was there a joint nautical venture on the mediterranean...

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Was There a Joint Nautical Venture on the Mediterranean Sea by Tyrian Phoenicians

and Early Israelites?*Barry J. Beitzel

Department of Old Testament and Semitic Languages Trinity Evangelical Divinity School

2065 Half Day Road Deerfield, IL 60015

[email protected]

There existed somewhere on the Mediterranean Sea an Iron Age site or sites known outside the Bible as “Tarshish” by Phoenicians, Assyrians, and possibly by Canaan-ites. Evidence indicates that on at least one occasion, a site identified as Tarshish was occupied by an early Phoenician military force, as Phoenicians are otherwise known to have been navigating a broad sweep of the Mediterranean as early as the tenth cen-tury b.c. This essay’s conceptual premise is that this evidence is sufficient to challenge the so-called generic interpretation of “Tarshish” and “the ship(s) of Tarshish” often referenced in respect to the Hebrew Bible and may even be sufficient to entertain the notion that the Solomonic narratives relating to Tarshish be accorded a certain measure of historical plausibility.

introduction

Historical notices in the Hebrew Bible seem to speak of a maritime partnership between Tyrian Phoenicia and early Israel, accord-

ing to which Hiram and Solomon commissioned one joint merchant fleet on the Red Sea which sailed to the destination port of Ophir (1 Kgs 9:26–28; 10:11–12; 2 Chr 8:17–18; 9:10–11) and another fleet on the Mediterranean Sea which traveled as far as Tarshish (1 Kgs 10:22; 2 Chr 9:21). The text indicates that the Red Sea operation, whatever its nature, focused almost exclusively on exploiting the gold resources of Ophir (located either in East Africa or in the southwestern Arabian Peninsula; Moritz 1923: 65–117), while, by contrast, it appears the royal fleet [אניות למלך] on the

Mediterranean would return from Tarshish with more varied cargoes (cf. Lipiński 1991: 5–6; 2004: 225–26). How many times or with what frequency the vessels may have plied the Red Sea we are not told, but both the Deuteronomist and the Chronicler indicate that voyages to Tarshish would return every three years (1 Kgs 10:22b; 2 Chr 9:21b).

A number of influential historians today regard Hiram’s partnership with Solomon on the Red Sea as a reliable tradition (e.g., Miller and Hayes 2006: 194, 206–11; Miller 1997: 11; Katzenstein 1996: 1.244–45; Soggin 1984: 78; cf. Ahlström 1993: 518; Aubet 2001: 64–68; Malamat 2004: 190–98, 203–7; Liverani 1991: 68–73, but see now 2005: 100)1—one that would have to be characterized as a plausible argument lacking any sort of external corroboration (see below)—whereas many of these same authorities view any such nautical enterprise on the Mediterra-nean with great skepticism, perceiving in this case that

1 In another iteration, Ikeda (1991: 113–25) understands these texts to mean that Hiram’s men constructed “ships of Tarshish” for Solomon at their shipyards in Phoenicia and then dispatched them to a port along the Jaffa coast, where they were dismantled, trans-shipped overland to Ezion-geber, and subsequently reassembled there to sail the Red Sea to Ophir.

* An earlier draft of this essay was presented at the annual meet-ing of the American Schools of Oriental Research, San Diego, 16 November 2007. I am grateful to the members of the audience for their helpful comments. In particular, I wish to express apprecia-tion to Ayelet Gilboa, who kindly drew my attention to the recent discovery of materials at Huelva, Spain. My essay also has benefited immensely from several stimulating conversations with Carolina López-Ruiz and from the attentive critique of my colleague Law-son Younger.

38 BARRY J. BEITZEL BASOR 360

the biblical historians were engaging in hyperbole, tendentiously describing in grandiose style a “golden age” of Solomon.2 Moreover, or perhaps as a result, a great many biblical scholars conflate all these texts into a single maritime activity and locate the undertak-ing on the Red Sea, either on literary-critical grounds or on the strength of an account that describes a failed nautical venture of Jehoshaphat (see below). As a consequence, a very broad spectrum of contemporary scholarship embraces the notion that the biblical ex-pression “the ship(s) of Tarshish” in its original usage represents either a poetic or mythic designation for the Sea generally or must denote a certain type of nautical vessel of oceangoing quality or size.

This essay aims at presenting key evidence to undergird two propositions: (1) that there existed on the Mediterranean Sea an Iron Age site or sites known outside the Bible by Phoenicians, Assyrians, and pos-sibly by Canaanites, as “Tarshish,” which was oc-cupied on at least one occasion by Phoenicians; and (2) that early Phoenicians were navigating a broad sweep of the Mediterranean by the tenth century b.c. I believe this evidence is sufficient to challenge the ge-neric understanding of “Tarshish” and “the ship(s) of Tarshish” referenced above and may even be sufficient to entertain the notion that the Solomonic narratives relating to Tarshish in the Hebrew Bible be accorded a certain level of historical plausibility.

tarshish: a geographic location on the mediterranean sea

The burden of my quest must inevitably commence with the word “Tarshish” itself, a lexeme found in both the Bible and Near Eastern literature. Beyond its ap-pearance in the Bible as a personal name (e.g., Gen 10:4; 1 Chr 7:10) or a precious stone or jewel (e.g., Exod 28:20; Ezek 1:16; Dan 10:6), Tarshish occurs some 10 times as an element in the expression “the ship(s) of Tarshish” (e.g., 1 Kgs 10:22; 22:49; Isa 2:16; 23:1; 60:9; Ezek 27:25), and 14 times as a place-name, often in association with the port cities of Tyre (e.g.,

2 The element of hyperbole or even ideologically driven glorifi-cation is sometimes found in ancient Near Eastern literature relating to royalty—whether in the context of personal accomplishments, military victories, architectural achievements, wisdom and wealth, or large and inflated numbers—where its usage is understood not to be inherently incompatible with an essentially historical reading of a text (e.g., Barr 2000: 59–101; Frendo 2004: 41–61; see also Liverani 2005: 99–100; Mazar 2003: 89; 2007: 143–45, 164–66).

Isa 23:1, 10–15) or Joppa (e.g., Jon 1:3), the island of Cyprus (e.g., Ezek 27:7–12), the region of Ionia (e.g., Isa 66:19), the islands/coastlands (e.g., Isa 23:6; Ps 72:10; cf. HALOT 1.38), or other places located in the Mediterranean world.3 Given these latter 24 citations, Tarshish is actually the most frequently attested place-name in the Bible located outside of Canaan.

When one turns to the early4 extra-biblical refer-ences to “Tarshish,” a similar conclusion situating the entity in proximity to the Mediterranean must be drawn. Parenthetically, while the current number of attestations is limited, these reflect remarkable di-versity, in terms of geographic distribution, linguis-tic differentiation, and social function. We note first an eight-line Phoenician dedicatory inscription acci-dentally discovered in a secondary usage very near the archaeological site of Nora, located on the south coast of Sardinia (KAI 46 = CIS 1.144; see fig. 1). The 1.05-m limestone stele is dated palaeographi-cally to the ninth century (Cross 1972: 13–14; 1986: 118–20; so Bunnens 1979: 40; Gibson 1982: 25; Röl-lig 1983a: 127–28; Lemaire 2007: 282; Rollston 2008: 77); it describes a military force under the direction of a Phoenician officer [ngd] (cf. Krahmalkov 2002: 213) named Milkûtôn. According to Peckham (1972: 459–60; cf. Ahlström 1991: 43), Milkûtôn’s militia had been defeated in battle and driven from (a place called) Tarshish [btršš],5 but it had subsequently ar-rived safely in Sardinia [bšrdn]. Milkûtôn and his men would now be able to live in peace in Sardinia and, as a result, the officer dedicated the inscription to his god Pummay. In contrast to the analysis of Peckham,

3 Further support for Tarshish as a designated place may be found in verbs associated with the name: הלך (e.g., 1 Kgs 22:48 [MT 49]), ברח (e.g., Jon 1:3a; 4:2, plus -ה directive), בוא (e.g., Jon 1:3b, plus -ה directive), and אבר (e.g., Isa 23:6, plus -ה directive). See also מתרשיש יובא in Jer 10:9a.

4 Later classical literature also attests to the lexeme “Tarshish” (see Hippolitus of Rome, Chronicle 71; Chronographer of a.d. 354, Libro de la generacion del Mundo 1.73; Hilarianus, Origen del genero humano 183; Crónica Alejandrina 50 [Bauer and Strzy-gowski 1906: 101]), but such documentation is too late to be helpful in the present discussion. On the other hand, it may be of interest to note that Burke (2006) has found the name “Tarshish” attached to two small very ancient sites in inland Lebanon, though a precise occupational profile of these sites is presently unknown.

5 The view of Dupont-Sommer (1948: 15–16, 21–22) and Delcor (1968: 331–34, 351–52)—who read the line in question as bt-rš-ʾš (“house/temple of the headland/cape of [Nogar]”), instead of b-tršš (“from/in/at Tarshish”)—has already been critiqued by Gibson (1982: 25–27, and nn. 1–2). For an in-depth philological and lexicographical treatment of the Nora Stone, refer to Zuckerman 1991; see also Lipiński 2004: 234–43.

39PHOENICIANS AND ISRAELITES: A NAUTICAL VENTURE?2010

Cross (1972; 2003) understands the Nora Stone to be describing Milkûtôn’s victory over native Sardinian forces at Tarshish. Now able to live at peace among the vanquished Sardinians with his troops, Milkûtôn forthwith erected this stele dedicated/addressed to his king Pummay (= Pygmalion, king of Tyre). Despite these other lingering interpretational uncertainties sur-rounding the Nora Stone, it is commonly taken as fact today that tršš in line 1ʹ makes reference to a given place-name.

