week 5 - globalization, neo-liberalism and neo-populismhome.ku.edu.tr/~musomer/lecture notes/intl450...
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Week 5 - Globalization, Neo-Liberalism
and Neo-Populism
INTL 450
Murat Somer © 2016
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• Leftist (e.g. Latin America) and rightist (e.g. Europe, Asia) versions of neo-populism and neo-authoritarianism
• Different responses to globalization? Cosmopolitanism?
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• Populist solutions to:
• Loss of economic security
• Loss of identity
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Urban transformation in Istanbul
and Budapest
• Conservative and traditional enterprises:
«Reconstruction» of İstanbul and Budapest to mirror
their «glorious past».
• Metropolises as arenas of ideological battles.
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Urban transformation in Istanbul
and Budapest
Historically, Taksim and Kossuth Squares were
important venues for the expression of political,
social and sexual identities.
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Massive rally at Taksim Square on 1st May, 1977
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2013 Istanbul, LGBT Pride at Taksim Square
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«Neoliberal governmentality»
• Reducing lived spaces to commodities to be
consumed.
– Urban transformation / gentrification plans
– No taking into account of local needs and
conditions
– Depriving historically important spaces from their
meanings.
– Re-invention of authoritarianism
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«Neoliberal governmentality»
Both parties:
• Socio-political conservatism
• Styles of leaders
• Claims to define and occupy the
central pillar of strength in politics
• Engagement of religion with politics:
«conservative democrats».
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«Neoliberal governmentality»
Urban transformation in
Tarlabaşı (an impoverished
district in İstanbul).
«We are not occupants but
entitled to this property; free
title of property is our right!»
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İstanbul • Formative years (1923-45) of the Turkish
Republic – ambitious infrastructural projects, including the construction of
roads, railroads, bridges, institutional buildings, and the
implementation of uniform urban plans that were meant to
transform the appearance of the country.
– symbolyzing modernity, progress and the birth of a new
independent republic.
– At the same time marginalized previously important public sites
and symbosl of collective identity such as mosques and religious
lodges
– About «power relations»: It enabled the state to assume a more
active role in shaping the daily life of its citizens.
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İstanbul
• Introduction of multiparty system and the
election of Demokrat Parti (Democratic Party)
in 1950
– re-promoted the spatialization of Islamic identity that the
early Republican fathers had considered incompatible with
their modernist imagination of ‘New Turkey’.
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İstanbul
• Islamist Welfare Party in coalition government
in 1994. – Supported by urban poor and the relatively uneducated
sections of the growing metropolitan cities and the
conservative countryside.
– More and more visibility in the urban space:
• Commemorative ceremonies throughout the holy month of
Ramadan
• Communal services such as free meals evoking the religious
memories from the Ottoman past.
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İstanbul
• İstanbul, «the global city» – «Gecekondu»s constructed by migrant workers from the early
1950s to the late 1980s
– Image of «global city» was constructed by state authorities and
major business groups: gecekondus are not compatible with this
image!
– Real estate and construction sector and urban renewal projects:
main pillars of the AKP's economic orientation and ‘success’.
– In collaboration with TOKİ (the State Housing Administration)
operating under the Prime Minister's office, the municipality of
Istanbul demolished neighborhoods to build highways and high-rise
buildings, eventually pushing the working class to peripheral areas.
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İstanbul
«Mega Project» of İstanbul
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İstanbul
• İBB’s redevelopment plan for Istanbul's informal settlements – threatened public spaces such as
parks and forests and the privatization of historical monuments due to the AKP's ‘increasing self-entitlement to privatize public assets’ (Example: plans to construct a replica of the 19th century Ottoman Barracks to replace Taksim Gezi Park).
Levent (district of İstanbul)
seen from Ayazma.
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İstanbul
• AKP-led urban transformation not only entails
grounding neoliberalism in the material
environment, but it also projects a neo-
authoritarian vision about nationhood and
national history through envisioning buildings
that serve culture for the public. – Symbolic importance of Halil Paşa Topçu Kışlası for its role
during the incident on 31 March 1909
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Budapest
• Elite-led democratic transition in the 1990s.
• Urban landscape affected by neoliberal
economic transformation
– globalized urban strategy of gentrification, mainly in the form
of ‘urban rehabilitation’ projects.
