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July Revolution

French Revolution of 1830

Liberty Leading the People by Eugène Delacroix: a tableau of the July Revolution.Other names The July Revolution

Participants French society

Location France

Date 26–29 July 1830

Result Abdication of Charles XAscension of Louis-Philippe to the French throne and establishment of the constitutional July Monarchy

The French Revolution of 1830, also known as the July Revolution or Trois Glorieuses in French, saw theoverthrow of King Charles X, the French Bourbon monarch, and the ascent of his cousin Louis-Philippe, Duke ofOrléans, who himself, after 18 precarious years on the throne, would in turn be overthrown. It marked the shift fromone constitutional monarchy, the Bourbon Restoration, to another, the July Monarchy; the transition of power fromthe House of Bourbon to its cadet branch, the House of Orléans; and the substitution of the principle of popularsovereignty for hereditary right. Supporters of the Bourbon would be called Legitimists, and supporters of LouisPhilippe Orléanists.

BackgroundOn 16 September 1824, Charles X ascended to the throne of France. He was the younger brother of Louis XVIII,who, upon the defeat of Napoleon I, and by agreement of the Allied powers, had been installed as King of France.The fact that both Louis and Charles ruled by hereditary right rather than popular consent was the first of twotriggers for Les Trois Glorieuses, the "Three Glorious Days" of the July Revolution.Upon the abdication of Napoleon in 1814, continental Europe, and France in particular, was in a state of disarray.The Congress of Vienna met to redraw the continent's political map. Although there were many European countriesattending the congress, there were four major powers that controlled the decision making: United Kingdom,represented by her foreign secretary Viscount Castlereagh; Austria, represented by the chief minister (and chairmanof the congress) Klemens, Fürst von Metternich; Russia, represented by Emperor Alexander I; and Prussia,represented by King Frederick William III. Another very influential person at the Congress was Charles Maurice deTalleyrand, a French diplomat under Napoleon. Although France was considered an enemy state, Talleyrand wasallowed to attend the Congress because he claimed that he had only cooperated with Napoleon under duress.Talleyrand proposed that Europe be restored to its "legitimate" (i.e. pre-Napoleon) borders and governments; a plan that, with some changes, was accepted by members of the Congress. France returned to its 1789 borders and the House of Bourbon, deposed by the Revolution, was restored to the throne. In the eyes of the Congress, the political situation in France and Europe was now back to normal. However, the new king, Louis XVIII, knew that ideas of nationalism and democracy still lingered in his country; hence the establishment and signing of the Charte

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constitutionnelle française, the French Constitution otherwise known as La Charte. A document both liberal andmonarchical, La Charte was the second trigger of the July Revolution.

Charles X's reignOn September 16, 1824, after a lingering illness of several months, the 69-year-old Louis XVIII died childless.Therefore his younger brother, Charles, aged 66, inherited the throne of France. On 27 September Charles X as hewas now known, made his state entry into Paris to popular acclaim. During the ceremony, while presenting the Kingthe keys to the city, the comte de Chabrol, Prefect of the Seine, declared: "Proud to possess its new king, Paris canaspire to become the queen of cities by its magnificence, as its people aspire to be foremost in its fidelity, itsdevotion, and its love."[1]

But eight months later, the mood of the capital had sharply worsened in its opinion of the new king. The causes ofthis dramatic shift in public opinion were many, but the main two were:• The imposition of the death penalty for anyone profaning the Host of the Catholic Church (see Anti-Sacrilege

Act).• The provisions for financial indemnities for properties confiscated by the 1789 Revolution and the First Empire of

Napoleon. These indemnities to be paid to any one, whether noble or non-noble, who had been declared "enemiesof the Revolution".