Scholars working on this text have sought to locate Tarshish in northern Sardinia itself (Neiman 1965: 115 n. 13; Cross 1972: 15–16; Krahmalkov 2000: 499) or somewhere east or southeast of Sardinia (Ahlström 1991: 44), while others argue that the logic of the situ-ation described in the stele requires Tarshish to have been situated beyond the island of Sardinia from the

viewpoint of the Phoenician homeland (i.e., to the west of Sardinia), probably in coastal Spain (Peck-ham 1972: 466–68; 1998: 352; Elat 1982: 60–62; but see del Castillo 2003). Whatever the case, here is an unambiguous reference to an Iron Age place-name known as “Tarshish” that seems to require its place-ment somewhere on or immediately adjacent to the western sector of the Mediterranean Sea. The stele makes equally clear the fact that this site had been occupied by a Phoenician military force, perhaps from Tyre, which lends strong support to the supposition that, by this date, Phoenicians were substantially in-volved in the western Mediterranean in the kind of sys-tematic activities that required some form of sustained security there.

A second extra-biblical attestation of the name occurs in a seventh-century Esarhaddon stone slab found at Assur (KAH 1.75 = Assur 3916 = Istanbul 6262; cf. Borger 1967: 86–89; Parpola 1970: 349; see fig. 2). This alabaster inscription was apparently de-signed to commemorate some of the Assyrian king’s greatest architectural and political accomplishments. It declares that Esarhaddon, having vanquished Tyre—described as an island in the middle of the sea (cf. Ezek 27:32)—proceeded to tread on the brook of Egypt and to conquer Egypt, Pathros, and Nubia, carrying away much booty from king Tirhakah’s realm (note the Assyrian’s preoccupation with Tirhakah in other carved stelae and reliefs—e.g., Pritchard 1954: 154 [#447]). Finally, and perhaps with some exaggeration and flourish, Esarhaddon’s scribe brings this literary piece to a crescendo by boasting that “all the kings who live in the middle of the sea [šá MURUB4 tâm-tim; cf. CAD 8.144b; 18.153a; AHw 888b]6—from the land of Yadnana [ultu māt Ya-da-na-na = Cyprus (Bagg 2007: 121–22; Grayson 1991a: 127)],7 (and) the land of Yaman [māt Ya-mān = Ionia, the area of a first-millennium Greek settlement on the coastlands of southwestern Asia Minor and/or its adjacent islands, written Yam/wan in neo-Assyrian and neo-Babylonian records],8 as far as the land of Tarshish [a-di māt

6 The wide majority of citations of the expression MURUB4 tâm-tim refer generically to the sea itself (e.g., CAD 13.7; 18.152–53) or to what in the early first millennium b.c. would have been islands in the middle of the sea (e.g., Cyprus [Bagg 2007: 121–22]; Arvad [Bagg 2007: 27–29], Tyre [Bagg 2007: 235–37], Sidon [Bagg 2007: 226–29], or Dilmun [CAD 13.7a; 18.154a]).

7 See also his prism B, where Esarhaddon claimed sovereignty over “10 kings of Yadnana” (cf. Parpola 1970: 183; J. Smith 2008: 275–78).

8 Assyrian written sources as early as Sargon II attest to a “land of Yaman/Yamanians” (written Ya-man, Ya-man-a-a, or

Fig. 1. The Nora Stone (KAI 46 = CIS 1.144). Courtesy of the Ministry of Heritage and Cultural Activities—Superinten-dent for Archaeological Heritage of the provinces of Cagliari and Oristano.


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Tar-si-si; for this reading, consult Borger 1967: 86 and n. 10; Bagg 2007: 251]9—fell at my feet and presented me with heavy tribute” (refer to CAD 8.144–45 for Esarhaddon’s use of this expression elsewhere; cf. 17/2.297a). The scene concludes with the summary statement: “(Thus) I established (my) dominion over the kings of the four quarters (of the world).”

Ya-am-na-a-a) and sparingly to a “land of Yauna/Yaunians” (writ-ten Ya-ú-na or Ya-ú-na-a-a; consult Parpola 1970: 186–87; Bagg 2007: 123–24, 129). The “land of Yaman” is arguably related to bib-lical Yāwān and classical Ionia (Saggs 1963: 77–78; Zadok 1985: 186–88; Brinkman 1989: 54–55, 66–67; Belmonte Marín 2001: 339–40; López-Ruiz 2009: 260), situated on the western horizon from an Assyrian perspective. In the annalistic literature of Sar-gon, the Yamanians are regularly listed in contexts with Arab tribes who otherwise are said to live “in the faraway [Syrian] desert” (e.g., Tamudi, Ibādidi, Marsīmani, Ḫayapā; cf. ANET 286a), with politi-cal/ethnic entities located in south-central Asia Minor (e.g., Que, Ḫilakku, Šinuḫti, Muski, Kaski, Tabāl, Bīt-Purūtaš, Gurgum), and/or with still other entities positioned in the southern fringe of the Levant (e.g., Samaria, Bīt-Ḫumrî, Ashdod, Gaza, Egypt at Raphia) (cf. Lemaire 2000: 54–62). These names occur in stock phrases, in no particular pattern or discernible sequence, that generally ap-pear in segments where Sargon’s scribes are somewhat boastfully summarizing what might be called the outer limits of his far-flung military exploits. However, in contradistinction to all the other enti-ties, the Yamanians are explicitly associated with the Mediterranean Sea, being repeatedly described as “those who live in the middle of the sea” (e.g., Gadd 1954: 199, pl. 51; cf. CAD 15.146a), “those who live like fish in the middle of the sea” (e.g., Fuchs 1994: 359; cf. CAD 11/2.340a; 18.7a), or “those who live like fish in the middle of the sea of the setting Sun” (e.g., Fuchs 1994: 76; cf. CAD 4.269a; 17/1.336). Whatever else can be said about the location of Yaman in neo-Assyrian literature, it was clearly a western locale on the sea and/or reached by sea. In view of the fact that we have no record of a Sargon II campaign on the Mediterranean west of Cyprus, it has been suggested that neo-Assyrian Yamanians were nautical predators from the area known in the classical period as Ionia (e.g., Herodotus 1.142, 148; 2.178; Strabo 2.5.31; cf. BAGRW, map 56 [D5]), who periodically engaged the Assyrians in naval hostilities along the Cilician coastal regions (Röllig 1976–80: 150; Brinkman 1989: 56; Fuchs 1994: 440). This kind of aggression is very likely to have been triggered by the fact that, as early as the reign of Sargon, Assyria’s ever-widening northwestern extremity extended overland as far as Phrygia, less than 200 km from the Yamanian heartland (Parpola 2003: 99–103). While traditionally the “land of Yauna” has been equated with Yaman and was thus also located in Ionia (Saggs 1963: 77–78; 2001: 165; Brinkman 1989: 55; Fales and Postgate 1992: 56), Naʾaman (2004a; 2004b) has recently suggested that Ya-man and Yauna were separate geographical entities, the latter theo-retically to be located along the northern Phoenician coast at Ras el-Bassit (classical Posideion; cf. Courbin 1990), some 33 km north of Latakya and adjacent to the southern flanks of Mt. Cassius (see BAGRW, map 68 [A2]).

9 For West Semitic /š/ represented by cuneiform /s/ in place-names, consult Naʾaman 2004a: 35–36.

This inscription makes plain that Assyrians knew of a geographical place10 called “Tarshish” that ap-pears to have been situated somewhere in the Mediter-ranean (so Bunnens 1979: 330–48, esp. 341; Lipiński 1992c: 440; 1995b: col. 780; Lemaire 2000; contra del Castillo 2004). And if one assumes a logical geographic, directional progression in Esarhaddon’s pronouncement—“from Cyprus, and Ionia, as far as Tarshish”11—a location for Tarshish somewhere west or north of the southwestern Asia Minor coastline would seem to be in view (cf. López-Ruiz 2009: 260; Lipiński 2004: 226–27; Koch 1984: 103–9; Elat 1982: 57–58). One should note in passing a similar juxta-position of Tarshish and Ionia in Isaiah (66:19) and observe that Ezekiel’s lamentation over Tyre (chap. 27) makes mention of Cyprus (v. 7b), Ionia (v. 13a), and Tarshish (v. 12) in one and the same context (cf. Liverani 1991: 66–72).

A third Near Eastern text mentioning Tarshish, more recently published out of the Shlomo Moussa-ïeff collection by Bordreuil, Israel, and Pardee (1996: 49–61; 1998: 2–7), is a seventh-century five-line Old Hebrew ostracon of unknown provenance and uncer-tain authenticity. Taken at face value, the document speaks of an individual who commands that three shekels of silver from Tarshish [ksp tr/šš] be donated to the temple of Yahweh [byt yhwh]. In their detailed analysis of what they regard as an authentic ostracon (1996: 75–76), Bordreuil, Israel, and Pardee situate the site of Tarshish on the Mediterranean Sea, most likely the western Mediterranean (1996: 54–55; 1998: 5). Of course, this question of the ostracon’s authentic-ity remains methodologically pivotal to any interpreta-tion, and thus caution is warranted.12

10 Repeated use of the territorial semantic indicator KUR/mātu with Yadnana, Yaman, and Tarshish provides unmistakable indica-tion that geographical entities are involved.

11 For the idiom ultu . . . adi denoting a succession of directional points in space, also employed elsewhere by Esarhaddon, refer to CAD 1/1.116b; 7.286b; cf. GAG §§114j–k, 118e–f; see also Bun-nens 1979: 314. Lipiński (2004: 227) suggests that the notion of extensive royal authority is similarly expressed in Ps 72:10, where “kings of Tarshish and the islands” is paired poetically with “kings of Sheba and Seba.”

