wind - shaftesbury as a patron of arts

Shaftesbury as a Patron of ArtAuthor(s): Edgar WindSource: Journal of the Warburg Institute, Vol. 2, No. 2 (Oct., 1938), pp. 185-188Published by: The Warburg InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/750093 .

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SHAFTESBURY AS A PATRON OF ART

SHAFTESBURY AS A PATRON OF ART

WITH A LETTER BY CLOSTERMAN AND TWO DESIGNS BY GUIDI

The third Earl of Shaftesbury's philosophy of art has been exposed to extravagant

praise and brutal derision. On the whole his enemies have hurt him less than his friends. Nobody is deceived by the jeers of Gray, who accused the earl of "writing with the coronet on his head." But when Herder acclaimed him as a "virtuoso of virtue" and made him the patron saint of the German Genielehre, he invented a legend which to this day has obscured the far more sober and conservative lesson expressed in Shaftesbury's writings and exemplified in his life. The continental poets of the I8th century looked upon him very much as they did upon Spinoza, whom they hailed as "Gott- trunken" while they refused to share his predilection for the geometrical method of demonstration. It is therefore time that Shaftesbury should be protected against the type of enthusiasm which he detested.

The best way to correct the romantic distortion is to study Shaftesbury's patronage of contemporary arts. He did not conceive of the artist as a genius responsible only to his own inspiration, but he treated him as a manual executant who carries out in visible material the ideas dictated to him by the philosopher. He himself invented the pro- gramme and pattern of all the works of art produced to his order. It is not by accident, therefore, that his most willing and obedient amanuensis was an artist whose own powers of invention were slight:John Closterman.

The best known product of their collaboration is Closterman's portrait of Shaftesbury

185

occurs in the "Canvassing" picture of the Election series. The motto of this scene is : "Let not thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth"-a passage perfectly illustrated in the central group where a worthy citizen allows himself to be bribed by both parties (P1. 3Id).

It would be daring to claim without further evidence that Reynolds had been inspired by either of these examples to invent the Hercules-parody of his Garrick picture; especially as other models can be shown to have influenced his conception.' There is, however, an external circumstance which ought not to be left out of account. The painted set of Hogarth's Election series, in which this pattern so prominently occurs, was in the possession of Garrick.

His academic dignity permitting, Rey- nolds was a superb master of character painting, the art which Hogarth had been so anxious to protect against the distortions of Caricature. Reynolds delighted in pre- serving in his intimate portraits those individual defects and deformities which render a person characteristic. His self-portrait as a deaf man, holding his hand to his ear (P1. 32a), is chiefly remembered for Johnson's refusal to have his own failings perpetuated by Reynolds in a similar manner: "He may paint himself as deaf if he chooses, but I will not be blinking Sam."2 It has never been suspected that this self-portrait of Reynolds might be another case of a 'witty quotation' : a translation from a painting of Greuze (P1. 32b). Probably Reynolds himself did not greatly sympathize with the fashionable sentimentalism of Greuze; but that would not prevent him from exploring it. He would feign a relish till he felt the relish come. Those who find this type of adaptation obnoxious may remember that Reynolds was one of the first to study the ambiguities of pictorial expression,3 and to develop from them a new sophistry of artistic production by which he hoped, like the sophists of old,

to "make the worse case appear as the better." He would probably not object if he heard the verses applied to himself by which he characterized to his students the dangerous powers of Correggio and Parmigianino :

Strange graces still, and stranger flights they had, Yet ne'er so sure our passion to create, As when they touch'd the brink of all we hate.4

E. W.

1 The figure of an actor placed on the stage between two actresses impersonating Tragedy and Comedy was drawn by Gravelot (Brit. Museum; reproduced in my "Humanitaitsidee und heroisiertes Portrat") and engraved by Van der Gucht. Moreover, "Garrick Tragique et Comique" was the title of a drawing made by Carmontelle (in Chantilly; also reproduced in my "Humanitiitsidee und heroisiertes Portriit.")

2 Boswell, Life of Johnson, ed. Hill, I887, vol. III, p. 273, Note i.

3 Cf. "The Maenad under the Cross," this Journal, Vol. I, No. I. 4 Fourth Discourse.



186 MISCELLANEOUS NOTES

himself which was engraved by Gribelin and prefixed as a frontispiece to the second edition of Shaftesbury's Characteristics. The posture, the setting and the attributes show so clearly the traces of Shaftesbury's invention that it is possible for those who can read the emble- matic language of this picture, to infer that the philosophy of Shaftesbury was not Plato- nic in the accepted sense of the word, but that his true master was Socrates and that of the two disciples who had recorded Socrates' teaching he placed Xenophon higher than Plato : a view which is elaborated in Shaftesbury's published and unpublished writings1 and which has found a very touching incidental expression in the translation and preface of Xenophon's Cyropedia, written by Shaftesbury's brother, Maurice Ashley.