Critics of the first accused the king and his new ministry of pandering to the Catholic Church, and by so doingviolating guarantees of equality of religious belief as specified in La Charte.The second matter, that of financial indemnities, was far more opportunistic than the first. This was because since therestoration of the monarchy, there had been demands from all groups to settle matters of property ownership; toreduce, if not eliminate, the uncertainties in the real estate market[2] both in Paris and in France. But liberalopponents, many of whom were frustrated Bonapartists, began a whispering campaign that Charles X was onlyproposing this in order to shame those who had not emigrated. Both measures, they claimed, were nothing more thanclever subterfuge meant to bring about the destruction of La Charte.Up to this time, thanks to the popularity of the Charte constitutionnelle and the Chamber of Deputies with the peopleof Paris, the king's relationship with the elite – both of the right and left – had remained solid. This, too, was about tochange. On 12 April, propelled by both genuine conviction and the spirit of independence, the Chamber of Deputiesroundly rejected the government's proposal to change the inheritance laws. The popular leftist newspaper LeConstitutionnel pronounced this refusal "a victory over the forces of counter-revolutionaries and reactionism"[3]

The popularity of both the Chamber of Peers and the Chamber of Deputies skyrocketed, and the popularity of theking and his ministry dropped. This became unmistakable when on 16 April 1827, while reviewing the Garde Royalein the Champ de Mars, the king was greeted with icy silence, many of the spectators refusing even to remove theirhats. Charles X "later told [his cousin] Orléans that, 'although most people present were not too hostile, some lookedat times with terrible expressions'."[4]

Because of what it perceived to be growing, relentless, and increasingly vitriolic criticism of both the governmentand the Church, the government of Charles X introduced into the Chamber of Deputies a proposal for a lawtightening censorship, especially in regard to the newspapers. The Chamber, for its part, objected so violently thatthe humiliated government had no choice but to withdraw its proposals.On 18 March 1830, the liberal majority in the Chamber of Deputies made the Address of the 221 (motion of no confidence) against the king and Polignac's ministry. The following day, Charles dissolved parliament, and then alarmed Liberals by delaying elections for two months. During this time, the liberals championed the '221' as popular heroes, whilst the government struggled to gain support across the country as prefects were shuffled around the departments of France. The elections that followed return an overwhelming Liberal majority, thus defeating the government. This came after another event: on the grounds that it had behaved in an offensive manner towards the

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crown, on 30 April the king abruptly dissolved the National Guard of Paris, a voluntary group of citizens and an everreliable conduit between the monarchy and the people. Cooler heads were appalled: "[I] would rather have my headcut off", wrote a noble from the Rhineland upon hearing the news, "than have counseled such an act: the only furthermeasure needed to cause a revolution is censorship."[5]

That came in July 1830 when, on Sunday, 25 July Charles X signed the July Ordinances, also known as "TheOrdinances of Saint-Cloud". On Monday 26 July, they were published in the leading conservative newspaper inParis, Le Moniteur. On Tuesday 27 July, the revolution began in earnest Les trois journées de juillet, and the end ofthe Bourbon monarchy.

The Three Glorious Days

Monday, 26 July 1830

Scenes of July 1830, a painting by Léon Cognietalluding to the July revolution of 1830.

It was a hot, dry summer, pushing those who could afford it to leaveParis for the country. Most businessmen could not, and so were amongthe first to learn of the Saint-Cloud "ordonnances" from the Mondayedition of 'Le Moniteur. They did not like what they read, perhaps mostof all because they suddenly learned they were now no longerpermitted to run as candidates for the Chamber of Deputies,membership of which was the sine qua non of those who sought theultimate in social prestige. In protest, members of the Bourse refused tolend money, and business owners shuttered their factories. Workerswere unceremoniously turned out into the street to fend for themselves.Unemployment, which had been growing through early summer,spiked. "Large numbers of... workers therefore had nothing to do butprotest."[6]

The few liberal politicians who still remained in Paris gathered in private to protest, exchange notes, point fingers,and avoid any real course of action. Liberal journalists, on the other hand, took action.While conservative newspapers such as the Journal des débats, Le Moniteur, and Le Constitutionnel had alreadyceased publication in compliance with the new law, nearly 50 liberal and radical journalists from a dozen citynewspapers met in the offices of the liberal Le National. There they signed a collective protest, and vowed theirnewspapers would continue to run.[7]

That evening, when police raided a news press and seized contraband newspapers, they were greeted by a sweltering,unemployed mob angrily shouting, "À bas les Bourbons!" (Down with the Bourbons!) "Vive la Charte!" (Long livethe Charter!) Armand Carrel, a Republican journalist, wrote in the next day's edition of Le National:

"France... falls back into revolution by the act of the government itself... the legal regime is nowinterrupted, that of force has begun... in the situation in which we are now placed obedience has ceasedto be a duty... It is for France to judge how far its own resistance ought to extend."[8]