12 Two unprovenanced ostraca from the Moussaïeff collection were originally published together by Bordreuil, Israel, and Pardee (see now CoS 2.174–75 [2.50–“Temple of the Lord ostracon,” which mentions “silver from Tarshish”]; 3.86–87 [3.44–“Widow’s Plea ostracon”]). Leading epigraphers are in substantial agreement that both ostraca were written by the same hand; therefore, to dem-onstrate that one is a forgery would be to dismiss the other simulta-neously from historical consideration. Berlejung and Schüle (1998) judge the ostraca to be of dubious authenticity, based largely on


Furthermore, aside from the provenance and au-thenticity question, this text is actually the least help-ful in our geographical quest, though it does clearly demarcate Tarshish as a geographical place (Dobbs-Allsopp et al. 2005: 569; Davies 2005: 161), one somehow related to silver (cf. 1 Kgs 10:22; 2 Chr 9:21; Isa 60:9; Jer 10:9; Ezek 27:12).13 With or without the Moussaïeff ostracon, however, a cogent argument can be advanced from both biblical and Near Eastern literatures that “Tarshish” consistently denoted the name of an ancient historical site or sites that must have been situated somewhere in the Mediterranean world.14

their analysis of the Widow’s Plea ostracon, according to which certain lexemes found there are elsewhere thought to be attested only in post-exilic literature (their argument has been effectively vitiated by the work of Lemaire [1999: 5–8]). Ephʿal and Naveh (1998) raise serious doubts about the genuineness of the ostraca, basing their appraisal on problematic features of palaeography and on the phenomenally striking number of epigraphic parallels found in previously published Iron Age sources and in the MT. Accord-ing to Rollston (2003: 135–73), a strange alchemy of orthographic irregularities, graphemic anomalies, and both early and late palaeo-graphic forms renders the ostraca as modern forgeries. Pardee (per-sonal communication) continues to regard the ostraca as authentic (cf. Shanks 1997: 31, which reports on palaeographic dates assigned the ostraca by Yardeni, Cross, and McCarter). It seems unlikely that this can be resolved at the present time.

13 In this regard, one is reminded of the eighth-century Hebrew ostracon found atop Tell Qasile that mentions “the gold of Ophir” (cf. 1 Kgs 9:28; e.g., Maisler 1950–1951: 204, 209–10; Mazar 1993; cf. Dobbs-Allsopp et al. 2005: 403–4). Classical attempts to link the Phoenicians with the Red Sea based on an association of the Greek word φοινίκεος and the “Red” Sea (e.g., Pomponius Mela, Choro-graphia 3.8.72–73) have rightly been rejected by Semitic scholars (see Röllig 1983b: 80 n. 12).

14 The vexed question of the location of Tarshish has given rise to a massive bibliography. To the more than a dozen identifications of Tarshish helpfully summarized and assessed in the works of Koch (1984), Lemaire (2000), Lipiński (2004: 225–65), Padilla Monge (2006: 233–36), and López-Ruiz (2009: 258–68), one can add the site of Rhodes (Speiser 1964: 66). Though this intriguing question may be tangential, it does not bear materially upon the central aims of the present essay, beyond the impelling consideration that relates Tarshish to a historical site or sites located in the Mediterranean world (i.e., not in coastal East Africa, the Arabian Peninsula, or India; or not adopting one of the generic options). That said, I wish to add three caveats. While archaeological research over the past 30–35 years having to do with the Phoenicians and the Mediter-ranean has generally contributed to a more positive assessment of the reliability of classical sources and dates (e.g., Throckmorton 1987: 92; Casson 1991: 18; Niemeyer 1993: 337; Lipiński 1995a: 1326–31; Moscati 1999a: 47–48; Fantar 1999: 199–201; Krah-malkov 2002: 208–15; Coldstream 2003: 247–49; Neville 2007: 83–85; Dietler and López-Ruiz 2009: 299–300), in my judgment a methodology that seeks to locate Tarshish fundamentally on this basis continues to be unavailing. Similarly, I find a purely linguistic/

The semantic field of “the ship(s) of Tarshish” -is likewise central to my investiga [אני/אניות תרשיש]tion. How is one to understand this biblical phrase-ology? May it be construed generically to connote a certain type or quality of seaworthy vessel, without regard to any possible geographical denotation? The ancient world was certainly familiar with nautical expressions of a generic type, such as “ships of the sea,” “ships of trade,” “ships of war,” and the like. Ancient literature attests, for example, to “large ships,” “small ships,” “passenger ships,” “royal ships,” “fish-ing ships,” “deep-going ships,” “planked ships,” “cargo ships,” “merchant ships,” “ships of reeds,” “ships with battering rams,” “ships with sails,” “ships with rows,” “ferries,” “ships of a [particular] deity” (e.g., Enlil, Ea, Anu, Osiris, Amon-Re; refer to Mäkelä 2002: 150–51), “ships of a [particular] provincial gov-ernor or king” (e.g., Baʿal, Thutmose III, Ramesses II), “ships of a [particular] sea captain/owner” (e.g., refer to Yardeni 1994: 73–76; Hoftijzer and van Soldt 1998: 337–43), or “ships of a [particular] people” (e.g., Hit-tites, Egyptians, Tjekker); it can make reference to various parts of a ship or to different types of military vessels used in combat (e.g., Kamose at Avaris; Ra-messes III against the Sea Peoples) (consult Strömberg Krantz 1982: 32–74; Bikai 1992: 134; Bartoloni 1999;

etymological approach to this question to be strained, unconvincing, and even complicating. Such an approach is sometimes manifested, for example, in connection with the two Mediterranean locations of Tarshish most prominently embraced today: (1) Tartessos in Iberia (but that root appears to be √turt/d-, whether of Greek or Iberian extraction; Celestino and López-Ruiz 2003: 22–23; Padilla Monge 2006: 237–39; López-Ruiz 2009: 261–63; cf. Correa 1992), and (2) Tarsus in Cilicia (but that root appears to be √trz in neo-Assyrian; Parpola 1970: 349; Bagg 2007: 251–52; Lipiński 1991: 4; Lebrun 1992: 59; cf. Bron 1979: 183). In the former instance, it is diffi-cult to see how the etymon Tartessos can be related to any Semitic root, aside from a searching conjecture of one sort or another (e.g., Gordon 1978). And even if in the latter instance one were to at-tempt to construct a linguistic identity by appealing to two Hittite texts where the name of Tarsus is written Tarša (cf. del Monte and Tischler 1978: 408), in my view there remains the serious etymo-logical/orthographic dilemma of having to explain the presence of the second sibilant written at the end of the word in Phoenician, Hebrew, and neo-Assyrian, as Lemaire (2000: 53–54) recognizes. Finally, I would argue that attempting to locate Tarshish on the ba-sis of distinctive metalliferous richness in either Iberian Tartessos or Cilician Tarsus is futile, as both regions have historically pos-sessed more than ample and varied mineral resources (consult, in this regard, Fernández Jurado 2002; Padilla Monge 2006: 239–42). It seems to me that the best way forward in the present conundrum of attempting to locate Tarshish still resides in the analysis of the admittedly sketchy clues found in epigraphic sources from high an-tiquity, augmented where possible with a growing body of clear and sustainable archaeological support.


Aubet 2001: 174–75; Artzy 2003: 242–43; Monroe 2009: 89–93; Routledge and McGeough 2009: 25).

In vivid contradistinction to all of this, however, one finds the expression “the ship(s) of X,” where “X” is otherwise demonstrably known to have been a geographical entity. This turns out to be fairly com-mon in antiquity. Thus, for example, early Akkadian literature describing the seafaring merchants of Ur and Eridu is replete with references to “the ship(s) of Magan,” “the ship(s) of Meluḫḫa,” and “the ship(s) of Dilmun.” While the exact location of these places continues to be a topic of some discussion (Magan = Oman, Meluḫḫa = Indus Valley, Dilmun = eastern Saudi Arabia?), it is indisputable without exception in these early texts that the “X” element specifies a particular geographical locale. At the same time, Mesopotamian literature occasionally refers to “the ship(s) of Akkad,” “the ship(s) of Aššur,” “the ship(s) of Mari,” or “the ship(s) of Ur.” Similarly, East and West Semitic and/or Egyptian texts make mention of “the ship(s) of Arvad,” “the ship(s) of Carchem-ish,” “the ship(s) of Ugarit,” “the ship(s) of Lukka/Lycia,” “the ship(s) of Punt,” “the ship(s) of Gebal/Byblos,” “the ship(s) of Kittim/Cyprus,” “the ship(s) of Keftiu/Kaptaru/Crete”; Hittite literature references “the ship(s) of Aḫḫiyawa/Achaea.”15 Once again, it should be quite clear in all these instances that the “X” element represents a known geographical entity and that the expressions originally designated either the destination point or the provenance of the respective vessels (Padilla Monge 1994: 56; 2006: 233–34; cf. Wachsmann 1990: 78; Bass and Wachsmann 1997: 34; López-Ruiz 2009: 256).

Over time an original geographical denotation may have shifted, as when Dilmun, apparently originally situated in what is today eastern Saudi Arabia (so Larsen 1983: 16–18; Potts 1995: 1455), was relocated in the Ur III period to the island of Bahrain (cf. Edzard and Farber 1974: 193; Englund 1983: 35–37; Potts 1990: 85–86). Similarly, Meluḫḫa, though originally located somewhere near the Indus Valley (so Edzard, Farber, and Sollberger 1977: 121; Alster 1983: 41; Potts 1990: 154–58), was shifted to Nubia by the ad-vent of the neo-Assyrian period (cf. Heimpel 1993: 53–55; Zadok 1985: 311–12; Parpola 1970: 245–46); and Magan, originally positioned at or near Oman (so

15 In what is perhaps another example of “the ship(s) of X,” Tal (2009) has recently argued that the ledger entry “the ships of kzd/ry” found in a customs account at Elephantine refers to the geographi-cal site Tell Ghazza/Tel Yaʿoz, located near the mouth of the Naḥal Sorek on the Plain of Philistia.

