to win the war with as little bloodshed as possible.[132]

His idea was that a Union blockade of the main ports would weakenthe Confederate economy; then the capture of the Mississippi Riverwould split the South. Lincoln adopted the plan in terms of a blockadeto squeeze to death the Confederate economy, but overruled Scott'swarnings that his new army was not ready for an offensive operationbecause public opinion demanded an immediate attack.[133]

In April 1861, Lincoln announced the Union blockade of all Southernports; commercial ships could not get insurance and regular trafficended. The South blundered in embargoing cotton exports in 1861 before the blockade was effective; by the timethey realized the mistake it was too late. "King Cotton" was dead, as the South could export less than 10% of itscotton.[134] British investors built small, fast blockade runners that traded arms and luxuries brought in fromBermuda, Cuba and the Bahamas in return for high-priced cotton and tobacco.[135] When the Union Navy seized ablockade runner, the ship and cargo were sold and the proceeds given to the Navy sailors; the captured crewmenwere mostly British and they were simply released. The Southern economy nearly collapsed during the war.Shortages of food and supplies were caused by the blockade, the failure of Southern railroads, the loss of control ofthe main rivers, foraging by Northern armies, and the impressment of crops by Confederate armies. The standard ofliving fell even as large-scale printing of paper money caused inflation and distrust of the currency. By 1864 theinternal food distribution had broken down, leaving cities without enough food and causing bread riots across theConfederacy.[136]

On March 8, 1862, the Confederate Navy waged a fight against the Union Navy when the ironclad CSS Virginia attacked the blockade. Against wooden ships, she seemed unstoppable. The next day, however, she had to fight the

American Civil War 14

new Union warship USS Monitor in the Battle of the Ironclads.[137] Their battle ended in a draw. The Confederacylost the Virginia when the ship was scuttled to prevent capture, and the Union built many copies of Monitor. Lackingthe technology to build effective warships, the Confederacy attempted to obtain warships from Britain.Northern technology achieved another breakthrough on April 10–11, 1862, when a joint Army-Navy expeditionreduced a major masonry fortification at Fort Pulaski guarding Savannah, Georgia. Employing the Parrott riflecannon made masonry coastal defenses obsolete overnight. The Federals left a small garrison, releasing troops andships for other blockading operations.[138] The Union victory at the Second Battle of Fort Fisher in January 1865closed the last useful Southern port and virtually ended blockade running.

Conscription and desertion

A Union Regimental Fife and Drum Corps

In the first year of the war, both sides had far more volunteers thanthey could effectively train and equip. After the initial enthusiasmfaded, reliance on the cohort of young men who came of age everyyear and wanted to join was not enough. Both sides used a draftlaw—conscription—as a device to encourage or force volunteering;relatively few were actually drafted and served. The Confederacypassed a draft law in April 1862 for young men aged 18 to 35;overseers of slaves, government officials, and clergymen wereexempt.[139] The U.S. Congress followed in July, authorizing a militiadraft within a state when it could not meet its quota with volunteers.

When the Emancipation Proclamation went into effect in January1863, ex-slaves were energetically recruited by the states, and used to meet the state quotas. States and localcommunities offered higher and higher cash bonuses for white volunteers. Congress tightened the law in March1863. Men selected in the draft could provide substitutes or, until mid-1864, pay commutation money. Manyeligibles pooled their money to cover the cost of anyone drafted. Families used the substitute provision to selectwhich man should go into the army and which should stay home. There was much evasion and overt resistance to thedraft, especially in Catholic areas. The great draft riot in New York City in July 1863 involved Irish immigrants whohad been signed up as citizens to swell the machine vote, not realizing it made them liable for the draft.[140] Of the168,649 men procured for the Union through the draft, 117,986 were substitutes, leaving only 50,663 who had theirpersonal services conscripted.[141]

North and South, the draft laws were highly unpopular. An estimated 120,000 men evaded conscription in the North,many of them fleeing to Canada, and another 280,000 Northern soldiers deserted during the war,[142][143] along withat least 100,000 Southerners, or about 10% all together.[144] However, desertion was a very common event in the19th century; in the peacetime Army about 15% of the soldiers deserted every year.[145] In the South, many mendeserted temporarily to take care of their families,[146] then returned to their units.[147] In the North, "bountyjumpers" enlisted to get the generous bonus, deserted, then went back to a second recruiting station under a differentname to sign up again for a second bonus; 141 were caught and executed.[148]

American Civil War 15

Union soldiers in trenches before stormingMarye's Heights at the Second Battle of

Fredericksburg, Virginia, May 1863.

Eastern theater 1861–1863

Because of the fierce resistance of a few initial Confederate forces atManassas, Virginia, in July 1861, a march by Union troops under thecommand of Maj. Gen. Irvin McDowell on the Confederate forcesthere was halted in the First Battle of Bull Run, or First Manassas,[149]

McDowell's troops were forced back to Washington, D.C., by theConfederates under the command of Generals Joseph E. Johnston andP. G. T. Beauregard. It was in this battle that Confederate GeneralThomas Jackson received the nickname of "Stonewall" because hestood like a stone wall against Union troops.[150]

Alarmed at the loss, and in an attempt to prevent more slave statesfrom leaving the Union, the U.S. Congress passed theCrittenden-Johnson Resolution on July 25 of that year, which stated that the war was being fought to preserve theUnion and not to end slavery.

Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan took command of the Union Army of the Potomac on July 26 (he was brieflygeneral-in-chief of all the Union armies, but was subsequently relieved of that post in favor of Maj. Gen. Henry W.Halleck), and the war began in earnest in 1862. Upon the strong urging of President Lincoln to begin offensiveoperations, McClellan attacked Virginia in the spring of 1862 by way of the peninsula between the York River andJames River, southeast of Richmond. Although McClellan's army reached the gates of Richmond in the PeninsulaCampaign,[151][152][153] Johnston halted his advance at the Battle of Seven Pines, then General Robert E. Lee and topsubordinates James Longstreet and Stonewall Jackson[154] defeated McClellan in the Seven Days Battles and forcedhis retreat. The Northern Virginia Campaign, which included the Second Battle of Bull Run, ended in yet anothervictory for the South.[155] McClellan resisted General-in-Chief Halleck's orders to send reinforcements to JohnPope's Union Army of Virginia, which made it easier for Lee's Confederates to defeat twice the number of combinedenemy troops.

Rioters attacking a building onLexington Avenue during the New

York City draft riots of 1863

Emboldened by Second Bull Run, the Confederacy made its first invasion of theNorth. General Lee led 45,000 men of the Army of Northern Virginia across thePotomac River into Maryland on September 5. Lincoln then restored Pope'stroops to McClellan. McClellan and Lee fought at the Battle of Antietam[154]

near Sharpsburg, Maryland, on September 17, 1862, the bloodiest single day inUnited States military history.[156] Lee's army, checked at last, returned toVirginia before McClellan could destroy it. Antietam is considered a Unionvictory because it halted Lee's invasion of the North and provided an opportunityfor Lincoln to announce his Emancipation Proclamation.[157]

When the cautious McClellan failed to follow up on Antietam, he was replacedby Maj. Gen. Ambrose Burnside. Burnside was soon defeated at the Battle ofFredericksburg[158] on December 13, 1862, when over 12,000 Union soldierswere killed or wounded during repeated futile frontal assaults against Marye'sHeights. After the battle, Burnside was replaced by Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker.

American Civil War 16

Confederate dead behind the stone wall ofMarye's Heights, Fredericksburg, Virginia, killedduring the Battle of Chancellorsville, May 1863

Hooker, too, proved unable to defeat Lee's army; despite outnumberingthe Confederates by more than two to one, he was humiliated in theBattle of Chancellorsville[159] in May 1863. Gen. Stonewall Jacksonwas mortally wounded by his own men during the battle andsubsequently died of complications. Gen. Hooker was replaced by Maj.Gen. George Meade during Lee's second invasion of the North, inJune. Meade defeated Lee at the Battle of Gettysburg[160] (July 1 toJuly 3, 1863). This was the bloodiest battle of the war, and has beencalled the war's turning point. Pickett's Charge on July 3 is oftenconsidered the high-water mark of the Confederacy because it signaledthe collapse of serious Confederate threats of victory. Lee's armysuffered 28,000 casualties (versus Meade's 23,000).[161] However,

Lincoln was angry that Meade failed to intercept Lee's retreat, and after Meade's inconclusive fall campaign, Lincolnturned to the Western Theater for new leadership. At the same time the Confederate stronghold of Vicksburgsurrendered, giving the Union control of the Mississippi River, permanently isolating the western Confederacy, andproducing the new leader Lincoln needed, Ulysses S. Grant.

Western theater 1861–1863While the Confederate forces had numerous successes in the Eastern Theater, they were defeated many times in theWest. They were driven from Missouri early in the war as a result of the Battle of Pea Ridge.[162] Leonidas Polk'sinvasion of Columbus, Kentucky ended Kentucky's policy of neutrality and turned that state against the Confederacy.Nashville and central Tennessee fell to the Union early in 1862, leading to attrition of local food supplies andlivestock and a breakdown in social organization.The Mississippi was opened to Union traffic to the southern border of Tennessee with the taking of Island No. 10and New Madrid, Missouri, and then Memphis, Tennessee. In April 1862, the Union Navy captured NewOrleans[163] without a major fight, which allowed Union forces to begin moving up the Mississippi. Only the fortresscity of Vicksburg, Mississippi, prevented Union control of the entire river.General Braxton Bragg's second Confederate invasion of Kentucky ended with a meaningless victory over Maj. Gen.Don Carlos Buell at the Battle of Perryville,[164] although Bragg was forced to end his attempt at invading Kentuckyand retreat due to lack of support for the Confederacy in that state. Bragg was narrowly defeated by Maj. Gen.William Rosecrans at the Battle of Stones River[165] in Tennessee.