As if living in a dream world, the Paris Préfet de police wrote on the evening, " ...the most perfect tranquilitycontinues to reign in all parts of the capital. No event worthy of attention is recorded in the reports that have comethrough to me."[9]

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Tuesday, 27 July 1830: Day OneThe sun rose to a Paris awash in radical newspapers. By noon, the noise and traffic on the avenues, which in theearly morning had seemed to hold the promise of a typical day, began to disappear. The city grew quiet as themilling crowds grew larger. At 4:30 pm commanders of the troops of the First Military division of Paris and theGarde Royale were ordered to concentrate their troops, and guns, on the Place du Carrousel facing the Tuileries, thePlace Vendôme, and the Place de la Bastille. In order to maintain order and protect gun shops from looters, militarypatrols throughout the city were established, strengthened and expanded. Amazingly, no special measures were takento protect either the arm depots or gunpowder factories. For a time, those precautions seemed premature, but at7:00 pm, with the coming of twilight, the fighting began. "Parisians, rather than soldiers, were the aggressor. Pavingstones, roof tiles, and flowerpots from the upper windows... began to rain down on the soldiers in the streets".[10] Atfirst, soldiers fired warning shots into the air. But before the night was over, twenty-one civilians were killed.Quick-thinking rioters, knowing nothing helps along an uprising more than a martyr, paraded the corpse of one oftheir fallen throughout the streets shouting "Mort aux Ministres!" "À bas les aristocrates!" ("Death to the ministers!Down with the aristocrats".)One witness wrote:

"[I saw] a crowd of agitated people pass by and disappear, then a troop of cavalry succeed them... Inevery direction and at intervals... Indistinct noises, gunshots, and then for a time all is silent again so fora time one could believe that everything in the city was normal. But all the shops are shut; the Pont Neufis almost completely dark, the stupefaction visible on every face reminds us all too much of the crisis weface...."[11]

In 1828, the city of Paris had established some 2,000 street lamps. These lanterns were hung on ropeslooped-on-looped from one pole to another, as opposed to being secured on posts. The rioting lasted well into thenight until most of them had been destroyed by 10:00 PM in wanton acts of destruction, forcing the crowds to slipaway.

Wednesday, 28 July 1830: Day Two

Taking of the Hôtel de Ville (revolutionaries went there in 1789, and later 1848and 1870), by Amédée Bourgeois

Though Paris had been quiet during thenight, it had not been asleep.

"It is hardly a quarter pasteight", wrote an eye witness,"and already shouts and gunshots can be heard. Business isat a complete standstill....Crowds rushing through thestreets... the sound of cannonand gunfire is becoming everlouder.... Cries of 'À bas le roi!', 'À la guillotine !!' can beheard...."[12]

The King ordered Maréchal AugusteMarmont, Duke of Ragusa, the on-dutyMajor-General of the Garde Royale, to repress the disturbances. Marmont was personally liberal, and opposed to theministry's policy, but was bound tightly to the King because he believed such to be his duty; and possibly because ofhis unpopularity for his generally perceived and widely criticized desertion of Napoleon in 1814.

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Marmont's plan was to have the Garde Royale and available line units of the city garrison guard the vitalthoroughfares and bridges of the city, as well as protect important buildings such as the Palais Royal, Palais deJustice, and the Hôtel de Ville. This plan was both ill considered and wildly ambitious. Not only were there notenough troops but, worse, from bullets to bread to clean drinking water, there were nowhere near enough provisions.The Garde Royale was mostly loyal for the moment, but the attached line units were wavering: a small but growingnumber of troops were deserting; some merely slipping away, others leaving, not caring who saw them.The 73-year-old Charles X, prudently remaining at Saint-Cloud, was kept abreast of the events in Paris, and assuredby his ministers that the troubles would end as soon as the rioters ran out of ammunition. After all, his ministersassured him, had not Marmont himself sent a report to His Majesty just the previous night assuring him all was undercontrol?In Paris, a committee of the liberal opposition, composed of banker-and-kingmaker Jacques Laffitte, Casimir Perier,Generals Étienne Gérard and Georges Mouton, comte de Lobau, among others, had drawn up and signed a petition inwhich, not surprisingly, they asked for the ordonnances to be withdrawn; more surprising was their criticism "not ofthe King, but his ministers" – thereby disproving Charles X's conviction that his liberal opponents were enemies ofhis dynasty."[13]