Edzard and Farber 1974: 114–15; Edzard, Farber, and Sollberger 1977: 113–14; Nashef 1982: 182; Vallet 1993: 163–64), came to denote part of Egypt or Nubia in neo-Assyrian texts (cf. Alster 1983: 41; Heimpel 1988: 196; Potts 1995: 1456; Parpola 1970: 234). Thus, the “ship(s) of Dilmun,” “ship(s) of Meluḫḫa,” or “ship(s) of Magan” in these later literatures had apparently come to designate a completely different geographical arena.

Likewise, an original geographical denotation may have evolved in its meaning or application and even become obscured, as when a “ship of Meluḫḫa” or a “ship of Dilmun” was later called a “magillu-ship” (a kind of boat; so CAD 10/1.44b; AHw 576b) or possibly a “mabba-ship” (a seagoing vessel; so Alster 1983: 71 n. 77; cf. CAD 1/1.221; 10/1.77), when “ship(s) of Ge-bal/Byblos” evolved into a generic expression for any seagoing craft (so Ward 2010: 43; Bietak 2006: 290), or when “ship(s) of Keftiu/Kaptaru/Crete” came to designate Mediterranean travel to many different des-tinations (so King 1999: 96*; cf. Ahlström 1991: 47).16 This, in fact, appears to be the case with the only other usage of the expression “the ship(s) of X” in the Bible (Dan 11:29–30; cf. 1 Macc 1:16–28; 2 Macc 5:1–11; Polybius 29.27), where “the ships of Kittim/Cyprus” arguably relates to the arrival in Egypt of a Roman fleet commanded by Gaius Popilius Laenas from vari-ous points in the Mediterranean, including Rome (e.g., Hartman and Di Lella 1978: 270–71, 297–99; Mont-gomery 1979: 455).

In these situations, however, there seems always to have been a historical antecedent to this evolution that originally related to the location of a given ship’s

16 In an effort to obtain its prized and fascinating commodities—especially myrrh trees and aromatics, but also exotic animals and animal skins, ebony, ivory, electrum, and gold—Egyptian monarchs from at least as early as the Sixth Dynasty, and regularly thereaf-ter, dispatched their ships to the proverbial land of Punt, located in eastern Sudan, south of Egypt and west of the Red Sea (Lichtheim 1975–80: 1.23–27; Kitchen 2004; 2005: 7–12). Nevertheless, in the poetic “hymn of Amon-Re”—part of the large, granite stele of Amenhotep III originally placed in his mortuary temple but later ap-propriated by Merneptah and known today on its reverse side as the so-called Israel Stele—Amenhotep celebrated some of his outstand-ing accomplishments on behalf of his deity: to the south he forced the wretched Kushite princes to bow in surrender before Amon-Re, to the north he caused the countries of Asia to bring heavy tribute, to the west he surrounded the Libyans so that none could escape, and to the east he forced the lands of Punt into submission (ANET 375–76; Lichtheim 1975–1980: 2.46–47). In this case, it appears that Punt was not a precisely defined geographical entity south of Egypt and west of the Red Sea, but it had evolved into an abstract region located somewhere in the direction of the sunrise.


destination or provenance. In other words, whenever the expression “the ship(s) of X” was applied to a different geographical arena or came to be applied generically, this appears to be only a secondary or de-rivative application, not a native original application. I am aware of no exception to this in ancient literature. To argue, therefore, that the biblical expression “the ship(s) of Tarshish” originally designated some type of generic oceangoing vessel, or that the phraseology must be interpreted as such even in what is arguably its earliest historical attestation in the Bible (Koch 1984: 9–28), flies in the face of this documentation and ap-pears to represent an assertion that must stand without the benefit of evidentiary support from antiquity.

If what I am advocating here were to be the case, how then is one to understand the texts relating to Je-hoshaphat, the linchpin material utilized in the support of a generic interpretation of Tarshish and an account that unmistakably places both Tarshish and the ships of Tarshish on the Red Sea, not the Mediterranean (1 Kgs 22:48–49 [MT 49–50]; 2 Chr 20:35–37)? Ac-cording to the account in Kings, Jehoshaphat—on his own—constructed at Ezion-geber ships of Tarshish in-tended to travel to Ophir for gold [אניות תרשיש ללכת but these were destroyed in the port before ,[אופירהthey could depart. Apparently at that point, Ahaziah king of Israel suggested some sort of joint nautical undertaking, but his proposal was rejected by the Ju-dahite monarch. In the more amplified and somewhat divergent rendition found in Chronicles, Jehoshaphat from the start joined with Ahaziah in building ships at Ezion-geber to go to Tarshish [לעשות אניות ללכת But in response to their joint initiative, judged .[תרשישby the Chronicler to be wicked, a prophet from Mare-shah—Eliezer—announced to Jehoshaphat that the Lord would destroy his ships. The account concludes that the ships were wrecked, at an unspecified location, and were not able to go to Tarshish [וישברו אניות ולא .[עצרו ללכת אל־תרשיש

Notably, these statements are contained entirely within the respective summary conclusions of Je-hoshaphat’s reign (1 Kgs 22:45–50 [MT 46–51]; 2 Chr 20:31–21:1). In my judgment, this consideration must not be underestimated or too easily dismissed. There is an astonishing degree of uniformity in the way the reigns of Israelite and Judahite kings are summarized in the biblical text (cf. Halpern and Van-derhooft 1991; Glatt-Gilad 2001 and the extensive lit-erature cited there). I cite typical examples: “Now the rest of the acts of Uzziah, from the first to the last, are recorded by Isaiah the prophet the son of Amoz. And

Uzziah slept with his ancestors, and he was buried with his ancestors in the burial field which belonged to the kings . . . and Jotham his son reigned in his stead” (2 Chr 26:22–23). Or again, “Now the rest of the acts of Jehu, and all that he did and all his might, are they not written in the Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel? And Jehu slept with his ancestors, and he was buried in Samaria. And Jehoahaz his son reigned in his stead” (2 Kgs 10:34–35).

We notice how the summarizing formulae (what Halpern and Vanderhooft [1991] refer to as the “Death and Burial Formula”) begin with a standard introduc-tion (“Now the rest of the acts of [a particular king]”) and a reference to an external annalistic written source (e.g., “Chronicles of the Kings of Israel,” “Chronicles of Jehu the son of Hanani,” “Chronicles of Shem-aiah the prophet,” etc.), followed in sequence by (1) a statement about sleeping with one’s ancestors (i.e., presumably making reference to dying a nonviolent death; Alfrink 1943), (2) a notification of burial,17 and (3) a declaration of legitimate succession. With arrest-ing consistency, this pattern obtains in the case of 18 of the 19 kings of Israel (Hoshea is the only exception, but his reign was interrupted by the Assyrian assault of Samaria, and we are given no information about his end). The same pattern appears with 15 of the 19 kings of Judah (again, those near the end [Jehoahaz, Jehoia-kim, Jehoiachin, Zedekiah] have no such documen-tary formula, but other anomalies occur in these regnal accounts; Glatt-Gilad 2001: 192). The pattern is the same whether the king was from the north or the south, whether recorded in Kings or Chronicles, whether cit-ing a standard secondary source or a more peripheral source, whether the king’s reign was short or cov-ered several decades, whether the king was militarily strong or weak, whether or not the king was succeeded by a member of his own dynasty, or whether the king was assessed by the biblical historians in positive or negative terms.

17 Beginning with Hezekiah, the standard burial formulary for Judahite kings—“X was buried with his ancestors (in the city of David)”—is modified to expressions such as “X was buried in his house,” “X was buried in the garden of his house,” “X was buried in the garden of Uzza,” “X was buried in his own tomb,” and the like. Based in part on this curious formulaic variance, Halpern and Vanderhooft (1991: 189–94) suggest a change in the authorship of regnal evaluations starting with Hezekiah. Burial notices for Israel-ite monarchs tend to be more abridged (e.g., “X was buried,” “X was buried in Tirzah,” “X was buried in Samaria”). For later Israelite kings, these data are more commonly omitted.


Admittedly, there are instances when not all ele-ments of this pattern are present—as when reference is omitted to sleeping with one’s ancestors (e.g., Amon), identifying one’s burial place (e.g., Jehoash), or nam-ing one’s successor (e.g., Ahab)—and there are a few cases where more than one element may be missing. However, almost without exception, this standard for-mula is never interrupted with the insinuation of novel, additional material (what Glatt-Gilad [2001: 201] calls a “supplementary notation”; cf. Halpern and Vander-hooft 1991: 215). And even on those few occasions where an additional notation appears, it normally rep-resents either a general summary of a given king’s life of warfare (e.g., “there was continual war all his days”), it is a vague indication of a given king’s per-sonal prowess (e.g., “all that he did and all his might”), or, in place of the statement about sleeping with one’s ancestors, the biblical historians describe unusual cir-cumstances relating to a given king’s death (e.g., men-tion of a foot disease that killed Asa or an incurable disease of the bowel that killed Jehoram, a conspiracy that killed Joash or Amaziah, or the plight of Josiah’s untimely death at Necho’s hands or of Shallum’s death at Menahem’s hands).

In sharp contrast to this consistent, rather predict-able pattern stands the summary record of Jehoshaphat. It is precisely into the middle of the Jehoshaphat formula—immediately after reference to a secondary source (1 Chr 20:34b; cf. 1 Kgs 22:45 [MT 46]) and immediately before reference to his sleeping with his ancestors, being buried in Jerusalem, and being suc-ceeded by Jehoram (1 Chr 21:1; cf. 1 Kgs 22:50 [MT 51])—that one finds the interjection of unique nota-tions having to do with his building a fleet of ships of Tarshish to go to Ophir or to Tarshish,18 with Aha-ziah’s possible partnership with him in the enterprise, and with the wrecking of his fleet before it could arrive at its destination.