The Battle of Chickamauga was one of thedeadliest battles in the Western Theater.

The one clear Confederate victory in the West was the Battle ofChickamauga. Bragg, reinforced by Lt. Gen. James Longstreet's corps(from Lee's army in the east), defeated Rosecrans, despite the heroicdefensive stand of Maj. Gen. George Henry Thomas. Rosecransretreated to Chattanooga, which Bragg then besieged.

The Union's key strategist and tactician in the West was Ulysses S.Grant, who won victories at Forts Henry and Donelson (by which theUnion seized control of the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers); theBattle of Shiloh;[166] and the Battle of Vicksburg,[167] which cementedUnion control of the Mississippi River and is considered one of theturning points of the war. Grant marched to the relief of Rosecrans anddefeated Bragg at the Third Battle of Chattanooga,[168] driving Confederate forces out of Tennessee and opening aroute to Atlanta and the heart of the Confederacy.

American Civil War 17

Trans-Mississippi theater 1861–1865Guerrilla activity turned much of Missouri into a battleground. Missouri had, in total, the third-most battles of anystate during the war.[169] The other states of the west, though geographically isolated from the battles to the east, sawnumerous small-scale military actions. Battles in the region served to secure Missouri, Indian Territory, and NewMexico Territory for the Union. Confederate incursions into New Mexico territory were repulsed in 1862 and aUnion campaign to secure Indian Territory succeeded in 1863. Late in the war, the Union's Red River Campaign wasa failure. Texas remained in Confederate hands throughout the war, but was cut off from the rest of the Confederacyafter the capture of Vicksburg in 1863 gave the Union control of the Mississippi River.

Conquest of Virginia and end of war: 1864–1865

The Peacemakers (1868) by George P.A. Healy.Aboard the River Queen, March 28, 1865,

General William T. Sherman, General Ulysses S.Grant, Lincoln, and Admiral David Dixon Porter

discuss military plans for final months of theCivil War.

At the beginning of 1864, Lincoln made Grant commander of allUnion armies. Grant made his headquarters with the Army of thePotomac, and put Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman in commandof most of the western armies. Grant understood the concept of totalwar and believed, along with Lincoln and Sherman, that only the utterdefeat of Confederate forces and their economic base would end thewar.[170] This was total war not in terms of killing civilians but ratherin terms of destroying homes, farms, and railroads. Grant devised acoordinated strategy that would strike at the entire Confederacy frommultiple directions. Generals George Meade and Benjamin Butler wereordered to move against Lee near Richmond, General Franz Sigel (andlater Philip Sheridan) were to attack the Shenandoah Valley, GeneralSherman was to capture Atlanta and march to the sea (the AtlanticOcean), Generals George Crook and William W. Averell were tooperate against railroad supply lines in West Virginia, and Maj. Gen.Nathaniel P. Banks was to capture Mobile, Alabama.

Union forces in the East attempted to maneuver past Lee and fought several battles during that phase ("Grant'sOverland Campaign") of the Eastern campaign. Grant's battles of attrition at the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, and ColdHarbor[171] resulted in heavy Union losses, but forced Lee's Confederates to fall back repeatedly. An attempt tooutflank Lee from the south failed under Butler, who was trapped inside the Bermuda Hundred river bend. Grant wastenacious and, despite astonishing losses (over 65,000 casualties in seven weeks),[172] kept pressing Lee's Army ofNorthern Virginia back to Richmond. He pinned down the Confederate army in the Siege of Petersburg, where thetwo armies engaged in trench warfare for over nine months.

Generals William T. ShermanSherman, UlyssesS. GrantGrant & Phil SheridanSheridanUS

Presidents on US postage stamps#Ulysses S.GrantArmy Issue of 1937

Grant finally found a commander, General Philip Sheridan, aggressiveenough to prevail in the Valley Campaigns of 1864. Sheridan wasinitially repelled at the Battle of New Market by former U.S. VicePresident and Confederate Gen. John C. Breckinridge. The Battle ofNew Market would prove to be the Confederacy's last major victory ofthe war. After redoubling his efforts, Sheridan defeated Maj. Gen.Jubal A. Early in a series of battles, including a final decisive defeat atthe Battle of Cedar Creek. Sheridan then proceeded to destroy theagricultural base of the Shenandoah Valley,[173] a strategy similar tothe tactics Sherman later employed in Georgia.

American Civil War 18

Confederate dead of General Ewell's Corps whoattacked the Union lines at the Battle of

Spotsylvania, May 19, 1864.

Meanwhile, Sherman maneuvered from Chattanooga to Atlanta,defeating Confederate Generals Joseph E. Johnston and John BellHood along the way. The fall of Atlanta on September 2, 1864,guaranteed the reelection of Lincoln as president.[174] Hood left theAtlanta area to swing around and menace Sherman's supply lines andinvade Tennessee in the Franklin-Nashville Campaign.[175] Union Maj.Gen. John Schofield defeated Hood at the Battle of Franklin, andGeorge H. Thomas dealt Hood a massive defeat at the Battle ofNashville, effectively destroying Hood's army.

Leaving Atlanta, and his base of supplies, Sherman's army marchedwith an unknown destination, laying waste to about 20% of the farmsin Georgia in his "March to the Sea". He reached the Atlantic Ocean atSavannah, Georgia in December 1864. Sherman's army was followedby thousands of freed slaves; there were no major battles along the March. Sherman turned north through SouthCarolina and North Carolina to approach the Confederate Virginia lines from the south,[176] increasing the pressureon Lee's army.

Lee's army, thinned by desertion and casualties, was now much smaller than Grant's. Union forces won a decisivevictory at the Battle of Five Forks on April 1, forcing Lee to evacuate Petersburg and Richmond. The Confederatecapital fell[177] to the Union XXV Corps, composed of black troops. The remaining Confederate units fled west andafter a defeat at Sayler's Creek, it became clear to Robert E. Lee that continued fighting against the United States wasboth tactically and logistically impossible.

Confederacy surrenders

Map of Confederate territory losses year by year

Lee surrendered his Army of NorthernVirginia on April 9, 1865, at theMcLean House in the village ofAppomattox Court House.[178] In anuntraditional gesture and as a sign ofGrant's respect and anticipation ofpeacefully restoring Confederate statesto the Union, Lee was permitted tokeep his sword and his horse,Traveller. On April 14, 1865, PresidentLincoln was shot by John WilkesBooth, a Southern sympathizer.Lincoln died early the next morning,and Andrew Johnson becamepresident. Meanwhile, Confederateforces across the South surrendered asnews of Lee's surrender reached them.[179]

American Civil War 19

Emancipation during the war

Black and White soldiers in theUnion Army. 1860s

At the beginning of the war, some Union commanders thought they weresupposed to return escaped slaves to their masters. By 1862, when it becameclear that this would be a long war, the question of what to do about slaverybecame more general. The Southern economy and military effort depended onslave labor. It began to seem unreasonable to protect slavery while blockadingSouthern commerce and destroying Southern production. As one Congressmanput it, the slaves "...cannot be neutral. As laborers, if not as soldiers, they will beallies of the rebels, or of the Union."[180]

The same Congressman—and his fellow Radical Republicans—put pressure onLincoln to rapidly emancipate the slaves, whereas moderate Republicans came toaccept gradual, compensated emancipation and colonization.[181] Copperheadsand some War Democrats opposed emancipation, although the latter eventuallyaccepted it as part of total war needed to save the Union.

Many of the recent immigrants in the North viewed freed slaves as competitionfor scarce jobs, and as the reason why the Civil War was being fought.[182] Due in large part to this fiercecompetition with free blacks for labor opportunities, the poor and working class Irish Catholics generally opposedemancipation. When the draft began in the summer of 1863 they launched a major riot in New York City that wassuppressed by the military, as well as much smaller protests in other cities.[183] Many Catholics in the North hadvolunteered to fight in 1861, sending thousands of soldiers to the front and taking high casualties, especially atFredericksburg; their volunteering fell off after 1862.[184] Sentiment among German Americans was largelyanti-slavery, especially among Forty-Eighters.[185] Hundreds of thousands of German Americans volunteered to fightfor the Union.[186]

In 1861, Lincoln worried that premature attempts at emancipation would mean the loss of the border states, and that"to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game."[187] At first, Lincoln reversed attempts atemancipation by Secretary of War Simon Cameron and Generals John C. Frémont (in Missouri) and David Hunter(in South Carolina, Georgia and Florida) to keep the loyalty of the border states and the War Democrats.Lincoln warned the border states that a more radical type of emancipation would happen if his gradual plan based oncompensated emancipation and voluntary colonization was rejected.[188] Only the District of Columbia acceptedLincoln's gradual plan, which was enacted by Congress. When Lincoln told his cabinet about his proposedemancipation proclamation, Seward advised Lincoln to wait for a victory before issuing it, as to do otherwise wouldseem like "our last shriek on the retreat".[189]

In September 1862 the Battle of Antietam provided this opportunity, and the subsequent War Governors' Conferenceadded support for the proclamation.[190] Lincoln had already published a letter[191] encouraging the border statesespecially to accept emancipation as necessary to save the Union. Lincoln later said that slavery was "somehow thecause of the war".[192]

Lincoln issued his preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on September 22, 1862, and his final EmancipationProclamation on January 1, 1863. In his letter to Hodges, Lincoln explained his belief that "If slavery is not wrong,nothing is wrong ... And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right toact officially upon this judgment and feeling ... I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that eventshave controlled me."[193]

Since the Emancipation Proclamation was based on the President's war powers, it only included territory held byConfederates at the time. However, the Proclamation became a symbol of the Union's growing commitment to addemancipation to the Union's definition of liberty.[194] Lincoln also played a leading role in getting Congress to votefor the Thirteenth Amendment,[195] which made emancipation universal and permanent.