Battle outside the Hôtel de Ville, by Jean Victor Schnetz

After signing the petition, committee members wentdirectly to Marmont to beg for an end to the bloodshed,and to plead with him to become a mediator betweenSaint-Cloud and Paris. In the near-chaos of hisheadquarters, Marmont explained with tired patiencethat petitions and humble requests were all well andgood, but that the first step lay with the people of Paris– they must lay down their arms and return to theirhomes. Then, and only then, could there be talk.Discouraged but not despairing, the party then soughtout the king's chief minister, the haughty, eerily calmde Polignac – "Jeanne d'Arc en culottes" as he waswhisperingly called at Saint-Cloud. From Polignac theyreceived even less satisfaction. He refused to see them,perhaps because he knew that discussions would be awaste of time. Like Marmont, he knew that Charles X

considered the ordonnances vital to the safety and dignity of the throne of France. Thus, the King would notwithdraw the ordonnances.

At 4 pm, Charles X received Colonel Komierowski, one of Marmont's chief aides. The colonel was carrying a notefrom Marmont to his Majesty:

"Sire, it is no longer a riot, it is a revolution. It is urgent for Your Majesty to take measures forpacification. The honour of the crown can still be saved. Tomorrow, perhaps, there will be no moretime... I await with impatience Your Majesty's orders."[14]

The king asked Polignac for advice, and the advice was to resist. Meanwhile, in Paris, a group of serious men metand talked. The name of the duc d'Orléans was mentioned for the first time.

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Thursday, 29 July 1830: Day Three

Battle at the Rue de Rohan, by Hippolyte Lecomte

"They (the king and ministers)do not come to Paris", wrote thepoet, novelist and playwrightAlfred de Vigny, "people aredying for them ... Not oneprince has appeared. The poormen of the guard abandonedwithout orders, without breadfor two days, huntedeverywhere and fighting."[15]

Perhaps for the same reason, royalists werenowhere to be found; perhaps anotherreason was that now the révoltés were wellorganized and very well armed. In whatseemed like only a day and a night over4,000 barricades had been thrown up throughout the city; nearly every tree of any size in the city had been choppeddown to erect or strengthen these barricades; entire streets had had their cobble stones torn out for the same reasons.The tricolor flag of the revolutionaries – the "people's flag" – flew over buildings, an increasing number of themimportant buildings. Nowhere was there the white and gold flag of the Bourbon.

The arrival of the duc d'Orléans (Louis Phillipe)at the Palais-Royal, by Jean-Baptiste Carbillet

Marmont lacked either the initiative or the presence of mind to call foradditional troops from Saint-Denis, Vincennes, Lunéville orSaint-Omer; neither did he ask for help from reservists or thoseParisians still loyal to Charles X. Liberals swarmed to his headquartersdemanding the arrest of Polignac and the other ministers; conservativesand city leaders demanding he arrest the rioters and their puppetmasters. Marmont listened to them all with growing indifference, anddid nothing. Instead he awaited for orders from the king, just as hisking had commanded.By 1:30 pm, the Tuileries had fallen. It now seemed like an overturnedant-hill of radicals, rioters, and opportunists. What could not bepillaged was smashed to bits, or sent hurling through closed windowsto the ground below. "A man wearing a ball dress belonging to theduchesse de Berry, with feathers and flowers in his hair, screamedfrom a palace window: "Je reçois! Je reçois!" Others drank wine fromthe palace cellars."[16] It should be noted that the amount of lootingduring these three days was surprisingly little; not only at the Louvre –whose paintings and objets d'art were protected by the crowd – but the

Tuileries, the Palais de Justice, the Archbishop's Palace, and other places as well.

Earlier that day, the Louvre had fallen, and even more quickly. The Swiss Guards, seeing the mob swarming towardsthem, and manacled by the orders of Marmont not to fire unless fired upon first, ran away. They had no wish to sharethe fate of a similar contingent of Swiss Guards back in 1792, who had held their ground against another such moband were torn to pieces for their valour. By mid-afternoon came the greatest prize, the Hôtel de Ville, had been

captured. A few hours later, liberal politicians entered the battered complex and set about establishing a provisional government. Though there would be spots of fighting throughout the city for the next few days, the revolution, for all

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intents and purposes, was over.