In my judgment, one must be wary of embracing a historico-critical predilection having to do with the location of Tarshish and/or foundationally anchoring an assertion of a single nautical enterprise on summary notations that, in point of fact, may be exegetical outli-

18 Could this locational modification in Chronicles—if that is how we are to understand the text (e.g., Dillard 1987: 73; Japhet 1993: 802)—be a further indication of the geographical fluidity that had occurred in conjunction with “Tarshish” by the time of the Chronicler (cf. Strömberg Krantz 1982: 48–51; Glatt-Gilad 2001: 202)? I also note in passing that Josephus’s treatment of this event (Ant 9.16–17) indicates that Jehoshaphat’s ships were intended to sail to Pontus and the trading stations of Thrace.

ers. My thoughts here are somewhat akin to Lipiński’s (1992a; 2004: 195–202; 2006: 184); though perhaps as an overreaction to the usual interpretation of these perplexing texts, Lipiński asserted that Jehoshaphat’s failed venture, and even the destination site of Ophir itself, had to be situated on the Mediterranean Sea, not the Red Sea. Based exclusively on this same record, but at the other end of the geographical spectrum, Stieglitz (1984: 140–42) argued that the logistics of a nautical fleet constructed at Ezion-geber and commis-sioned to sail to Tarshish (which he avers was situated in southern Spain) must have entailed the clockwise circumnavigation of continental Africa.19

Could there be another option? Long ago, Albright’s analysis (1941: 21; 1961: 347; cf. Speiser 1964: 66) led him to suggest that we should expect a name such as Tarshish to become associated with various trad-ing emporia situated in more than one location (à la Meluḫḫa, Magan, Dilmun, Byblos; note also what occurs later when at least three separate Phoenician

19 I am aware of this viewpoint in literature as early as the late 19th century (e.g., Zöckler 1876: 28–29). Circumnavigating the continent of Africa from the head of the Gulf of Elat/Aqaba as far as the mouth of the Guadalquivir River in southern Spain represents a distance of some 27,350 km and would have included the Cape of Good Hope—one of the most treacherous seafaring passages in the world. Even more telling, this view presupposes what in the ninth century b.c. would almost certainly have been an unrealistic, even imponderable, empirical formulation: that the continent of Africa was understood to be entirely surrounded by water in a way that meant uninterrupted passage from the Red Sea to the Mediterra-nean Sea was nautically possible. In this regard, it is pertinent to recall that Herodotus (4.42), while he does speak of the late sev-enth-century b.c. Phoenician circumnavigation of continental Af-rica, observes that his comments relate to how continents were still being mistakenly mapped as late as his own day (and notably, even the first projection and the second projection maps of Ptolemy [ca. a.d. 90–168]—cartography’s high-water mark prior to the time of Mercator—depict the southeastern coast of Africa taking a sharp eastward turn and adjoining continental Asia, thus enclosing the waters of the Red Sea, Persian Gulf, and Indian Ocean, and separat-ing them from the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea; cf. Berggren and Jones 2000: pls. 1–2). Though Herodotus apparently doubted his own story, certain details of his account (e.g., the sun rising on their right as they rounded the southern tip of Africa; seed time and harvest time in the southern hemisphere; a “three-year” venture) have nevertheless led modern authorities in the main to regard this seventh-century undertaking as historically viable (so Godley 1981–1982: 241 n. 1; Penhallurick 1986: 127; Throckmor-ton 1987: 50b; Gras, Rouillard, and Teixidor 1989: 87–88; Wachs-mann 1990: 77–78; Lipiński 1995a: 1331). In the context of the Jehoshaphat text, however, circumnavigating continental Africa seems to me to represent both an empirically presumptuous and a needlessly circuitous option.


sites become known as Carthage).20 Given the four generations between Solomon and Jehoshaphat and the estimated interval of some 100 years between their alleged nautical ventures, it is possible that the Jehoshaphat narratives may represent an evolutional application of the expression “the ship(s) of Tarshish,” rather than reflecting its native original denotation. Whatever the case, I would urge caution against allow-ing the Jehoshaphat corpus to dictate and categorically redefine the meaning of the expression “the ship(s) of Tarshish,” inasmuch as this is the only known material in antiquity, biblical or otherwise, explicitly to locate the ships of Tarshish, and even the site of Tarshish itself, somewhere beyond the Mediterranean Sea.

early phoenicians plying the mediterranean

What evidence can be adduced to demonstrate that Phoenicians were sailing the waters of the Mediter-ranean Sea by the tenth century? Discussions address-ing the chronology of Phoenician westward expansion often include elements that may lack sufficient modal clarity or precision in dating. Thus, for example, the western presence of certain technological innovations ascribed to more advanced Phoenician craftsmanship (e.g., cupellation;21 see González de Canales, Serrano, and Llompart 2008: 652; Fernández Jurado 2002: 250–51; Blanco and Luzón 1969: 128–30) or of novel artistic motifs of an oriental kind (e.g., warrior stelae; see Celestino Pérez and López-Ruiz 2006; Celestino Pérez 2009: 233–38) may very well be suggestive of an early Phoenician presence at this or that location across the Mediterranean, but such evidence is not decisive, in my judgment, unless it is found in a secure stratified context or can be controlled by other more objective criteria. Coldstream (1998: 353–55) and Markoe (2000: 32, 148–50) have shown conclusive evidence of direct contact between Tyre and Lefkandi in the form of tenth-century datable tombs containing distinctive Phoenician bowls and pitchers, and late sec-ond-millennium bronze statues of the Phoenician god Melqart have been discovered off the southern coast of Sicily and on the Iberian coast west of Gibraltar (see Aubet 2001: 201–4; Albanese Procelli 2008: 464; refer to Falsone 1993 for an in-depth artistic analysis

20 Cf. LXX, which sometimes renders תרשיש as Καρχηδόνιος.21 A process known in Spain as early as the tenth century b.c.

where lead was heated by a strong air current so that the metal could be converted into an oxide, leaving pure silver in its solid state (cf. Bondi 1988: 247).

of the Sicilian bronze), but how or when any of these objects got there or who was responsible is not yet clear (see, e.g., Popham 1994: 28–33). Even employ-ing distinctive Phoenician bichrome or red-slip pottery found in an unstratified context may be problematic in this regard. I wish, therefore, to confine my remarks to the fairly narrow contours of what I consider to be more precise and less ambiguous evidence. The story is quite likely to be greater than this, but it strains cre-dulity to imagine how it could be less than this.

A plausible case has sometimes been hypothesized that the upheaval associated with the end of the Late Bronze Age was actually fortuitous for Phoenicia’s political and maritime fortunes (e.g., Sherratt 2003: 51–54; Markoe 2000: 23–32; Klengel 2000: 23–27; Barako 2000: 525; Bondi 1999: 31–42). The destruc-tion of the Hittites and the neutralization of significant city-states across Cyprus, North Syria, and the Syrian coast ended any further serious threat from the north, and the death of Ramesses III appears to have led to a temporary eclipse of Egypt’s nautical endeavors on the Mediterranean in the south.22 Meanwhile, large-scale Mycenaean trading networks into the Levant and their maritime stranglehold on the mid-Mediterranean collapsed around 1200, and Assyria was unable to sustain its expansionism as far west as the Mediter-ranean until the ninth century. As a result, Phoenician coastal cities were momentarily no longer at the mercy of passing imperial armies or competitive naval inter-ests, and they seem to have emerged as autonomous, commercially active, and even prosperous entities in the early Iron Age (Karageorghis 1992; Gras, Rouil-lard, and Teixidor 1989: 83–85; Stern 1990: 27–31; Stieglitz 1990; Iakovidis 1993: 317–20; Lipiński 1993; Zaccagnini 1996; Moscati 1999b: 18; Marri-ner, Morhange, and Doumet-Serhal 2006: 1524–32), as Phoenicians rather freely began to sail farther west (Liverani 1987; Aubet 2008: 248–55).

A Tiglath-pileser I (1114–1076 b.c.) campaign in-scription makes reference to his receiving Phoenician tribute from Byblos, Sidon, and Arvad of a kind that implies a flourishing maritime activity on their part,

22 Note the corresponding attenuation of Egyptian control in Canaan at the end of the reign of Ramesses III (Weinstein 1992; Killebrew 2005: 51–83; Monroe 2009: 34). At the same time, I concur with the evaluation of Barako (2000) and Gilboa (2005: 67–70) that, at present, any extensive Philistine maritime and/or trade involvement on the Mediterranean during the early Iron period lacks evidentiary support (contra Sherratt and Sherratt 1991: 373–75; Sherratt 1998: 293, 302–7). Zaccagnini (1996) has demonstrated that Tyre began to play a predominant role in trade with Palestine and Egypt in the early Iron era.


and at one point he speaks of going aboard the “ships of Arvad” and being transported to the land of Amurru (Grayson 1991b: 37–38; cf. Bunnens 1983: 175); in a text from the reign of Aššur-bel-kala (1073–1056 b.c.), the Assyrian monarch speaks of boarding the “ships of Arvad,” going on an expedition into the depths of the Mediterranean Sea, and killing a “whale” [nāḫiru] (Grayson 1991b: 103; cf. Budge and King 1902: 138–39). Around the same time, Zekerbaal, king of Byblos, boasts in the Wenamun papyrus (a story set ca. 1075 b.c.) that he had several merchant fleets under his au-thority, including some 20 cargo /chartered ships [mnš] moored in the harbor at Byblos and another 50 freight-ers [br] anchored at Sidon (cf. Lipiński 2006: 163–64; Casson 1991: 47–54; Bikai 1992: 132–33).23 It may be significant to observe that Zekerbaal appears to have been involved in a kind of “for profit” nautical trad-ing organization or joint commercial enterprise on the Mediterranean which operated in business partnership with political operatives from outside Byblos24 (e.g., Werekter, from Sidon) and even beyond the bounds of Phoenicia itself (e.g., Smendes, from Tanis).25 What-ever the case, these early Iron texts clearly paint a picture of altered political circumstances in which the Phoenicians were no longer beholden to the surround-ing Mediterranean powers.26 Moreover, there are ap-proximately 31 shipwreck findspots presently known27

23 Goedicke (1975: 68–69, 169) argues that Zekerbaal was boasting here to Wenamun that his 70 vessels, though formally registered in Byblos and Sidon, were actually moored in Tanis at the time. In either event, Zekerbaal’s openly cavalier treatment of this Egyptian priest of Amun, together with his boastful maritime confidence, unmistakably reflects shifted political circumstances in Phoenicia.