American Civil War 20

Enslaved African Americans did not wait for Lincoln's action before escaping and seeking freedom behind Unionlines. From early years of the war, hundreds of thousands of African Americans escaped to Union lines, especially inoccupied areas like Nashville, Norfolk and the Hampton Roads region in 1862, Tennessee from 1862 on, the line ofSherman's march, etc. So many African Americans fled to Union lines that commanders created camps and schoolsfor them, where both adults and children learned to read and write.The American Missionary Association entered the war effort by sending teachers south to such contraband camps,for instance establishing schools in Norfolk and on nearby plantations. In addition, approximately 180,000 or moreAfrican-American men served as soldiers and sailors with Union troops. Most of those were escaped slaves.Probably the most prominent of these African-American soldiers is the 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry.

Union Army soldier on his releasefrom Andersonville prison in May,

1865. After the war, Henry Wirz, theprison's commandant, was tried for

war crimes by a military commissionand executed.

Confederates enslaved captured black Union soldiers, and black soldiersespecially were shot when trying to surrender at the Fort Pillow Massacre.[196]

This led to a breakdown of the prisoner and mail exchange program[197] and thegrowth of prison camps such as Andersonville prison in Georgia,[198] wherealmost 13,000 Union prisoners of war died of starvation and disease.[199]

In spite of the South's shortage of soldiers, most Southern leaders — until1865 — opposed enlisting slaves. They used them as laborers to support the wareffort. As Howell Cobb said, "If slaves will make good soldiers our whole theoryof slavery is wrong." Confederate generals Patrick Cleburne and Robert E. Leeargued in favor of arming blacks late in the war, and Jefferson Davis waseventually persuaded to support plans for arming slaves to avoid military defeat.The Confederacy surrendered at Appomattox before this plan could beimplemented.[200]

Historian John D. Winters, in The Civil War in Louisiana (1963), referred to theexhilaration of the slaves when the Union Army came through Louisiana: "Asthe troops moved up to Alexandria, the Negroes crowded the roadsides to watchthe passing army. They were 'all frantic with joy, some weeping, some blessing,and some dancing in the exuberance of their emotions.' All of the Negroes wereattracted by the pageantry and excitement of the army. Others cheered becausethey anticipated the freedom to plunder and to do as they pleased now that theFederal troops were there."[201]

The Emancipation Proclamation[202] greatly reduced the Confederacy's hope of getting aid from Britain or France.Lincoln's moderate approach succeeded in getting border states, War Democrats and emancipated slaves fighting onthe same side for the Union. The Union-controlled border states (Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Delaware and WestVirginia) were not covered by the Emancipation Proclamation. All abolished slavery on their own, except Kentuckyand Delaware.[203]

The great majority of the 4 million slaves were freed by the Emancipation Proclamation, as Union armies movedsouth. The 13th amendment,[204] ratified December 6, 1865, finally made slavery illegal everywhere in the UnitedStates, thus freeing the remaining slaves—65,000 in Kentucky (as of 1865),[205] 1,800 in Delaware, and 18 in NewJersey as of 1860.[206]

Historian Stephen Oates said that many myths surround Lincoln: "man of the people", "true Christian", "arch villain"and racist. The belief that Lincoln was racist was caused by an incomplete picture of Lincoln, such as focusing ononly selective quoting of statements Lincoln made to gain the support of the border states and Northern Democrats,and ignoring the many things he said against slavery, and the military and political context within which suchstatements were made. Oates said that Lincoln's letter to Horace Greeley has been "persistently misunderstood andmisrepresented" for such reasons.[207]

American Civil War 21

Blocking international interventionEurope in the 1860s was more fragmented than it had been since before the American Revolution. France was in aweakened state while Britain was still shocked by their poor performance in the Crimean War.[208] France wasunable or unwilling to support either side without Britain, where popular support remained with the Union thoughelite opinion was more varied. They were further distracted by Germany and Italy, who were experiencingunification troubles, and by Russia, who was almost unflinching in their support for the Union.[208][209]

Though the Confederacy hoped that Britain and France would join them against the Union, this was never likely, andso they instead tried to bring Britain and France in as mediators.[208][209] The Union, under Lincoln and Secretary ofState William H. Seward worked to block this, and threatened war if any country officially recognized the existenceof the Confederate States of America. In 1861, Southerners voluntarily embargoed cotton shipments, hoping to startan economic depression in Europe that would force Britain to enter the war in order to get cotton.[210]

Cotton diplomacy proved a failure as Europe had a surplus of cotton, while the 1860–62 crop failures in Europemade the North's grain exports of critical importance. It also helped to turn European opinion further way from theConfederacy. It was said that "King Corn was more powerful than King Cotton", as U.S. grain went from a quarterof the British import trade to almost half.[210] When Britain did face a cotton shortage, it was temporary, beingreplaced by increased cultivation in Egypt and India. Meanwhile, the war created employment for arms makers,ironworkers, and British ships to transport weapons.[211]

Charles Francis Adams proved particularly adept as minister to Britain for the U.S. and Britain was reluctant toboldly challenge the blockade. The Confederacy purchased several warships from commercial ship builders inBritain. The most famous, the CSS Alabama, did considerable damage and led to serious postwar disputes. However,public opinion against slavery created a political liability for European politicians, especially in Britain (who hadherself abolished slavery in her own colonies in 1834).[212]

War loomed in late 1861 between the U.S. and Britain over the Trent Affair, involving the U.S. Navy's boarding of aBritish mail steamer to seize two Confederate diplomats. However, London and Washington were able to smoothover the problem after Lincoln released the two. In 1862, the British considered mediation—though even such anoffer would have risked war with the U.S. Lord Palmerston reportedly read Uncle Tom’s Cabin three times whendeciding on this.[212]

The Union victory in the Battle of Antietam caused them to delay this decision. The Emancipation Proclamationover time would reinforce the political liability of supporting the Confederacy. Despite sympathy for theConfederacy, France's own seizure of Mexico ultimately deterred them from war with the Union. Confederate offerslate in the war to end slavery in return for diplomatic recognition were not seriously considered by London or Paris.After 1863, the Polish revolt against Russia further distracted the European powers, and ensured that they wouldcontinue to remain neutral.[213]

Victory and aftermath

American Civil War 22

Comparison of Union and CSA[214]

Union CSA

Total population 22,100,000 (71%) 9,100,000 (29%)

Free population 21,700,000 5,600,000

Slave population, 1860 400,000 3,500,000

Soldiers 2,100,000 (67%) 1,064,000 (33%)

Railroad length 21788 miles (unknown operator: u'strong' km) (71%) 8838 miles (unknown operator: u'strong' km) (29%)

Manufactured items 90% 10%

Firearm production 97% 3%

Bales of cotton in 1860 Negligible 4,500,000

Bales of cotton in 1864 Negligible 300,000

Pre-war U.S. exports 30% 70%

Andersonville National Cemetery is the finalresting place for the Union prisoners who

perished while being held at Camp Sumter.

Historians have debated whether the Confederacy could have won thewar. Most scholars, such as James McPherson, argue that Confederatevictory was at least possible.[215] McPherson argues that the North’sadvantage in population and resources made Northern victory likelybut not guaranteed. He also argues that if the Confederacy had foughtusing unconventional tactics, they would have more easily been able tohold out long enough to exhaust the Union.[216]

Confederates did not need to invade and hold enemy territory to win,but only needed to fight a defensive war to convince the North that thecost of winning was too high. The North needed to conquer and holdvast stretches of enemy territory and defeat Confederate armies towin.[216]

Some scholars, such as those of the Lost Cause tradition, argue that the Union held an insurmountable long-termadvantage over the Confederacy in terms of industrial strength and population. Confederate actions, they argue, onlydelayed defeat. Civil War historian Shelby Foote expressed this view succinctly: "I think that the North fought thatwar with one hand behind its back...If there had been more Southern victories, and a lot more, the North simplywould have brought that other hand out from behind its back. I don't think the South ever had a chance to win thatWar."[217]

The Confederacy sought to win independence by out-lasting Lincoln; however, after Atlanta fell and Lincolndefeated McClellan in the election of 1864, all hope for a political victory for the South ended. At that point, Lincolnhad succeeded in getting the support of the border states, War Democrats, emancipated slaves, Britain, and France.By defeating the Democrats and McClellan, he also defeated the Copperheads and their peace platform.[218]

Also important were Lincoln's eloquence in rationalizing the national purpose and his skill in keeping the borderstates committed to the Union cause. Although Lincoln's approach to emancipation was slow, the EmancipationProclamation was an effective use of the President's war powers.[219] The Confederate government failed in itsattempt to get Europe involved in the war militarily, particularly the United Kingdom and France. Southern leadersneeded to get European powers to help break up the blockade the Union had created around the Southern ports andcities.Lincoln's naval blockade was 95% effective at stopping trade goods; as a result, imports and exports to the Southdeclined significantly. The abundance of European cotton and the United Kingdom's hostility to the institution of

American Civil War 23

slavery, along with Lincoln's Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico naval blockades, severely decreased any chance that eitherthe United Kingdom or France would enter the war.The more industrialized economy of the North aided in the production of arms, munitions and supplies, as well asfinances and transportation. The table shows the relative advantage of the Union over the Confederate States ofAmerica (CSA) at the start of the war. The advantages widened rapidly during the war, as the Northern economygrew, and Confederate territory shrank and its economy weakened. The Union population was 22 million and theSouth 9 million in 1861. The Southern population included more than 3.5 million slaves and about 5.5 millionwhites, thus leaving the South's white population outnumbered by a ratio of more than four to one.[220]