Result

Louis-Phillipe going from the Palais Royal to the Hôtel de Ville, 31July 1830, by Horace Vernet

The revolution of July 1830 created a constitutionalmonarchy. Charles X abdicated rather than become alimited monarch and departed for Great Britain. In hisplace Louis Philippe of the House of Orléans wasplaced on the throne, and he agreed to rule as aconstitutional monarch. This period became known asthe July Monarchy.

The July Column, located on Place de la Bastille,commemorates the events of the Three Glorious Days.

One month after the revolution, in the United Kingdomof the Netherlands, the Belgian Revolution wouldcommence, leading to the establishment of anindependent Kingdom of Belgium.

References[1] Mansel, Philip, Paris Between Empires (St. Martin Press, New York 2001) p.198[2] Mansel, Philip, Paris Between Empires (St. Martin Press, New York 2001) p.200[3] Ledré, Charles La Presse à l'assaut de la monarchie. (1960). p.70.[4][4] Marie Amélie, 356; (17 April 1827); Antonetti, 527.[5][5] Duc de Dolberg, Castellan, II, 176 (letter 30 April 1827)[6] Mansel, Philip, Paris Between Empires (St. Martin Press, New York 2001) p. 238[7][7] Mansel, 2001, p.238[8] Pinkey, 83–84; Rémusat, Mémoires II, 313–314; Lendré 107[9] Pickney, David. The French Revolution of 1830 (Princeton 1972), p. 93.[10] Mansel, Philip, Paris Between Empires, (St. Martin Press, New York 2001) p.239.[11] Olivier, Juste, Paris en 1830, Journal (27 July 1830) p.244.[12] Olivier, Juste, Paris en 1830, Journal (28 July 1830) p.247.[13] Mansel, Philip, Paris Between Empires (St. Martin Press, New York 2001) p.245.[14] Mansel, Philip, Paris Between Empires (St. Martin Press, New York 2001) p.247.[15] de Vigny, Alfred, Journal d'un poète, 33, (29 July 1830).[16] Mémoires d'outre-tombe, III, 120; Fontaine II, 849 (letter of 9 August 1830).

Further reading• Pilbeam, Pamela (June 1989). "The Economic Crisis of 1827–32 and the 1830 Revolution in Provincial France".

The Historical Journal 32 (2): 319–338. doi:10.1017/S0018246X00012176.• Guy Antonetti, Louis-Philippe, Librairie Arthème Fayard, Paris, 2002 ISBN 2-213-59222-5• Pilbeam, Pamela (December 1983). "The 'Three Glorious Days': The Revolution of 1830 in Provincial France".

The Historical Journal 26 (4): 831–844.• Price, Roger (December 1974). "Legitimist Opposition to the Revolution of 1830 in the French Provinces". The

Historical Journal 17 (4): 755–778. doi:10.1017/S0018246X00007895.