24 For models of profit-seeking via trading partnerships in the eastern Mediterranean during the Late Bronze Age, see Monroe 2009: 105–39, 284–98.

25 So the report of Wenamun 1.59–2.2; see Wb 3/1.254; Hoch 1994: 240–41; Goedicke 1975: 68–69; for the report of Wenamun as a work of historical fiction, see Sass 2002. Note, too, the repeated use of the cognate verb [חבר] in a similar context in 2 Chr 20:35–37; cf. HALOT 1.288a.

26 By the ninth century, Phoenicians were constructing warships for the Assyrians and moving them overland as far as the Euphrates River (Aubet 2001: 32–41). Still later, a similar procedure was adopted by Alexander the Great, when he needed ships for his proposed circumnavigation and conquest of the Arabian Peninsula (Arrian, Anabasis 7.9.3).

27 Scholars readily acknowledge that isolating and identifying a discrete shipwreck from high antiquity may be problematic in several respects. In the first place, with a few notable exceptions, such early wrecks are normally identified on the basis of discover-ing distinctive and/or inscribed anchors, datable cargo containers, widely varied cargoes or other artifacts, anchorage architecture, and the like, rather than timber remains from the hull of a ship itself.

in the greater Mediterranean world that can be reliably dated to the mid-ninth century or earlier28 (consult Parker 1992; Galili, Dahari, and Sharvit 1993; Ills-ley 1996; Jurišić 2000; Wachsmann and Davis 2002; Kingsley 2004; Galili and Rosen 2008; see table 1), and a few of the latter reportedly include Phoenician materials and/or equipment.29

Phoenicians were undoubtedly present at several places across Cyprus by the 11th century (Peckham 1992b: 412; Markoe 2000: 170), as amply demon-strated by inscriptions (Peckham 1992a: 351–52; Cross 2003: 259), stratified pottery (Bikai 1983;

There are some places in the Mediterranean that served as natural anchorage points across a broad sweep of time (Kingsley and Raveh 1996: 57–75; Raban and Galili 1985; Wachsmann and Davis 2002: 499–500; cf. Kingsley 2004: 29–44), and today these are little more than shipwreck graveyards containing multiple wrecks. Under such circumstances, differentiating separate and discrete shipwrecks is vexed, tedious, and ultimately, at times, inferential. Another aspect of this problem may perhaps be illustrated through the narration of the shipwreck of the apostle Paul (Acts 27), during which there were apparently two points where some of the ship’s cargo was thrown overboard (vv. 18, 38), another point where anchors were cut loose from the stern (v. 40), and still another point where the vessel itself ran aground (v. 41). If evidence from all these locations were to be uncovered, one might naturally misinfer multiple shipwrecks. In ad-dition to these considerations, my list of published wrecks may well be incomplete; in any event, it is very likely to be seriously skewed as a consequence of the variegated geomorphology of the Medi-terranean seafloor. Thus, for example, shipwreck sites are much more apt to be discovered in the mild gradient and shallow waters of a concordant shoreline, with submerged or partially submerged sedimentary ridges (e.g., Israel; cf. Wachsmann 1990: 72, which estimates an average of one known wreck every 100 m along the Israeli coast), or in the distinctive geomorphological domains prized by sponge fishermen (e.g., Turkey) or sports divers (e.g., southern France). Contrariwise, putative wrecks from high antiquity off the rocky cliffs and sharply angular Mediterranean shelves of southern Spain or Italy, buried in more than 150 feet of water, are not eas-ily discovered and are almost unknown (Throckmorton 1987: 217; Parker 1980: 50–51).

28 The accidental discovery of a hieroglyphically inscribed anchor dating to approximately 1000 b.c. has recently been an-nounced (Ziflioğlu 2008); together with some other artifacts, the anchor was found off the shore of Kyrenia on the northern coast of Cyprus. This may eventually prove to be yet another early ship-wreck site.

29 Some of this evidence has been reported but still awaits publication. It is also necessary to acknowledge that this evidence is fairly limited in scope and that certain components continue to be the subject of fervent debate. For the Formentera material, see Parker 1992: 418 (unpublished); for the Rochelongues Point data, refer to Penhallurick 1986: 104–6 (partially unpublished); for the Huelva wreck, see Parker 1992: 213; Penhallurick 1986: 101–3; Coffyn 1985: 211–12; Bisi 1987: 246. On the debatable question of shipwreck ethnic identification, refer to Wachsmann 1998: 211–12 (and see bibliography cited there).


Kopcke 1992: 105–6; Lipiński 1995a: 1324; Bell 2009: 34–38), and distinctive architectural evidence found on land (Artzy 1987: 82) and in harbors (Col-lombier 1988: 43–44; Raban 1993; 1998: 430–33). This is axiomatic in the discipline, and Muhly (1970: 45–46) argues that Phoenicians had actually colonized the island before the end of the tenth century (see most recently Aubet 2000; Karageorghis 2008: 189–98; cf. Belén Deamos 2009: 212).

Phoenician evidence across Crete dates perhaps as early as the late 11th century and, in any case, not later than the 10th century. A bronze bowl/cup con-taining a Phoenician inscription was found in situ in an

unplundered tomb (J) at Tekke, a northern necropolis of Knossus. On palaeographic grounds, Cross (1980: 17a; 1986: 124; 1987: 71; 2003: 227–30) dated this inscription to the late 11th century.30 It appears that Cross’s palaeographic analysis can be affirmed with substantial confidence by the fact that this undisturbed tomb also contained some early Greek protogeometric

30 Cross’s date has been accepted by Naveh (1982: 40–41), Puech (1983: 394), Lipiński (1983: 131–32), Negbi (1987: 248); cf. Bikai 1989: 133. Other scholars (Sznycer 1979: 90; Gras, Rouillard, and Teixidor 1989: 85; Markoe 2000: 33, 172) date the inscription to the tenth century; Amadasi Guzzo (1992: 315) dates the text to the ninth century.

Table 1. Ancient Shipwreck Findspots in the Mediterranean World

Location Approximate date b.c.

Source(s)

#1 ʾAtlit N., Israel EBA Galili and Rosen 2008: 1931a#2 Dokós, Greece 2200 Parker 1992: #362; Jurišić 2000: 3#3 Neve Yam (C), Israel 2150 Parker 1992: #741; Galili 1985: 143–53; 1987: 167–68#4 Apollonia/Arsuf, Israel MBA Galili, Dahari, and Sharvit 1993: 63–65#5 ʾAtlit S., Israel MBA Galili and Rosen 2008: 1930b#6 Pseira (Crete), Greece 1800–1675 www.archaeology.org/1001/etc/ minoan_shipwreck.html#7 Sheytan Deresi, Turkey 1600 Parker 1992: #1079; Illsley 1996#8 Pignataro di Fuori (Lipari), Italy 1575 Parker 1992: #816; Wachsmann 1998: 209ab#9 Netanya, Israel 1500 Wachsmann 1998: 209c; Lefkovits 2006#10 Antalya Bay, Turkey 1450 Parker 1992: #42#11 Kyme (Euboea), Greece 1450 Parker 1992: #544; Pulak 1997: 235#12 Hishuley Carmel, Israel 1400 Parker 1992: #503#13 Uluburun, Turkey 1325 Parker 1992: #1193; Pulak 2005#14 Kefr Shamir, Israel 1300 Parker 1992: #540; Raban and Galili 1985#15 Arbatax, Sardinia LBA Throckmorton 1987: 214#16 Sozopol, Bulgaria* LBA Pulak 1997: 235; D’Agata 2003#17 Ashkelon N., Israel LBA Galili and Rosen 2008: 1928a#18 Sedot Yam, Israel LBA Galili and Rosen 2008: 1929a#19 Neve Yam, Israel LBA Galili and Rosen 2008: 1930#20 Kefr Samir (A), Israel LBA Galili and Rosen 2008: 1931b#21 Kefr Samir (B), Israel LBA Galili and Rosen 2008: 1931b#22 Kefr Samir (C), Israel LBA Galili and Rosen 2008: 1931b#23 Kefr Salim S., Israel LBA Galili and Rosen 2008: 1931b#24 Yavneh-Yam, Israel LBA/Iron Galili, Dahari, and Sharvit 1993: 61–63#25 Formentera (Baleares), Spain 1250 Parker 1992: #418#26 Cape Gelidonya, Turkey 1200 Parker 1992: #208#27 Rochelongues Point, France 1200 Penhallurick 1986: 104–6#28 HaHoterim (A), Israel 1200 Parker 1992: #494; Wachsmann 1998: 208c; Kingsley 2004: 131#29 Point Iria, Greece 1200 Karageorghis 1995: 62; Vichos and Lolos 1997; Phelps, Lolos, and

Vichos 1999; Lolos 2003#30 Hof Dor, Israel 900 Kalman 2004#31 Huelva, Spain 850 Parker 1992: #508; Coffyn 1985: 211; Bisi 1987: 246

* For other evidence of Late Bronze Age seaborne contacts between the Mediterranean Sea and the Black Sea, or between the Medi-terranean Sea and the English Channel, consult Harding 2007.


pottery (11th century) as well as a Late Minoan IIIC lentoid seal (11th century). Moreover, across the is-land on Crete’s southern coast, hundreds of fragments of characteristic tenth-century Phoenician pottery have been found at Temple A at Kommos, some in strati-fied contexts (see similar finds in Temple B), together with a distinctive tri-pillared Phoenician shrine and a great number of Canaanite jars, all of which point unmistakably to some sort of Phoenician initiative and sustained presence there by that time (Albright 1941: 20–21; Niemeyer 1993: 339; Boardman 2001: 36; Muhly 2004: 34).