It was as part of this worship of Xenophon that Shaftesbury planned "Socratic Charts," pictures after the model of the 'Judgment of Hercules', described by Xenophon in the Memorabilia. In this spirit he invented the emblems which were drawn in Naples under his supervision by a young artist named French, and sent with his instructions to Gribelin, who engraved them for the second edition of the Characteristics.2 In the same spirit he also wrote his treatise A Notion of the Historical Draught or Tablature of the Judgment of Hercules (I713) which is not (as has been occasionally suggested) a purely aesthetic meditation, but is meant to be understood as a Philosopher's 'Advice to a Painter' or, to be exact, as Shaftesbury's advice to the Neapolitan painter Paolo de Matteis, who actually carried out his painting of Hercules according to Shaftesbury's direc- tions. This is why the tract was originally written in French, the one language which Shaftesbury and Paolo de Matteis had in common. The engraving by Gribelin prefixed to the English edition reproduced the

painting in which Paolo de Matteis had embodied Shaftesbury's ideas.3

There is evidence that the picture of Hercules is not the only panel which Shaftesbury intended Paolo de Matteis to paint for him. Among the Shaftesbury Papers of the Public Record Office in London is a very remarkable unpublished letter, written in French, in which Shaftesbury indicates to Paolo de Matteis how he is to represent him in the character of a dying philosopher.

The letter of Closterman published below is of an earlier date and was written at a time when Shaftesbury still resided in England. It gives evidence of Shaftesbury's attempt to secure the collaboration of an Italian sculptor for the execution of statues representing different Virtues. The inter- mediary is Closterman, who is on his first visit to Rome. He has approached Signor Guidi and transmits the results somewhat reluctantly to England. He sends two drawings (P1. 33a, b) by the Italian master, whom he does not fail to represent in the worst possible light. His criticism is well founded; for Guidi, at the time the most prominent sculptor in Rome, did work with a shameless routine.4 The two drawings which he made for Shaftesbury-the one representing 'Justice,' the other 'Prudence'- are clearly quite unrelated to Shaftesbury's particular wishes; for one of them, the figure of Prudence, is a close repetition of a statue which Guidi had already made for the church of St. Andrea della Valle in Rome (P1. 33c). Clostermann did not allow himself to be fooled. When he saw the drawings he refused to give the order for the statues, and declared that he would have to wait for further instructions. He very shrewdly advised Shaftesbury to employ an English sculptor and have him work under Shaftesbury's personal supervision after designs which Closterman would collect in Rome. His reference to what the work would gain from the "genius" of Shaftesbury himself, is probably more than a piece of flattery. The description gives a very clear picture of Shaftesbury's share in the eclectic method by which a work of art was produced

1 By the unpublished writings I mean the text of a Pathologia secundum Socraticos and a fragment of a Socratic History, which I hope to edit in the near future, together with a set of letters and instructions addressed by Shaftesbury to contemporary artists.

2 The Print Room of the British Museum possesses the drawings made by French in Naples under Shaftesbury's personal supervision as well as the designs drawn by Gribelin after these models. Binyon's cata- logue (British Artists and Artists of foreign Origin working in Gt. Brit., Vol. II, 1900, p. 248 f.) erroneously ascribed the whole set to Gribelin. It is quite easy, however, to distinguish the two groups, especially as Shaftes- bury's instructions which accompanied the drawings by French, are preserved in the Public Record Office in London.

* Panofsky (Herkules am Scheidewege, p. 131) accepts the tradition that Paolo de Matteis' picture was selected by Shaftesbury as the best of the existing versions. Actually, the picture was ordered by Shaftes- bury and the text was not written as a comment on, but as a prescription for it.

4 See Wittkower's article below.



33

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a, b-Domenico Guidi, 'Prudence' and 'Justice.' Drawings. London, Public Record Office (p. 186)

c-D. Guidi, 'Prudence' from the tomb of G. Tiene in Rome, S. Andrea della Valle (p. 186)

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d-D. Guidi, 'La Renomm'e.' Versailles (Engr. S. Thomassin, 1694) (p. 189)



SHAFTESBURY AS A PATRON OF ART 187 in this collaboration, Closterman collecting the material and assisting in the designing, Shaftesbury supervising the work and di- recting its progress, so as to make it expressive of his philosophical ideas.

Apart from its relation to Shaftesbury, Closterman's letter is not without value and charm as a document of contemporary life at Rome. It gives a vivid picture of an Anglo-German artist first coming to Rome, enthusiastic about the Antiquities and the works of Bernini, but bewildered by the French taste and manners which he finds prevalent among the contemporary Romans. The letter has no date, but the mention in it of preparations for the Holy Year (1700) makes it certain that it was written in 1699. This also agrees with the fact that Shaftesbury is not yet addressed on the envelope as Earl, a title to which he succeeded in November 1699, and that Guidi is described as so old that he cannot work any longer by himself. He died in 1701o.

"This For the Right Hon. Lord Ashley at his house

in London'

Roma the (no date) My Lord,

I am at last arrived where I did long for these many years, and it gives me such satisfaction that I want only judgment to recommend things according to their merits as they deserve. I begin already to repent that I must leave them behind me, however I hope with industry and diligence and with what money my small purse can procure to bring home things into England to give your Lordship and other virtuosi a proof that I have been at Rome. Already have obtained fine things here.