The disparity grew as the Union controlled an increasing amount of southern territory with garrisons, and cut off thetrans-Mississippi part of the Confederacy. The Union at the start controlled over 80% of the shipyards, steamships,riverboats, and the Navy. It augmented these by a massive shipbuilding program. This enabled the Union to controlthe river systems and to blockade the entire southern coastline.[221]

Excellent railroad links between Union cities allowed for the quick and cheap movement of troops and supplies.Transportation was much slower and more difficult in the South, which was unable to augment its much smaller railsystem, repair damage, or even perform routine maintenance.[222] The failure of Davis to maintain positive andproductive relationships with state governors (especially Governor Joseph E. Brown of Georgia and GovernorZebulon Baird Vance of North Carolina) damaged his ability to draw on regional resources.[223] The Confederacy's"King Cotton" misperception of the world economy led to bad diplomacy, such as the refusal to ship cotton beforethe blockade started.[224]

The Emancipation Proclamation enabled African-Americans, both free blacks and escaped slaves, to join the UnionArmy. About 190,000 volunteered,[225] further enhancing the numerical advantage the Union armies enjoyed overthe Confederates, who did not dare emulate the equivalent manpower source for fear of fundamentally underminingthe legitimacy of slavery. Emancipated slaves mostly handled garrison duties, and fought numerous battles in1864–65.[226] European immigrants joined the Union Army in large numbers, including 177,000 born in Germanyand 144,000 born in Ireland.[227] The railroad industry became the nation's largest employer outside of agriculture.The American Civil War was followed by a boom in railroad construction, which contributed to the Panic of1873.[228][229]

Results

Monument in honor of the Grand Army of theRepublic, organized after the war.

Slavery for the Confederacy's 3.5 million blacks effectively endedwhen Union armies arrived; they were nearly all freed by theEmancipation Proclamation. Slaves in the border states and thoselocated in some former Confederate territory occupied prior to theEmancipation Proclamation were freed by state action or (onDecember 18, 1865) by the Thirteenth Amendment. The fullrestoration of the Union was the work of a highly contentious postwarera known as Reconstruction.

The war produced about 1,030,000 casualties (3% of the population),including about 620,000 soldier deaths—two-thirds by disease.[230]

Binghamton University historian J. David Hacker believes the number of soldier deaths was approximately 750,000,20% higher than traditionally estimated, and possibly as high as 850,000.[231][232] The war accounted for roughly asmany American deaths as all American deaths in other U.S. wars combined.[233]

The causes of the war, the reasons for its outcome, and even the name of the war itself are subjects of lingeringcontention today. Based on 1860 census figures, 8% of all white males aged 13 to 43 died in the war, including 6%in the North and 18% in the South.[234][235] About 56,000 soldiers died in prisons during the Civil War.[236]

American Civil War 24

One reason for the high number of battle deaths during the war was the use of Napoleonic tactics, such as charging.With the advent of more accurate rifled barrels, Minié balls and (near the end of the war for the Union army)repeating firearms such as the Spencer repeating rifle, soldiers were mowed down when standing in lines in the open.This led to the adoption of trench warfare, a style of fighting that defined the better part of World War I.The war destroyed much of the wealth that had existed in the South. Income per person in the South dropped to lessthan 40% than that of the North, a condition which lasted until well into the 20th century. Southern influence in theUS federal government, previously considerable, was greatly diminished until the latter half of the 20th century.[237]

Reconstruction

Reconstruction began during the war (and continued to 1877) in an effort to solve the issues caused by reunion,specifically the legal status of the 11 breakaway states, the Confederate leadership, and the freedmen. Northernleaders during the war agreed that victory would require more than the end of fighting. It had to encompass the twowar goals: secession had to be repudiated and all forms of slavery had to be eliminated.Lincoln and the Radical Republicans disagreed sharply on the criteria for these goals. They also disagreed on thedegree of federal control that should be imposed on the South, and the process by which Southern states should bereintegrated into the Union. These disputes became central to the political debates after the Confederacy collapsed.

Memory and historiographyThe Civil War is one of the central events in America's collective memory. There are innumerable statues,commemorations, books and archival collections. The memory includes the home front, military affairs, thetreatment of soldiers, both living and dead, in the war's aftermath, depictions of the war in literature and art,evaluations of heroes and villains, and considerations of the moral and political lessons of the war.[238] The lasttheme includes moral evaluations of racism and slavery, heroism in combat and behind the lines, and the issues ofdemocracy and minority rights, as well as the notion of an "Empire of Liberty" influencing the world.[239] Memoryof the war in the white South crystallized in the myth of the "Lost Cause", which shaped regional identity and racerelations for generations.[240]

150th anniversaryThe year 2011 included the American Civil War's 150th anniversary. Many in the South are attempting toincorporate both Black history and white perspectives. A Harris Poll given in March 2011 suggested that Americanswere still uniquely divided over the results and appropriate memorials to acknowledge the occasion.[241] Whiletraditionally American films of the Civil War feature "brother versus brother" themes[242] film treatments of the warare evolving to include African American characters. Benard Simelton, president of the Alabama NAACP, saidcelebrating the Civil War is like celebrating the "Holocaust". In reference to slavery Simelton said that black "rightswere taken away" and that blacks "were treated as less than human beings." National Park historian Bob Sutton saidthat slavery was the "principal cause" of the war. Sutton also claimed that the issue of state rights was incorporatedby the Confederacy as a justification for the war in order to get recognition from Britain. Sutton went on to mentionthat during the 100th anniversary of the Civil War white southerners focused on the genius of southern generals,rather than slavery. In Virginia during the fall of 2010, a conference took place that addressed the slavery issue.During November 2010, black Civil War reenactors from around the country participated in a parade at Harrisburg,Pennsylvania.[243]

American Civil War 25

HollywoodHollywood's take on the war has been especially influential in shaping public memory, as seen in such films as"Birth of a Nation," "Gone with the Wind" and "Glory".[244]

Filmography

• Andersonville (1996)• An Occurence at Owl Bridge (1962)• The Battle of Gettysburg (1913)• The Birth of a Nation (1915)• The Blue and the Gray (1982 TV series)• The Civil War (1990)• Civil War Minutes: Confederate (2007)• Civil War Minutes: Union (2001)• Cold Mountain (2003)• The Colt (2005)• Dances with Wolves (1990)• Dog Jack (2010)• Drums in the Deep South (1951)• The General (1926)• Gettysburg (1993)• Glory (1989)• Gods and Generals (2003)• Gone with the Wind (1939)• The Good The Bad and The Ugly (1967)• The Horse Soldiers (1959)• The Hunley (1999)• The Last Confederate: The Story of Robert Adams (2007)• Major Dundee (1965)• North and South (TV miniseries) Trilogy (1985, 1986, 1994)• The Outlaw Josey Wales (1976)• Pharaoh's Army (1995)• Raintree County (1957)• The Red Badge of Courage (1951)• Ride with the Devil (1999)• The Shadow Riders (1982)• Shenandoah (1965)• Sommersby (1993)

American Civil War 26

Notes[1] Howard Jones, Abraham Lincoln and a New Birth of Freedom: The Union and Slavery in the Diplomacy of the Civil War (1999) p. 154.[2] Frank J. Williams, "Doing Less and Doing More: The President and the Proclamation—Legally, Militarily and Politically," in Harold Holzer,

ed. The Emancipation Proclamation (2006) pp. 74–5.[3] " Killing ground: photographs of the Civil War and the changing American landscape (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?id=YpAuHGkuIe0C& pg=PA& dq& hl=en#v=onepage& q=& f=false)". John Huddleston (2002). Johns Hopkins University Press.ISBN 978-0-8018-6773-6.

[4] James C. Bradford, A companion to American military history (2010) vol. 1 p. 101[5] Foner, Eric (1981). Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=rQSYk-LWTxcC&

printsec=frontcover& dq=Politics+ and+ Ideology+ in+ the+ Age+ of+ the+ Civil+ War#v=onepage& q& f=false). ISBN 9780195029260. .[6][6] Foner, Eric. "The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery" (2011) p 74.[7][7] McPherson pp 506-8[8][8] McPherson p 686[9] Quoted in Eric Foner, The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery (2010) p. 100[10] Glenn M. Linden (2001). Voices from the Gathering Storm: The Coming of the American Civil War (http:/ / books. google. com/

?id=F20ZsA5ZeeEC& pg=PA184& lpg=PA184& dq=Prevent+ "any+ of+ our+ friends+ from+ demoralizing+ themselves"). United States:Rowman & Littlefield. p. 236. ISBN 978-0-8420-2999-5. . "Prevent, as far as possible, any of our friends from demoralizing themselves, andour cause, by entertaining propositions for compromise of any sort, on slavery extension. There is no possible compromise upon it, but whichputs us under again, and leaves all our work to do over again. Whether it be a Mo. Line, or Eli Thayer's Pop. Sov. It is all the same. Let eitherbe done, & immediately filibustering and extending slavery recommences. On that point hold firm, as with a chain of steel. – AbrahamLincoln to Elihu B. Washburne, December 13, 1860"

[11] Let there be no compromise on the question of extending slavery. If there be, all our labor is lost, and, ere long, must be done again. Thedangerous ground—that into which some of our friends have a hankering to run—is Pop. Sov. Have none of it. Stand firm. The tug has tocome, & better now, than any time hereafter. – Abraham Lincoln to Lyman Trumbull, December 10, 1860.