On Sardinia, we have three early Phoenician texts. These texts represent neither articles of trade nor something of an heirloom quality (cf. Trump 1980: 241–46); they are all monumental in nature and there-fore strongly suggestive of a Phoenician presence there. In addition to the Nora Stone (see above), they include the Nora Stele (CIS 1.145), dated by Cross on the basis of a detailed palaeographic analysis to the 11th century (1984: 62–63; 1986: 120–24; 1987: 65–72). His date has been accepted by a host of schol-ars (so Naveh 1982: 40–41, 59; Balmuth 1992: 218; Webster and Teglund 1992: 448; Negbi 1987: 248; and Lipiński 1983: 129–33), though the stele has been dated to the tenth century by Röllig (1983a: 126). Moreover, a small stone fragment (CIS 1.162) found at Bosa, in northwest Sardinia about 100 miles from Nora—consisting of a few letters but part of a monu-mental inscription—is dated palaeographically by Albright (1941: 20), Cross (1986: 120; see now 2003: 256, 263, 337), and Lipiński (1992b: 166) to the ninth century.

Furthermore, leading Sardinian scholars (e.g., Barreca 1986; Balmuth 1992) have long argued that Phoenicians were substantially present on both the northern and southern coasts of Sardinia by 1000 b.c., basing their claim on distinctive Phoenician bronze figurines found at numerous coastal and inland sites on Sardinia, but dated purely on stylistic grounds (Lo Schiavo, Macnamara, and Vagnetti 1985: 51–62; Bisi 1987: 227–36). More recently, however, Serra Ridgway (1987: 251–52) has reported the tantalizing discovery of a portion of one such figurine found in a sealed locus that cannot be dated later than the tenth century (cf. Giardino 1992; Ridgway 1994: 40–41; Lo Schiavo 1995).31

31 Because of its indispensable navigational reference point and its considerable supply of metallic minerals, the island of Sardinia is believed to have served as a pivotal transportation nexus in early Iron Age commercial routes across the Mediterranean and beyond

Unambiguous evidence of a considerable Phoeni-cian occupation in coastal Spain dates to the end of the tenth century or the beginning of the ninth century b.c. In 1998, as part of excavations conducted for purposes of urban expansion at the modern city of Huelva—on the Atlantic coast immediately north of the mouth of the Río Tinto (Tartessos River)—a huge site now thought to have been an ancient Phoenician emporium was accidentally unearthed (González de Canales, Ser-rano, and Llompart 2004; 2006; 2008). To date, more than 3,200 pieces of distinctly Phoenician pottery of various types have been discovered in situ, together with vestiges of goods from all over the Mediterra-nean, including Italy, Sardinia, Greece, and Cyprus. The Phoenician materials are largely of a domestic or industrial nature (including ivory manufacturing and silver metallurgy), rather than being luxury or prestige items, which may be taken to suggest the presence of a full-fledged Phoenician settlement and not merely of a transit station for trade (cf. Belén Deamos 2009: 196).

Radiocarbon tests conducted on several animal bone samples of substantial size taken from the Phoe-nician stratum—where the quality of the determina-tions was assessed as excellent—have yielded a mean calibrated age of 930–830 cal b.c.,32 with a low error analysis (± 25 years) and a high degree of probability

(Gale and Stos-Gale 1988: 382–83; Chapman 1990: 262–64; Bur-gess 1991: 36; Giardino 1992: 304–7; Kopcke 1992: 105; Stos-Gale and Gale 1992: 317; Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 264–71, 365; Lo Schiavo 1995; Ruíz-Gálvez Priego 1997: 98–99, 109–14). For the strong inference that Phoenician trading vessels had sporadically appeared on the shores of Malta by the tenth century, the reader is advised to consult Sagona 2008b: 504–12. Bondi (1988: 245–46) infers a Phoenician pre-colonial presence in coastal Libya by no later than the 11th century. And for late-tenth to mid-ninth-century evidence of a Phoenician presence at several coastal and inland sites across western Sicily, refer to Tanasi 2009: 54–58.

32 Radiometric calibration indicates that the bone samples date between 1000 and 820 cal b.c. (± 15 years). Even allowing for the standard deviation, one of the samples yields a calibrated age that is fully contained within the tenth century, while the remain-ing samples fall within the tenth–ninth centuries. To the degree that contemporary high-quality 14C analysis offers an independent dat-ing asset, albeit one only recently given a significant role in Near Eastern chronological discussions, all the associated Phoenician pottery found at Huelva render the “new chronology” discussions that center in Israel today even more complicated, tenuous, and perhaps even problematic (e.g., Finkelstein 2000; 2005; Gilboa, Sharon, and Boaretto 2008: 168–92; see also González de Cana-les, Serrano, and Llompart 2008: 648–52; Sagona 2008a; Nijboer 2008a: 370–74; Lehmann 2008: 213–17; Mazar 2005; and refer now to van der Plicht, Bruins, and Nijboer 2009). Additional high-quality, short-lived, large-size radiocarbon samples discovered in a clear stratigraphic sequence are needed to allow for a lower standard deviation and improved measures in date fixation.


(94%) (Nijboer and van der Plicht 2006: 31–33; Nij-boer 2008a: 370–74).33 Accordingly, these high-quality, short-lived, large-size remains removed from the Phoenician stratum, the oldest of their kind in the western Mediterranean, are strongly suggestive of an ongoing Phoenician presence in Spain; in the words of the Spanish excavators, they are “remarkably close in date to Hiram and Solomon . . . only a difference of a few decades, if any” (Gonzáles de Canales, Serrano, and Llompart 2006: 27; cf. 2008: 642–46; see also Nijboer 2008b: 425).34

33 Note the correlation and possible relevance of these results with the average dates obtained for Tel Rehov IV (cf. Bruins, van der Plicht, and Mazar 2003a; Coldstream and Mazar 2003; refer also to Finkelstein and Piasetzky 2003: 568; Bruins, van der Plicht, and Mazar 2003b: 568) and other sites manifesting a major destruction level identified as marking the end of Iron I occupation (cf. Mazar and Carmi 2001; Mazar and Bronk Ramsey 2008; van der Plicht, Bruins, and Nijboer 2009).

34 This recent evidence at Huelva can be augmented by ad-ditional early materials in coastal Iberia, including (a) some 20 tombs at Laurita (Cerro de San Cristóbal, near Almuñécar), each containing an alabaster incineration urn, four bearing the inscribed cartouche of a ninth-century pharaoh (Osorkon II; Takelot II; Sho-shenq III) (Padró 1985: 49–97; Pellicer 2002: 52–53, 65–70); (b) the Iron Age rupestral painting of seven Phoenician boats found at Laja Alta (near Jimena de la Frontera) (Coffyn 1985: 261–74, 290 pl. 14; cf. Gras, Rouillard, and Teixidor 1989: 89–92); (c) the mid-ninth-century Huelva shipwreck that appears to have included Phoenician materials (Bisi 1987: 246; cf. table 1); and (d) perhaps the Berzocana bronze bowl of an oriental character from Extremad-ura (near the Portugal border; cf. Wachsmann et al. 2009: 227–28; Aubet 2009: 295–306; Arruda 2009) (see Padilla Monge 1994: 60; Niemeyer 1993: 339–40; 1995: 253; Burgess 1991: 25; Bondi 1988: 247–48; Trump 1980: 248). Beyond this, more than a dozen Phoeni-cian settlements largely clustered in coastal estuaries dominated by a navigable river (Aubet Semmler 1999: 285–97; 2002a: 80–84) and providing access into hinterlands rich in copper, silver, and other ores (Aubet 2009: 284–95) date on present evidence to the late ninth or early eighth century (see Schubart 1995; Niemeyer 2006: 153; Neville 2007: 11–21, 83–104; Belén Deamos 2009; for the site lo-cations, refer to the maps in Treumann 2009: 170; Aubet Semmler 2002b: 105; and Pellicer 1992: 72). However, I wish to emphasize that these settlements, though very small in size (most are less than 5 ha), manifest aspects of full-scale occupation and clear evidence of actual Phoenician “colonization” (cf. Schubart 1995): their re-mains include aligned houses, metallurgical workshops, furnaces, mining components or other telltale signs of metalworking (e.g., vitrified slag, bellows-pipes, kilns, charcoal, miner’s tools, metal fragments), inscribed vases, bronze statuettes, various domestic wares, and rock-cut articulated graves. Moreover, we know that the Iberian silver mines, particularly around Río Tinto, were being exploited in the early Iron Age, as demonstrated by well-stratified slag layers dated by means of distinctive pottery (Rothenberg et al. 1989: 61–62; cf. Elat 1982: 61–62; Blanco and Luzón 1969: 124; Markoe 2000: 184–85). An 11th-century silver hoard exhumed from Tel Dor manifests a metallic composition consistent with what is found in Río Tinto ores (Stern 2001: 25; cf. Stos-Gale 2001, for a

This evidence may tell us when Phoenicians first engaged in the systematic settlement of the western Mediterranean and even the Iberian Peninsula, but it begs the question: When did Phoenicians first ar-rive there? Is it more logical to assume that the ear-liest Phoenician settlements in the west had been founded on impulse by intrepid seamen passing that way for the first time around 930–830 b.c., or by traders/ merchants who after perhaps as many as two to three generations had developed the need for more permanent stations and not just small offshore moor-ings? Boardman’s seminal studies (e.g., 2001) raise the specter of earlier possible settlements that did not take root, if only because of a decision to move on and find a better location. Scholars are in agreement that the earliest Phoenician pre-colonial contacts in the west would have been in the form of seasonal land-ing camps or sporadic prospecting stations that would have left little or no recognizable material traces (e.g., Bondi 1988; Burgess 1991: 36; Pellicer 2002: 58; Mata 2002: 159; Rodriguez 1997: 177; Markoe 2000: 33).35 In the words of Niemeyer (1993: 342), these early ventures were not even designed to “hoist the flag,” much less to plant the flag.