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Budapest
• Fidesz: ultraliberal when it comes to tax and
social policy, but remains paternalistic on the
issue of decreasing utility costs, i.e. energy and
water charges for families. – aims to bolster the civic city-dweller, the bourgeoizification of
Hungarian society, and enrich the middle class with
traditionally conservative moral and cultural codes and
entrepreneurial values, while attacking the left-liberal factions
as sources of decadence.
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Budapest
The name of the
«Roosevelt
Square» replaced
by «Széchenyi», a
national hero.
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Budapest
Reconstruction of
Kossuth Tér,
historical square
full of collective
memories.
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Limits of Neoliberal governmentality
at urban scale
• «Right to the city» (Lefebvre)
Gezi Parkı Protests at Taksim Square in 2013
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Limits of Neoliberal governmentality
at urban scale
• Less radical protests in Hungary
Protests in 2011 against the new media law of Fidesz
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Question: What would be «undemocratic» in
these urban transformations shaped by
conservative ideologies and neoliberal policies?
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Varieties of Populism in a Changing
Global Context
The Divergent Paths of
Erdoğan and Kirchnerismo
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«Neoliberal globalization»
• Rise of the «Washington consensus» – widespread optimism in the dominant policy and academic
circles concerning the benefits of liberalization and free
markets.
• Reversal of the early optimism during the
course of the 1990s – Frequency of the financial crises experienced in the global
south
– Inegaliterian nature of neoliberal reforms
– «Post-Washington Consensus»
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«Post-Washington Consensus»
• Leftist-populist turn in Latin America – Softer, more market-friendly version: Kirchners in Argentina,
Lula in Brazil
– More radical version: Chávez in Venezuela
• Similar developments in Turkey – Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP as a similar case to the soft
versions of the leftist-populist turn in Latin America
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«Post-Washington Consensus»
Argument: High public discontent
accompanying the difficulties and crises
associated with the policies of the Washington
Consensus has generated a variety of populist
responses in the global south.
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«Populism»
«A mass movement led by an outsider or
maverick seeking to gain or maintain power by
using anti-establishment appeals and
plebiscitarian linkages.» (Barr)
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«Populism»
• Common points:
– Rhetorical appeals against the power elite
– In order for a politician’s claim of being the people’s voice
against the entrenched power elite to be credible, he or she
must be considered either an outsider to the political
establishment or a «maverick».
– Emphasis on plebiscitary linkages between the political actors
and the citizens
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«Populism»
• Populism of successive Kirchner governments: – Against power elite: “¡Que se vayan todos!” (“All of them
must go!”)
– Presenting themselves as being outside of Peronist
establishment
– «Supreme Court should respect the popular will»
• Erdoğan governments – Image of «Man of the people» away from political elites
– Plebiscitary view of democracy and a concomitant disdain for
institutions of horizontal accountability
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«Populism»
• But divergent ways:
Erdoğan’s right-wing populism rather than placing redistributive
policies and social equality at the top of their programmatic
agenda; it prioritizes economic stability and
physical security.
Kirchners’ left-wing
populism seeking, as
a central
programmatic
objective, to reduce
social and economic
inequalities
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Kirchners’ left-wing populism
• Three features:
– Emphasis on a competitive real exchange rate to support
domestic industry and employment
– Support for labor
– Frequent and substantial state interventions in the economy
through regulations, subsidies, social programs, and
nationalization (SCRER)
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Kirchners’ left-wing populism
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Erdoğan’s right-wing populism
• Three features of Erdoğan’s policy following
the 2001 crisis:
– Retreat of the state to a primarily regulatory function
– Emphasis on pro-capital policies and a general neglect of
labor interests
– A rather reactive and conservative macroeconomic policy-
making
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Why divergence?
• Four factors are essential for understanding why the
Erdoğan governments followed a right-wing strand of
populism while the Kirchner governments had a strongly
left-wing tone:
– Perceptions of the causes of previous economic policies’ failure that
culminated in the crises of 2001–02 in both countries
– Integration patterns into the international economy
– Strength of labor
– Regional dynamics
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Problem of democratic deficit
• The plebiscitarian view of democracy
– O’Donnell’s model of «delegative democracy,» characterized
by an elected executive who considers himself as entitled to
govern as he sees fit.
– Authoritarian tendencies, most notably in the realms of the
freedom of the press, judicial processes, excessive
concentration of power in the executive, and a lack of
tolerance for the opposition.