[12] Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (2nd ed. 1995) pp 311-12[13] Cited in Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln: a very short introduction (Oxford U.P., 2009) p. 61[14] Eugene D. Genovese, The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South (Wesleyan U.P,. 1988) p

244[15] Manisha Sinha, The Counterrevolution of Slavery: Politics and Ideology in Antebellum South Carolina (2000) pp 127-8[16][16] Lincoln's Speech in Chicago, December 10, 1856 in which he said, "We shall again be able not to declare, that 'all States as States, are

equal,' nor yet that 'all citizens as citizens are equal,' but to renew the broader, better declaration, including both these and much more, that 'allmen are created equal.'"; Also, Lincoln's Letter to Henry L. Pierce, April 6, 1859.

[17][17] The People's Chronology, 1994 by James Trager.[18] William E. Gienapp, "The Crisis of American Democracy: The Political System and the Coming of the Civil War." in Boritt ed. Why the

Civil War Came 79–123.[19] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 88–91.[20] Most of her slave owners are "decent, honorable people, themselves victims" of that institution. Much of her description was based on

personal observation, and the descriptions of Southerners; she herself calls them and Legree representatives of different types ofmasters.;Gerson, Harriet Beecher Stowe, p. 68; Stowe, Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin (1953) p. 39.

[21] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, pp. 201–204, 299–327.[22][22] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, p. 208.[23] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, pp. 208–209.[24] Fox Butterfield; All God's Children p. 17.[25] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, pp. 210–211.[26] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, pp. 212–213.[27] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, pp. 356–384.[28] Miriam Forman-Brunell, Leslie Paris (2010) " The Girls' History and Culture Reader: The Nineteenth Century (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?id=bYE0DuIxkHIC& pg=PA136& dq& hl=en#v=onepage& q=& f=false)". University of Illinois Press. p.136. ISBN978-0-252-07765-4.

[29][29] Kathleen Collins, "The Scourged Back," History of Photography 9 (January 1985): 43-45.[30] Lipset looked at the secessionist vote in each Southern state in 1860–61. In each state he divided the counties into high, medium or low

proportion of slaves. He found that in the 181 high-slavery counties, the vote was 72% for secession. In the 205 low-slavery counties. the votewas only 37% for secession. (And in the 153 middle counties, the vote for secession was in the middle at 60%). Seymour Martin Lipset,Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Doubleday, 1960) p. 349.

[31] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 242, 255, 282–83. Maps on p. 101 (The Southern Economy) and p. 236 (The Progress of Secession) are alsorelevant.

[32] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, pp. 503–505.[33] James G. Randall and David Donald, Civil War and Reconstruction (1961) p. 68.

American Civil War 27

[34][34] Randall and Donald, p. 67.[35] 1860 Census Results (http:/ / www. civil-war. net/ pages/ 1860_census. html), The Civil War Home Page.[36] James McPherson, Drawn with the Sword, p. 15.[37][37] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, p. 275.[38][38] Roger B. Taney: Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857).[39][39] First Lincoln Douglas Debate at Ottawa, Illinois August 21, 1858.[40][40] Abraham Lincoln, Speech at New Haven, Conn., March 6, 1860.[41][41] McPherson, Battle Cry, p. 195.[42][42] John Townsend, The Doom of Slavery in the Union, its Safety out of it, October 29, 1860.[43][43] McPherson, Battle Cry, p. 243.[44][44] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, p. 461.[45] William C. Davis, Look Away, pp. 130–140.[46][46] William W. Freehling, The Road to Disunion, p. 42.[47] A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union, February 2, 1861 – A declaration of the

causes which impel the State of Texas to secede from the Federal Union. (http:/ / www2. tsl. state. tx. us/ ref/ abouttx/ secession/ 2feb1861.html)

[48] Winkler, E. "A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union." (http:/ / avalon. law. yale. edu/19th_century/ csa_texsec. asp). Journal of the Secession Convention of Texas. . Retrieved 2007-10-16.

[49] Speech of E. S. Dargan to the Secession Convention of Alabama, January 11, 1861, in Wikisource.[50] Schlesinger Age of Jackson, p. 190.[51] David Brion Davis, Inhuman Bondage (2006) p 197, 409; Stanley Harrold, The Abolitionists and the South, 1831–1861 (1995) p. 62; Jane

H. and William H. Pease, "Confrontation and Abolition in the 1850s" Journal of American History (1972) 58(4): 923–937.[52] Eric Foner. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party Before the Civil War (1970), p. 9.[53] William W. Freehling, The Road to Disunion: Secessionists Triumphant 1854–1861, pp. 9–24.[54] William W. Freehling, The Road to Disunion, Secessionists Triumphant, pp. 269–462, p. 274 (The quote about slave states "encircled by

fire" is from the New Orleans Delta, May 13, 1860).[55] Eskridge, Larry (Jan 29, 2011). "After 150 years, we still ask: Why ‘this cruel war’?." (http:/ / www. cantondailyledger. com/ topstories/

x1868081570/ After-150-years-we-still-ask-Why-this-cruel-war). Canton Daily Ledger (Canton, Illinois). . Retrieved 2011-01-29.[56] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=rQSYk-LWTxcC& printsec=frontcover& dq=Politics+ and+ Ideology+ in+ the+ Age+ of+ the+

Civil+ War& hl=en& ei=TmNkTvHZGoqQsALcu4G0Cg& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1&ved=0CCoQ6AEwAA#v=onepage& q& f=false

[57] Charles S. Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sectionalism 1819–1848 (1948).[58] Robert Royal Russel, Economic Aspects of Southern Sectionalism, 1840–1861 (1973).[59] Adam Rothman, Slave Country: American Expansion and the Origins of the Deep South (2005).[60] Kenneth M. Stampp, The Imperiled Union: Essays on the Background of the Civil War (1981) p. 198; Woodworth, ed. The American Civil

War: A Handbook of Literature and Research (1996), 145 151 505 512 554 557 684; Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner,Beard, Parrington (1969).

[61] Clement Eaton, Freedom of Thought in the Old South (1940)[62] John Hope Franklin, The Militant South 1800–1861 (1956).[63][63] Abraham Lincoln, Cooper Union Address, New York, February 27, 1860.[64] Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (1972) pp. 648–69.[65] James McPherson, "Antebellum Southern Exceptionalism: A New Look at an Old Question," Civil War History 29 (September 1983).[66][66] Bestor, 1964, pp. 10-11[67][67] McPherson, 2007, p. 14.[68][68] Stampp, pp. 190-193.[69][69] Bestor, 1964, p. 11.[70][70] Krannawitter, 2008, pp. 49-50.[71][71] McPherson, 2007, pp. 13-14.[72][72] Bestor, 1964, pp. 17-18.[73][73] Guelzo, pp. 21-22.[74][74] Bestor, 1964, p. 15.[75][75] Miller, 2008, p. 153.[76][76] McPherson, 2007, p. 3.[77][77] Bestor, 1964, p. 19.[78][78] McPherson, 2007, p. 16.[79][79] Bestor, 1964, pp. 19-20.[80][80] Bestor, 1964, pp. 20-21.[81][81] Bestor, 1964, p. 20.[82][82] Russell, 1966, p. 468-469

American Civil War 28

[83][83] Bestor, 1964, p. 21.[84][84] Bestor, 1964, pp. 21-22.[85][85] Bestor, 1964, pp. 23-24.[86][86] Russell, 1966, p. 470[87][87] Bestor, 1964, p. 24.[88][88] Holt, 2004, pp. 34-35.[89][89] McPherson, 2007, p. 7.[90][90] Krannawitter, 2008, p. 232.[91][91] Bestor, 1964, pp. 24-25.[92] David M. Potter, "The Historian's Use of Nationalism and Vice Versa," American Historical Review, Vol. 67, No. 4 (July 1962), pp.

924–950 in JSTOR (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 1845246).[93] C. Vann Woodward, American Counterpoint: Slavery and Racism in the North-South Dialogue (1971), p.281.[94] Bertram Wyatt-Brown, The Shaping of Southern Culture: Honor, Grace, and War, 1760s–1880s (2000).[95] Avery Craven, The Growth of Southern Nationalism, 1848–1861 (1953).[96] "Republican Platform of 1860," in Kirk H. Porter, and Donald Bruce Johnson, eds. National Party Platforms, 1840–1956, (University of

Illinois Press, 1956) p. 32.[97] Susan-Mary Grant, North over South: Northern Nationalism and American Identity in the Antebellum Era (2000); Melinda Lawson, Patriot

Fires: Forging a New American Nationalism in the Civil War North (2005).[98] Forrest McDonald, States' Rights and the Union: Imperium in Imperio, 1776–1876 (2002)[99] James McPherson, This Mighty Scourge, pp. 3–9.[100] Before 1850, slave owners controlled the presidency for fifty years, the Speaker's chair for forty-one years, and the chairmanship of the

House Ways and Means Committee that set tariffs for forty-two years, while 18 of 31 Supreme Court justices owned slaves. Leonard L.Richards, The Slave Power: The Free North and Southern Domination, 1780–1860 (2000) pp. 1–9

[101] Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (1970).[102] Charles C. Bolton, Poor Whites of the Antebellum South: Tenants and Laborers in Central North Carolina and Northeast Mississippi

(1993) p. 67.[103] Frank Taussig, The Tariff History of the United States (1931), pp 115–61[104] Richard Hofstadter, "The Tariff Issue on the Eve of the Civil War," The American Historical Review Vol. 44, No. 1 (Oct., 1938), pp. 50–55

full text in JSTOR (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ pss/ 1840850)[105] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, p. 485.[106] Bornstein, David (2011-04-14). "Lincoln's Call to Arms" (http:/ / opinionator. blogs. nytimes. com/ 2011/ 04/ 14/ lincoln-declares-war/ ).

Opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com. . Retrieved 2011-08-11.[107] Maury Klein, Days of Defiance: Sumter, Secession, and the Coming of the Civil War (1999).[108][108] McPherson, Battle Cry, p. 254.[109] President James Buchanan, Message of December 8, 1860 online (http:/ / www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ ws/ index. php?pid=29501).[110] Gibson, Arrell. Oklahoma, a History of Five Centuries (University of Oklahoma Press, 1981) pg. 117–120[111] "United States Volunteers — Indian Troops" (http:/ / www. civilwararchive. com/ Unreghst/ unindtr. htm). civilwararchive.com.

2008-01-28. . Retrieved 2008-08-10.[112] "Civil War Refugees" (http:/ / digital. library. okstate. edu/ encyclopedia/ entries/ C/ CI013. html). Oklahoma Historical Society. Oklahoma

State University. . Retrieved 2008-08-10.[113] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 284–287.[114] Nevins, The War for the Union (1959) 1:119-29.[115] Nevins, The War for the Union (1959) 1:129-36.[116] "A State of Convenience, The Creation of West Virginia" (http:/ / www. wvculture. org/ History/ statehood/ statehood10. html). West

Virginia Archives & History. .[117] Curry, Richard Orr, A House Divided, A Study of the Statehood Politics & the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia, Univ. of Pittsburgh

Press, 1964, map on page 49[118] Weigley, Russell F., "A Great Civil War, A Military and Political History 1861–1865, Indiana Univ. Press, 2000, p. 55.[119][119] McPherson, Battle Cry, p. 303.[120] Snell, Mark A., West Virginia and the Civil War, History Press, Charleston, SC, 2011, pg. 28[121] Mark Neely, Confederate Bastille: Jefferson Davis and Civil Liberties 1993 pp. 10–11.[122] Gabor Boritt, ed. War Comes Again (1995) p. 247.[123] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 234–266.[124][124] Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, Monday, March 4, 1861.[125][125] Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861.[126] David Potter, The Impending Crisis, pp. 572–573.[127] "Lincoln's Call for Troops" (http:/ / www. civilwarhome. com/ lincolntroops. htm). .[128][128] McPherson, Battle Cry, p. 274.

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[129] Massachusetts in the Civil War, William Schouler, 1868 book republished by Digital Scanning Inc, 2003 – See the account at (http:/ /books. google. com/ books?vid=ISBN1582180016& id=ub8cqVKoXwgC& pg=PA35& lpg=PA34& vq=baltimore& dq=schouler+massachusetts+ civil& sig=g5za9rXjH9ttx1vzmWNN39F3YFQ).

[130] "Abraham Lincoln: Proclamation 83 - Increasing the Size of the Army and Navy" (http:/ / www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ ws/ index.php?pid=70123). Presidency.ucsb.edu. . Retrieved 2011-11-03.

[131] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 276–307.[132] Allan Peskin, Winfield Scott and the profession of arms (2003) pp. 249–52.[133] Timothy D. Johnson, Winfield Scott (1998) p. 228[134] Dean B. Mahin, One war at a time: the international dimensions of the American Civil War (2000) ch 6[135] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 378–380.[136] Heidler, 1651–53.[137] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 373–377.[138] Fort Pulaski - National Monument, National Park Service Historical Handbook Series (http:/ / www. google. com/ imgres?imgurl=http:/ /

www. cr. nps. gov/ history/ online_books/ hh/ 18/ images/ hh18f1. jpg& imgrefurl=http:/ / www. cr. nps. gov/ history/ online_books/ hh/ 18/hh18f. htm& usg=__6sa3WbdkbTZm5UCP22OCp4mQi7A=& h=338& w=250& sz=9& hl=en& start=1& zoom=1& um=1& itbs=1&tbnid=X6XQWqMD0Hb9iM:& tbnh=119& tbnw=88& prev=/ search?q=colonel+ charles+ h. + olmstead& um=1& hl=en& sa=N&biw=1260& bih=617& tbm=isch& ei=O4vtTez4M9ScgQet-7CsBw) (about 1962). “Significance of the Siege”

[139] Albert Burton Moore. Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy (1924) online edition (https:/ / www. questia. com/ PM. qst?a=o&d=10517499).

[140] Barnet Schecter, The Devil's Own Work: The Civil War Draft Riots and the Fight to Reconstruct America (2007).[141] Eugene Murdock, One million men: the Civil War draft in the North (1971).[142] Mark Johnson, That body of brave men: the U.S. regular infantry and the Civil War in the West (2003) p. 575.[143] "Desertion No Bar to Pension" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ mem/ archive-free/

pdf?res=9C0CE0D91630E033A2575BC2A9639C94659ED7CF). New York Times. May 28, 1894. . Retrieved 2011-10-03.[144] Mark A. Weitz, More Damning than Slaughter: Desertion in the Confederate Army (2005)[145] Edward M. Coffman, The Old Army: A Portrait of the American Army in Peacetime, 1784–1898 (1986) p. 193.[146] Hamner, Christopher. " Great Expectations for the Civil War (http:/ / teachinghistory. org/ history-content/ ask-a-historian/ 24413)."

Teachinghistory.org (http:/ / www. teachinghistory. org/ ). Retrieved 2011-07-11.[147] Ella Lonn, Desertion during the Civil War (1928) pp205-6[148] Robert Fantina, Desertion and the American soldier, 1776–2006 (2006) p. 74[149] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 339–345.[150][150] McPherson, Battle Cry, p. 342.[151] Shelby Foote, The Civil War: Fort Sumter to Perryville, pp. 464–519.[152] Bruce Catton, Terrible Swift Sword, pp. 263–296.[153] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 424–427.[154] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 538–544.[155] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 528–533.[156] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 543–545.[157] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 557–558.[158] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 571–574.[159] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 639–645.[160] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 653–663.[161][161] McPherson, Battle Cry, p. 664.[162] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 404–405.[163] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 418–420.[164] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 419–420.[165] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 480–483.[166] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 405–413.[167] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 637–638.[168] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 677–680.[169] "Civil War in Missouri Facts" (http:/ / home. usmo. com/ ~momollus/ MOFACTS. HTM). 1998. . Retrieved 2007-10-16.[170] Mark E. Neely Jr.; "Was the Civil War a Total War?" Civil War History, Vol. 50, 2004 pp 434+[171] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 724–735.[172] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 741–742.[173] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 778–779.[174] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 773–776.[175] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 812–815.[176] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 825–830.[177] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 846–847.

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[178] William Marvel, Lee's Last Retreat: The Flight to Appomattox (2002) pp. 158–81.[179] Unaware of the surrender of Lee, on April 16 the last major battles of the war were fought at the Battle of Columbus, Georgia and the

Battle of West Point.[180][180] McPherson, Battle Cry, p. 495.[181] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 355, 494–6, quote from George Washington Julian on 495.[182] Baker, Kevin (March 2003). " Violent City (http:/ / americanheritage. com/ articles/ magazine/ ah/ 2003/ 1/ 2003_1_17. shtml)" American

Heritage. Retrieved 7-29-2010.[183] Barnet Schecter, The Devil's Own Work: The Civil War Draft Riots and the Fight to Reconstruct America (2007), ch 6.[184] Craig A. Warren, "'Oh, God, What a Pity!': The Irish Brigade at Fredericksburg and the Creation of Myth," Civil War History, Sept 2001,

Vol. 47 Issue 3, pp 193–221[185] Wittke, Carl (1952). Refugees of Revolution. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania press.[186] Christian B. Keller, "Flying Dutchmen and Drunken Irishmen: The Myths and Realities of Ethnic Civil War Soldiers", Journal of Military

History, Vol/ 73, No. 1, January 2009, pp. 117-145; for primary sources see Walter D. Kamphoefner and Wolfgang Helbich, eds., Germans inthe Civil War: The Letters They Wrote Home (2006).

[187][187] Lincoln's letter to O. H. Browning, September 22, 1861.[188] James McPherson in Gabor S. Boritt, ed. Lincoln, the War President pp. 52–54.[189] Stephen B. Oates, Abraham Lincoln: The Man Behind the Myths, p. 106.[190][190] Images of America: Altoona, by Sr. Anne Francis Pulling, 2001, 10.[191][191] Letter to Greeley, August 22, 1862[192] Abraham Lincoln, Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865 – Here Lincoln states, "One-eighth of the whole population were colored

slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerfulinterest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object forwhich the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorialenlargement of it."

[193][193] Lincoln's Letter to A. G. Hodges, April 4, 1864.[194][194] James McPherson, The War that Never Goes Away[195][195] James McPherson, Drawn With the Sword, from the article Who Freed the Slaves?[196] Bruce Catton, Never Call Retreat, p. 335.[197] "Civil War Topics" (http:/ / www. dce. k12. wi. us/ historyday/ Topics/ CivilWar. htm). Dce.k12.wi.us. . Retrieved 2010-10-31.[198] " Blacks labored in Andersonville (http:/ / www. washingtontimes. com/ news/ 2009/ nov/ 12/

book-review-blacks-labored-in-andersonville/ )". Washington Times. November 12, 2009.[199] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 791–798.[200] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 831–837.[201] John D. Winters, The Civil War in Louisiana, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1963, ISBN 978-0-8071-0834-5, p. 237[202] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 557–558, 563.[203] Harper, Douglas (2003). "SLAVERY in DELAWARE" (http:/ / www. slavenorth. com/ delaware. htm). . Retrieved 2007-10-16.[204] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 840–842.[205] Lowell Hayes Harrison and James C. Klotter, A New History of Kentucky (1997) p 235, the number in late 1865.[206][206] U. S. Census of 1860.[207] Stephen B. Oates, Abraham Lincoln: The Man Behind the Myths, 1984, Harper & Row.[208] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 546–557.[209] George C. Herring, From colony to superpower: U.S. foreign relations since 1776 (2008) p 237[210][210] McPherson, Battle Cry, p. 386.[211] Allen Nevins, War for the Union 1862–1863, pp. 263–264.[212] Stephen B. Oates, The Approaching Fury: Voices of the Storm 1820–1861, p. 125.[213] George C. Herring, From colony to superpower: U.S. foreign relations since 1776 (2008) p 261[214] Railroad length is from: Chauncey Depew (ed.), One Hundred Years of American Commerce 1795–1895, p. 111; For other data see: 1860

US census (http:/ / www2. census. gov/ prod2/ decennial/ documents/ 1860c-01. pdf) and Carter, Susan B., ed. The Historical Statistics of theUnited States: Millennial Edition (5 vols), 2006.