Article Sources and Contributors 8

Article Sources and ContributorsJuly Revolution  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=479272614  Contributors: AJR, Ahoerstemeier, Altenmann, Angrense, Anotherclown, Ardfern, Atlant, Avoided, AxelBoldt,B-Machine, Banaticus, Beardo, Blue520, Bobblewik, BrianGV, Bryan Derksen, Cast, Classical Esther, Colonies Chris, Common Man, Cypher z, D6, Darkhorse08817, Darwinek,David.Monniaux, Den fjättrade ankan, Desertus Sagittarius, Deville, Dimadick, DocWatson42, Docu, Downtown dan seattle, Dpaajones, E.songhori, EdC, Epbr123, Equendil, Eyadhamid, EyalBairey, Fabartus, Facts707, Fawcett5, Fdewaele, Forthnoggin, Franchute, Frania Wisniewska, Funnyhat, Fwb44, G-Man, GJR, Gbog, Ghost609160, Giraffedata, Gomm, Ground Zero, Hillock65,Hobophobe, Howard Cheng, IZAK, Indisciplined, Itschris, JaGa, Jackohare, Jaraalbe, Jeltz, Jeroenbr, Jim1138, JoanneB, Joewot, Jusdafax, Kelvinc, KnowledgeOfSelf, Kuralyov, Lacrimosus,Lazulilasher, Leszek Jańczuk, Lockesdonkey, Lopakhin, Lucian Sunday, ML, Macrakis, Madchester, Madder, Malplaquet, Man vyi, Mary Frances Mc ALL-Bracken, Mawa, Maximilli, Mezod,Michael Hardy, Mikemoral, Molinari, Mona, MosheA, NYArtsnWords, Naddy, Neddyseagoon, Nmacri, North Shoreman, Northcarolinian, Octane, Ohconfucius, Paris 16, Pearle, PeterSymonds,Pgan002, Plrk, Pmc4ever, PrimeHunter, Rama, Rbb l181, Rcnyc, Renaissancee, Renata3, Rettetast, ReveRouge, Rjwilmsi, Robina Fox, Samtheboy, Seanconnors100, Shadowjams, Silverhorse,SimonP, Sjerickson07, Skyfaller, Smerus, Snoyes, Spirit469, StAnselm, Stewy5714, StuRat, Symplectic Map, TUF-KAT, Tazmaniacs, Texture, The Anome, TheEgyptian, TheMandarin,TheStripèdOne, Theo F, Tim!, Tmangray, Tony1, Top.Squark, Tothebarricades.tk, TylerTrum, Unknownpeople1212, Voyevoda, WRK, Wally, Welshentag, Wikimancer, Wilcoxishistory,Woohookitty, Wumhenry, Xhienne, XxBrown Pridexx, Yohan euan o4, Zargulon, Ze miguel, 202 anonymous edits

Image Sources, Licenses and ContributorsFile:Eugène Delacroix - La liberté guidant le peuple.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Eugène_Delacroix_-_La_liberté_guidant_le_peuple.jpg  License: PublicDomain  Contributors: 1970gemini, Aavindraa, Alvaro qc, Anetode, Arnomane, Berrucomons, Better than Hustler, Bibi Saint-Pol, Cantons-de-l'Est, Dbenbenn, Didactohedron, Encephalon,FoeNyx, Husky, J JMesserly, Jarekt, Jean-Frédéric, Julia W, Kelson, Makthorpe, Marianika, Martin H., Mattes, Mglanznig, Miniwark, Mmxx, Nguyên Lê, Olivier2, Paris 16, PawełMM,Plindenbaum, Pline, Pyb, Ranveig, The art master, Thierry Caro, Thuresson, Trycatch, Tsui, Warburg, た ね, と あ る 白 い 猫, 12 anonymous editsImage:Lar7 cogniet 001z.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Lar7_cogniet_001z.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Alexandrin, Erri4a, Man vyi, Olivier2,Pmsyyz, Rama, Tancrède, TwoWings, XhienneFile:Prise de l'Hôtel de ville - le Pont d'Arcole.JPG  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Prise_de_l'Hôtel_de_ville_-_le_Pont_d'Arcole.JPG  License: Public Domain Contributors: J JMesserly, Paris 16, Sammyday, TimeshifterFile:Révolution de 1830 - Combat devant l'hôtel de ville - 28.07.1830.jpg  Source:http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Révolution_de_1830_-_Combat_devant_l'hôtel_de_ville_-_28.07.1830.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Alexandrin, AnRo0002, Bukk, JJMesserly, Justelipse, Man vyi, Mathiasrex, Paris 16, 2 anonymous editsFile:Révolution de 1830 - Combat de la rue de Rohan - 29.07.1830.jpg  Source:http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Révolution_de_1830_-_Combat_de_la_rue_de_Rohan_-_29.07.1830.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Alexandrin, Bukk, Calliopejen, JJMesserly, Justelipse, Kilom691, LBE, Man vyi, Mu, Pline, Siren-ComFile:Arrivée du Duc d'Orléans au Palais-Royal.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Arrivée_du_Duc_d'Orléans_au_Palais-Royal.jpg  License: Public Domain Contributors: Darwinius, Paris 16File:Vernet - 31 juillet 1830 - Louis-Philippe quitte le Palais-Royal.jpg  Source:http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Vernet_-_31_juillet_1830_-_Louis-Philippe_quitte_le_Palais-Royal.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Alexandrin, AnRo0002, Bohème,Bukk, Coyau, Darwinius, Docu, Equendil, Evrik, J JMesserly, Justelipse, Kilom691, LBE, Man vyi, Mu, Paris 16, 2 anonymous edits

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