Students of early Mycenaean expansionism/coloni-zation on the Mediterranean (e.g., Kilian 1990: 465; cf. Moscati 1989: 41–43), or Greek expansionism/coloni-zation (e.g., Pomeroy et al. 1999: 90–95; Tsetskhladze 2006; cf. Aubet 2001: 347–54), describe what they call a “phased pre-colonial development” that lasted several generations.36 It seems entirely justifiable to

similar discovery among eighth-century silver objects at Shechem; consult Fernández Jurado 2002: 252–59 for an analysis of Río Tinto ores). And lead isotope analysis of materials taken from the harbor at Sidon reveals that Phoenician metallurgy in this period employed ores imported from Río Tinto mines (Doumet-Serhal 2008: 41 and the bibliography cited there). Though other finds are too late to bear directly on this argument, it is worth noting that approximately 10 Phoenician texts dating as early as the eighth century have thus far been discovered in Spain (Fuentes Estañol 1986; see also Cunchillos 1990), that a scaraboid seal from the same period containing a short Old Hebrew inscription has been found at Cádiz (Avigad and Sass 1997: 128, 515), and that Iron Age Phoenician bronzes of Iberian origin have been discovered at Huelva and Cádiz (Falsone 1993: 54–55).

35 For a similar observation related to Assyrian commercial expansionism at Kaniš, see Özgüç 1972: 245–46; Sherratt and Sher-ratt 1991: 356–57.

36 For a similar modus operandi having to do with Greek expansionism on the Black Sea, consult Tsetskhladze 1994: 113–19; cf. Grammenos and Petropoulos 2007. The somewhat equivocal expression “pre-colonial” has most recently been studied by Dietler 2009: 20–23; Celestino Pérez 2009: 229–32; cf. Aubet 2001: 172–84; Bendala 1997.


make the same sort of claim for the process of Phoe-nician expansionism across the Mediterranean, es-pecially since we know that their first settlements in particular were reasonably compact and were often es-tablished on characteristic offshore island topography and/or on virgin soil or in a region sparsely inhabited by indigenous populations (Niemeyer 2006: 146–60; Wachsmann et al. 2009: 222). Lipiński (1995a: 1324a; cf. 1993: 323) suggests that Phoenician pre-colonial expansionism probably lasted about 100 years, and Aubet (2001: 173, 181–82, 200–11) proposes that it may have taken up to 150 years; they concur that it was begun during the tenth century (cf. Niemeyer 1993: 337–44; 1995: 255–60; Bondi 1988: 246–49, 254–55; Bunnens 1979: 329; Moscati 1989: 44–52).

conclusion

To conclude, the existence of Phoenicians across the breadth of the Mediterranean by the tenth century is supported by epigraphic documentation and both nautical and terrestrial archaeological discovery, per-haps augmented by logic. While the evidence points overwhelmingly to a motivation of mercantilism, in which the Phoenicians were driven to a great extent by the presence of metal resources in the west (see Bondi 1988: 250–51; Lipiński 1992b: 167; Niemeyer 1995: 250–52, 264–67; Fantar 1999: 200–201; Fernández Jurado 2002; Neville 2007: 135–58),37 which would be consistent with the biblical verdict, the dynamics and modalities of Phoenician maritime activities are not well known at all, and in any event the “process” probably cannot be reduced to a uniform, homoge-neous pattern, either geographically or geopoliti-cally. Moreover, at the end of the day, direct proof of any Judahite participation in the Mediterranean Sea trade is still lacking. Burgess (1991: 33) speculates that Hiram permitted Solomon a share in his already-existing Tarshish trade as a quid pro quo for access to the new trade of the Red Sea and Ophir.38 Miller

37 In addition to metals, various other economic rationales have been proposed. Thus, for example, Treumann (1997; 2009) argues for a motivation of trade, but trade in timber rather than metals. Wag-ner and Alvar (1989) suggest an agricultural motivation, according to which people fleeing potential deportation and/or degraded natu-ral resources sailed west for survival. For a brief discussion of what other economic motive(s) may have brought the Phoenicians to the far west (e.g., salt, murex, slaves), refer to Arruda 2009: 123–28; Buxó 2009: 155–60; Dietler and López-Ruiz 2009: 302–3.

38 The recently reported work of Levy at Kh. en-Nahas/Feinan, about 50 km south of the Dead Sea in western Jordan (Levy et al. 2008; N. Smith and Levy 2008, and bibliography there), has conclu-sively demonstrated the presence there of a thriving industrial-scale

and Hayes (2006: 208–11; cf. Wachsmann 1998: 327) argue that the Red Sea venture was really “a Phoeni-cian undertaking in which Solomon was allowed to participate” because he controlled access to the Gulf of Aqaba (cf. Bass 1995: 1430a, for a more optimistic appraisal of Solomon’s involvement). I submit that the essence of their inferential argument, including its asymmetrical political character, might just as well be applied to the evidentiary record that exists for Phoe-nicians on the Mediterranean, as it is not clear to me how a joint nautical venture to a foreign port on the Mediterranean is inherently any more exaggerated or ideological than a similar claim made for the Red Sea,39 where virtually no distinctive Iron Age evidence of either Judahite or Phoenician nauticalism has yet been discovered.40

Despite the paucity of indigenous epigraphic sources across the entire Levant during the early Iron Age as compared with what is known from either the Late Bronze Age or the Iron IIB–C period (see Davies 1991; Renz and Röllig 1995: 3.3–4; Schüle 2000: 23–29; Dobbs-Allsopp et al. 2005; Horowitz and Oshima 2006; Byrne 2007), and despite the lack of Egyptian sources having to do with the Levant in this period (cf. Weinstein 1992; Meyers 2001: 175–76; Kitchen 2003: 114–27), we have clear archaeologi-cal evidence for tenth-century settlement/expansion along the mid-Mediterranean coastline, approximately

copper production center as early as the 11th–10th centuries (cf. van der Plicht, Bruins, and Nijboer 2009: 224, 239–40). Whether this mining activity was controlled by Judah, Edom, Egypt, or an-other political entity is unknown. Likewise, whether it was in any way related to the tenth-century Negev Highland “fortresses” and/or to some sort of nascent trade on the Red Sea remains to be seen (cf. Mazar 2003: 92–93).

39 In this regard, it may be pertinent to note it was nautical jour-neying to Ophir that is said to have netted Solomon quantifiable—even fabulous—sums of wealth (1 Kgs 9:28b; 2 Chr 8:18b). On the other hand, aside from the fact that both the Ophir and Tarshish references are embedded in narratives relating to the Judahite king’s material splendor, the text provides no specific information having to do with the quantitative or economic benefits derived exclusively from Tarshish pursuits.

40 Beyond what appears to exist architecturally at the Jezirat Faraʿun harbor (see Raban 1998: 430–43), as well as some Iron I pottery found on the island itself (Rothenberg 1972: 203–7; Flinder 1989: 41), I am unaware of any early Iron Age evidence that is distinctively Phoenician or Judahite in character—discovered on or adjacent to the Red Sea—in the form of occupational debris, tex-tual materials, pottery finds, shipwreck findspots, or the like. In this regard, one might consult Edwards and Head 1987; Khalil and Mus-tafa 2002: 529–34; Mumford and Parcak 2003; Lunde and Porter 2004; Starkey 2005; or the draft abstracts of the Red Sea Project, Part III (Society for Arabian Studies; October 27–28, 2006), and see the bibliography cited there.


between Tel Shiqmona and Tell Qasile,41 which is as-cribed by several scholars to Judahite and/or Phoeni-cian activity (e.g., Mazar 1990: 387–90; Zaccagnini 1996; Liverani 2005: 86, 96–97). While it seems prob-able that Judahite involvement in early Mediterranean trade would have been quite limited—perhaps both in scope and in time—it is well conceivable that Solo-mon (begging the question of his existence) may have

41 Relevant data appear in NEAEHL 1.10–12, 117–139, 359–61; 2.656; 3.1031–33, 1037–38; 4.1373–75; OEANE 1.9; 2.169–70; 4.21, 373–76; cf. Kingsley and Raveh 1996: 9–14; Galili and Rosen 2008.

invested in some Phoenician Mediterranean opera-tions, that Judahites may have crewed or deployed on some Phoenician vessels, or even that Judah may have co-sponsored its own fleet. Accordingly, while many internal complexities still require elucidation, given the unambiguous archaeological presence of Phoeni-cians across the Mediterranean by the tenth century, combined with the equally unambiguous epigraphic attestation of an early historical site or sites on the Mediterranean known as Tarshish, it seems reason-able to me to accord a certain measure of historical plausibility to the Tarshish narratives of the Bible in this regard.

references

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CAD = The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.

CIS = Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum.CoS = Hallo, W. W., and Younger, K. L.

1997– The Context of Scripture. 3 vols. Leiden: Brill.2002

GAG = von Soden, W.1969 Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik. 2nd ed.

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HALOT = Koehler, L., and Baumgartner, W.2001 The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old

Testament. Study ed. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill.KAH = Messerschmidt, L.; Weber, O.; Delitzsch, F.; and

Schroeder, O.1911 Keilschrifttexte aus Assur historischen Inhalts. 2

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NEAEHL = Stern, E., ed.1993 The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Ex-

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NEAEHLSupp = Stern, E., ed.2008 The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Ex-

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OEANE = Meyers, E. M.1997 The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the

Near East. 5 vols. New York: Oxford University.Wb = Erman, A., and Grapow, H.

1982 Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache. 7 vols. 4th ed. Berlin: Akademie.

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