[215][215] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 855.[216][216] James McPherson, Why did the Confederacy Lose?[217][217] Ward 1990 p 272[218] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 771–772.[219] Fehrenbacher, Don (2004). "Lincoln's Wartime Leadership: The First Hundred Days" (http:/ / www. historycooperative. org/ journals/ jala/

9/ fehrenbacher. html). University of Illinois. . Retrieved 2007-10-16.[220] Crocker III, H. W. (2006). Don't Tread on Me. New York: Crown Forum. p. 162. ISBN 978-1-4000-5363-6.[221] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 313–316, 392–393.[222] Heidler, David Stephen, ed. Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History (2002), 1591–98[223] McPherson, Battle Cry, pp. 432–344.

American Civil War 31

[224] Heidler, David Stephen, ed. Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History (2002), 598–603[225] "Black Regiments" (http:/ / www. spartacus. schoolnet. co. uk/ USACWcolored. htm). . Retrieved 2007-10-16.[226] Ira Berlin et al., eds. Freedom's Soldiers: The Black Military Experience in the Civil War (1998)[227] Albert Bernhardt Faust, The German Element in the United States (1909) v. 1, p. 523 online (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?id=4xgOAAAAIAAJ& pg=PA523).[228] Oberholtzer, Ellis Paxson. (1907) Jay Cooke: Financier Of The Civil War, Vol. 2 (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?id=8jHiEwVmB8MC) at Google Books, pp. 378–430[229] Oberholtzer, Ellis Paxson. (1926) A History of the United States Since the Civil War 3:69–122[230] Nofi, Al (2001-06-13). "Statistics on the War's Costs" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070711050249/ http:/ / www. cwc. lsu. edu/ other/

stats/ warcost. htm). Louisiana State University. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. cwc. lsu. edu/ other/ stats/ warcost. htm) on2007-07-11. . Retrieved 2007-10-14.

[231] "U.S. Civil War Took Bigger Toll Than Previously Estimated, New Analysis Suggests" (http:/ / www. sciencedaily. com/ releases/ 2011/09/ 110921120124. htm). Science Daily. September 22, 2011. . Retrieved 2011-09-22.

[232] Hacker, J. David (September 20, 2011). "Recounting the Dead" (http:/ / opinionator. blogs. nytimes. com/ 2011/ 09/ 20/recounting-the-dead/ ). The New York Times.com. . Retrieved 2011-09-22.

[233] C. Vann Woodward, "Introduction" in James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, p. xix.[234] " Toward a social history of the American Civil War: exploratory essays (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=gySktxKYPGoC&

pg=PA7& dq& hl=en#v=onepage& q=& f=false)". Maris Vinovskis (1990). Cambridge University Press. p.7. ISBN 978-0-521-39559-5.[235] Richard Wightman Fox (2008)." National Life After Death (http:/ / www. slate. com/ toolbar. aspx?action=read& id=2180856)".

Slate.com.[236] " U.S. Civil War Prison Camps Claimed Thousands (http:/ / news. nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2003/ 07/

0701_030701_civilwarprisons. html)". National Geographic News. July 1, 2003.[237] The Economist, " The Civil War: Finally Passing (http:/ / www. economist. com/ node/ 18486035?story_id=18486035)", 2 April 2011, pp.

23-25.[238] Joan Waugh and Gary W. Gallagher, eds. Wars within a War: Controversy and Conflict over the American Civil War (U. of North Carolina

Press, 2009)[239] David W. Blight, Race and Reunion : The Civil War in American Memory (2001)[240] Gaines M. Foster, Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, the Lost Cause and the Emergence of the New South, 1865–1913 (1988)[241] Braverman, Samantha (March 29, 2011). "150 Years Later Remembering the American Civil War" (http:/ / www. harrisinteractive. com/

NewsRoom/ HarrisPolls/ tabid/ 447/ mid/ 1508/ articleId/ 739/ ctl/ ReadCustom Default/ Default. aspx). Harris Interactive Polls. . Retrieved2011-04-22.

[242] The Reel Civil War: Mythmaking in ... - Bruce Chadwick - Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=NfKF9RXLyr8C&pg=PT69& dq=brother+ vs+ brother+ civil+ war& hl=en& ei=Q94HTuOFPMfV0QHt4KnbCw& sa=X& oi=bookresult& ct=result&resnum=1& ved=0CCkQ6AEwADgK#v=onepage& q& f=false). Books.google.com. . Retrieved 2011-11-03.

[243] "Civil War's 150th anniversary stirs debate on race" (http:/ / www. google. com/ hostednews/ ap/ article/ALeqM5g02LT3cnj71haIQ8NXfRM-jR69yQ?docId=17de1f3fa7fe4a6999feb41ff12de8a1). Associated Press. Charles, South Carolina. Dec10, 2010. . Retrieved 2010-12-18.

[244] Gary Gallagher, Causes Won, Lost, and Forgotten: How Hollywood and Popular Art Shape What We Know about the Civil War (U. ofNorth Carolina Press, 2008)

References

Overviews• Beringer, Richard E., Archer Jones, and Herman Hattaway, Why the South Lost the Civil War (1986) influential

analysis of factors; The Elements of Confederate Defeat: Nationalism, War Aims, and Religion (1988), abridgedversion

•• Bestor, Arthur. 1964. The American Civil War as a Constitutional Crisis. (American Historical Review, LXIX,No. 2: January 1964) in Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction Ed. Irwin Unger. Holt, Rinehart andWinston, Inc. New York . 1970.

• Catton, Bruce, The Civil War, American Heritage, 1960, ISBN 978-0-8281-0305-3, illustrated narrative• Davis, William C. The Imperiled Union, 1861–1865 3v (1983)• Donald, David et al. The Civil War and Reconstruction (latest edition 2001); 700 page survey• Eicher, David J., The Longest Night: A Military History of the Civil War, (2001), ISBN 978-0-684-84944-7.• Fellman, Michael et al. This Terrible War: The Civil War and its Aftermath (2nd ed. 2007), 544 page survey

American Civil War 32

• Guelzo, Allen C. 2004. Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation: the end of slavery in America. Simon & Schuster,New York

• Foote, Shelby. The Civil War: A Narrative (3 volumes), (1974), ISBN 978-0-394-74913-6. Highly detailedmilitary narrative covering all fronts

• Holt, Michael F. 2004. The fate of their country: politicians, slavery extension, and the coming of the Civil WarHill and Wang, New York.

• Katcher, Philip. The History of the American Civil War 1861–5, (2000), ISBN 978-0-600-60778-6. Detailedanalysis of each battle with introduction and background

• Krannawitter, Thomas L. 2008. Vindicating Lincoln: Defending the Politics of Our Greatest President. Rowman& Littlefield, London.

• McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988), 900 page survey of all aspects of thewar; Pulitzer prize

• McPherson, James M. This Mighty Scourge: Perspectives on the Civil War. Oxford University Press. New York.• McPherson, James M. Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction (2nd ed 1992), textbook• Nevins, Allan. Ordeal of the Union, an 8-volume set (1947–1971). the most detailed political, economic and

military narrative; by Pulitzer Prize winner• 1. Fruits of Manifest Destiny, 1847–1852; 2. A House Dividing, 1852–1857; 3. Douglas, Buchanan, and Party

Chaos, 1857–1859; 4. Prologue to Civil War, 1859–1861; vol. 5–8 have the series title "War for the Union"; 5.The Improvised War, 1861–1862; 6. War Becomes Revolution, 1862–1863; 7. The Organized War,1863–1864; 8. The Organized War to Victory, 1864–1865

• Rhodes, James Ford. A History of the Civil War, 1861–1865 (1918), Pulitzer Prize; a short version of his5-volume history

• Miller, William L. 2009. Abraham Lincoln: The Duty of a Statesman Vintage Books.• Russell, Robert R. 1966. Constitutional Doctrines with Regard to Slavery in Territories in Journal of Southern

History, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Nov. 1966), pp. 466–486. doi=10.2307/2204926 |jstor=2204926• Stampp, Kenneth M. 1990. America in 1857: a nation on the brink. Oxford University Press, New York.• Ward, Geoffrey C. The Civil War (1990), based on PBS series by Ken Burns; visual emphasis• Weigley, Russell Frank. A Great Civil War: A Military and Political History, 1861–1865 (2004); primarily

military

Biographies• American National Biography 24 vol (1999), essays by scholars on all major figures; online and hardcover

editions at many libraries (http:/ / www. anb. org/ aboutanb. html)• McHenry, Robert ed. Webster's American Military Biographies (1978)• Warner, Ezra J., Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders, (1964), ISBN 978-0-8071-0822-2• Warner, Ezra J., Generals in Gray: Lives of the Confederate Commanders, (1959), ISBN 978-0-8071-0823-9Soldiers• Berlin, Ira, et al., eds. Freedom's Soldiers: The Black Military Experience in the Civil War (1998)• Glatthaar, Joseph T. General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse (2009)• Hess, Earl J. The Union Soldier in Battle: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat (1997)• McPherson, James. For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (1998)• Power, J. Tracy. Lee's Miserables: Life in the Army of Northern Virginia from the Wilderness to Appomattox

(2002)• Wiley, Bell Irvin. The Life of Johnny Reb: The Common Soldier of the Confederacy (1962) (ISBN

978-0-8071-0475-0)• Wiley, Bell Irvin. Life of Billy Yank: The Common Soldier of the Union (1952) (ISBN 978-0-8071-0476-7)

American Civil War 33

Reference books and bibliographies• Blair, Jayne E. The Essential Civil War: A Handbook to the Battles, Armies, Navies And Commanders (2006)• Carter, Alice E. and Richard Jensen. The Civil War on the Web: A Guide to the Very Best Sites- 2nd ed. (2003)• Current, Richard N., et al. eds. Encyclopedia of the Confederacy (1993) (4 Volume set; also 1 vol abridged

version) (ISBN 978-0-13-275991-5)• Faust, Patricia L. (ed.) Historical Times Illustrated Encyclopedia of the Civil War (1986) (ISBN

978-0-06-181261-3) 2000 short entries• Esposito, Vincent J., West Point Atlas of American Wars online edition 1995• Heidler, David Stephen, ed. Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History

(2002), 1600 entries in 2700 pages in 5 vol or 1-vol editions• North & South - The Official Magazine of the Civil War Society deals with book reviews, battles, discussion &

analysis, and other issues of the American Civil War.• Resch, John P. et al., Americans at War: Society, Culture and the Homefront vol 2: 1816–1900 (2005)• Savage, Kirk, Standing Soldiers, Kneeling Slaves: Race, War, and Monument in Nineteenth-Century America

(http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ oclc/ 36470304). Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997. (The definitivebook on Civil War monuments.)

• Tulloch, Hugh. The Debate on the American Civil War Era (1999), historiography• Wagner, Margaret E. Gary W. Gallagher, and Paul Finkelman, eds. The Library of Congress Civil War Desk

Reference (2002)• Woodworth, Steven E. ed. American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research (1996) (ISBN

978-0-313-29019-0), 750 pages of historiography and bibliography online edition (http:/ / www. questia. com/read/ 14877569?title=The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research)

Primary sources• Commager, Henry Steele (ed.). The Blue and the Gray. The Story of the Civil War as Told by Participants.

(1950), excerpts from primary sources• Hesseltine, William B. ed.; The Tragic Conflict: The Civil War and Reconstruction (1962), excerpts from primary

sources• Simpson, Brooks D. et al. eds. The Civil War: The First Year Told by Those Who Lived It (Library of America

2011) 840pp, with 120 documents from 1861 online reviews (http:/ / www. amazon. com/Civil-War-First-Library-America/ dp/ 1598530887/ )

External links• American Civil War (http:/ / www. dmoz. org/ Society/ History/ By_Region/ North_America/ United_States/

Wars/ Civil_War/ / ) at the Open Directory Project• Civil War photos (http:/ / www. archives. gov/ research/ civil-war/ photos/ index. html) at the National Archives• View images (http:/ / www. loc. gov/ pictures/ search?st=grid& c=100& co=cwp) from the Civil War

Photographs Collection (http:/ / www. loc. gov/ pictures/ collection/ cwp/ ) at the Library of Congress• Civil War Trust (http:/ / www. civilwar. org/ )• Civil War Era Digital Collection at Gettysburg College (http:/ / www. gettysburg. edu/ library/ gettdigital/

civil_war/ civilwar. htm) This collection contains digital images of political cartoons, personal papers, pamphlets,maps, paintings and photographs from the Civil War Era held in Special Collections at Gettysburg College.

• Civil War 150 (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-srv/ special/ artsandliving/ civilwar/ ) Washington Postinteractive website on 150th Anniversary of the American Civil War.

• Civil War in the American South (http:/ / www. american-south. org/ ) – An Association of Southeastern Research Libraries (ASERL) portal with links to almost 9,000 digitized Civil War-era items—books, pamphlets,

American Civil War 34

broadsides, letters, maps, personal papers, and manuscripts—held at ASERL member libraries• The Civil War (http:/ / www. sonofthesouth. net/ ) – site with 7,000 pages, including the complete run of Harper's

Weekly newspapers from the Civil War• The short film A HOUSE DIVIDED (1960) (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ gov. archives. arc. 54756) is

available for free download at the Internet Archive [more]

Article Sources and Contributors 35

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B., A455bcd9, ABCD, ACfan, AEdwards, AaronCBurke, Abdalla A, Absecon 59, AbsolutDan, Abtract, Acalamari, Accurizer, Acjelen, Acroterion, Adam Bishop, Adambiswanger1, Adashiel, Adelep, AdjustShift, Agamemnus, Ahkond, Ahoerstemeier, Ahudson, Aidepolcycne, Ajaxkroon, Ajt814, Akradecki, Alan Peakall, Alanscottwalker, Alansohn, Alarics, Albertgenii12, Alchemistoxford, Aldis90, Alephh, Alex Bakharev, Alex earlier account, Alex1011, AlexMc, AlexPlank, Alfred0027, Algebra, AlistairMcMillan, Allen Info, Alonza, AlphaEta, Alphachimp, Alsandro, Althena, Alvinrune, Ambyr, AmiDaniel, Amorelli, Amorrow, Ampersand, Anclation, Andkore, Andonic, Andre Engels, Andrew Dalby, Andrewpmk, Andrwsc, Andy M. 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Image Sources, Licenses and ContributorsFile:John Brown, The Martyr.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:John_Brown,_The_Martyr.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Currier & IvesFile:James Hopkinsons Plantation Slaves Planting Sweet Potatoes.jpg  Source:http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:James_Hopkinsons_Plantation_Slaves_Planting_Sweet_Potatoes.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Henry P. MooreFile:Cicatrices de flagellation sur un esclave.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Cicatrices_de_flagellation_sur_un_esclave.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors:Unknown. Part of the Blakeslee Collection, apparently collected by John Taylor of Hartford, Connecticut, USAFile:US Secession map 1861.svg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:US_Secession_map_1861.svg  License: unknown  Contributors: User:Tomf688File:Marais-massacre.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Marais-massacre.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: unk. Original uploader was Americasroof aten.wikipediaFile:Abraham Lincoln seated, Feb 9, 1864.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Abraham_Lincoln_seated,_Feb_9,_1864.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors:Anthony BergerFile:President-Jefferson-Davis.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:President-Jefferson-Davis.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Andros64, Howcheng,Infrogmation, Kelson, Materialscientist, NuclearWarfare, Poulos, Red devil 666, ¡0-8-15!File:US Secession map 1863 (BlankMap derived).png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:US_Secession_map_1863_(BlankMap_derived).png  License: Public Domain Contributors: Kenmayer, Man vyi, Orionist, Porsche997SBS, Prenn, Techman224, 2 anonymous editsFile:American Civil War Chaplain.JPG  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:American_Civil_War_Chaplain.JPG  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Original uploaderwas Smith2006 at en.wikipediaFile:Great Meeting Union Square.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Great_Meeting_Union_Square.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Winslow HomerFile:Scott-anaconda.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Scott-anaconda.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: J.B. ElliottFile:CivilWarFifeandDrum.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:CivilWarFifeandDrum.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: User:LegoktmFile:Union soldiers entrenched along the west bank of the Rappahannock River at Fredericksburg, Virginia (111-B-157).jpg  Source:http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Union_soldiers_entrenched_along_the_west_bank_of_the_Rappahannock_River_at_Fredericksburg,_Virginia_(111-B-157).jpg  License: PublicDomain  Contributors: A. J. RussellFile:NYRiot.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:NYRiot.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Original uploader was MadMax at en.wikipediaFile:Conf dead chancellorsville edit1.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Conf_dead_chancellorsville_edit1.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Photographed byCapt. Andrew J. Russell (1830–1902) for Original uploader was Darwinek at en.wikipedia derivative work: Mfield (talk)File:Chickamauga.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Chickamauga.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Kurz & AllisonFile:The Peacemakers 1868.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Peacemakers_1868.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Berrucomons, Bob Burkhardt,Brad101, CommonsDelinker, Docu, Infrogmation, Scewing, Singapore1, Thierry Caro, 5 anonymous editsFile:Sherman Grant Sheridan 1937 Issue-3c.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Sherman_Grant_Sheridan_1937_Issue-3c.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors:U.S. Post Office, 1937File:EwellsDeadSpotsylvania1864crop01.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:EwellsDeadSpotsylvania1864crop01.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: BereanHunter, Mtsmallwood, Túrelio, 1 anonymous editsFile:Civil war 1861-1865.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Civil_war_1861-1865.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Chris 73, MaloFile:Soldiers White Black 1861.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Soldiers_White_Black_1861.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: not indicatedFile:Andersonvillesurvivor.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Andersonvillesurvivor.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Unnamed United States ArmyphotographerFile:AndersonvilleCemetary.JPG  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:AndersonvilleCemetary.JPG  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0  Contributors:Bubba73 (talk), Jud McCranieFile:Grand Army of the Republic by Swatjester.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Grand_Army_of_the_Republic_by_Swatjester.jpg  License: Creative CommonsAttribution-Sharealike 2.0  Contributors: KTo288

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