Ten days since I received your Lordship's favourable letter in answer to mine. I only wish that I might give a better account in this than in my former. I send you here two drawings according to your direction of the two Virtues done by the best man that is here.2 I will not proceed till further orders of your Lordship. If I can find anybody else here that may be for your

purpose, I'll give you notice. I have seen several but their manner is so much French that I can have no pleasure to see them. This man, Signor Guidi, has done very fine things that made me to agree with him for them two statues, which was a 2000 scudi for them two, but after he made me them drawings I told him that I must wait for an answer. Besides he is so old that he cannot work any more as your Lordship sees by his designs. He employs young men to do his work but it is all very bad, however this may be only an opinion since my eyes see so many noble things of the ancients that I cannot like nothing else.

In Rome are many fine monuments of Bernini, admirably fine as part of them (or near that) would serve your Lordship, but he is gone, can do no more. Now my Lord, if I may give my opinion impartial, that is what I would do in this matter, to get a young man that draws well and correct after the ancients and modern things, and will overlook them as well as I can and bring them into England. With this ad- vantage and the genius of your Lordship, and with what I can assist in this, I am sure any carver that we have, may and shall do better than any what is in Rome at present. I assure your Lordship that they have no thoughts of the ancients nor good modern masters in these works, and for loosing no time I have already agreed with one that is to draw for me. The charge will be but small. I give him 5 pistols a mount. Pray my Lord, send me an answer whether you like my proposition. Besides it will be a diversion for you to see them done by your direction, which will be better at home than mine here, I durst not pretend to instruct an Italian, they think of them- selves above all the world. I am extremely glad to hear of your thoughts for a family picture, and that I shall perform it as soon as I come home, which I like very well as to promise it, you are only to command. Your Lordship knows very well that I loved always to do things for you rather than anybody whatsoever. I promise your Lord- ship so for that nobody shall prevent me till your pictures are done, and to go in to the country is better still, than we shall have wholly our thought together. My humble respects to Mr. Ashley and that he improves his thoughts well at home, pray tell him that I shall not be behindhand with him in the Vatican where I have settled me to

1 The letter is preserved in the Public Record Office in London under the signature G. D. 24, bundle XXI. No. 230. In transcribing it I have used modern spelling and punctuation, but have left the grammar untouched.

2 See Plate 33a, b.



I88 MISCELLANEOUS NOTES

drawing and painting while I am at Rome and shall think of nothing else while I am here.

I hope your Lordship will excuse this long letter, and I will wait for an answer of this and then it will be time enough to put them statues in hand, because they are all very busy at present and none of them can begin till Easter next by the reason of the holy year. In the meantime I remain as I always pretended to be

My Lord your most humble servant to command

John Closterman.

My humble service to Sir John Cropley and Sir James Ash and my Lady in hopes to draw a family picture to her as soon I come home."

E. W.

DOMENICO GUIDI AND FRENCH CLASSICISM

Although the academic system was the basis

of artistic life in both Rome and Paris in the I7th century, there was an essential difference in the methods of education pursued in the two cities. In France the theories of the Academy controled the practical instruction; whereas in Rome the tradition of the workshop and individual studio dominated. In Paris the student's training was based on the classical doctrine, taught by the Academy, which could be learnt by intellectual effort; in Rome the foundation was an accumulation of practical rules and personal observations, often handed down verbally.'

Domenico Guidi (1625-1701), an artist held in high repute in the second half of the I7th century, but now almost entirely forgotten, is a typical product of the studio tradition. He made no secret of his hatred of the "professori," and they in their turn despised him.2 For us Guidi is interesting because he shows how in the later 17th cent-

ury the workshop artist was forced into the arms of the academies, and the academies were compelled to make use of the workshop artist. Guidi, it is true, was educated in a classical, but not in an academic tradition. He began work as the pupil of his uncle, the sculptor Giuliano Finelli in Naples, but his real career started when, at the age of 22, he fled to Rome at the time of Masaniello's revolt, and joined the studio of Algardi, with whom he remained for some seven years as a sort of favourite pupil.3 In this way he became attached to a school which, compared with the baroque studio of Bernini, was relatively classical. After Algardi's death in 1654 Guidi founded an independent studio, and worked out a harsh but practical method of attaining success. He built up a staff of mere craftsmen, and with their help was able to work more quickly and more cheaply than the "professori."4 The competition he created seems indeed to be the chief reason for the hatred which existed between the professori and himself.

Guidi devoted all the profits which he derived from this method to acquiring a position of social equality with other artists. In the evenings he moved in intellectual circles, and in later years was the intimate friend of Pietro Santi Bartoli, the learned engraver who was antiquarian to Queen Christina of Sweden and to the Pope, and who collaborated with the archaeologist Pietro Bellori. From his sculpture 'factory' Guidi poured out a constant stream of works, not only for Rome and the rest of Italy (Bologna, Faenza, Forli, Genoa, Modena, Naples, Perugia, Pisa, Torano), but also for Germany (Breslau), France (Versailles and Chateauneuf-sur-Loire), Spain (Escurial), Malta and, as E. Wind has now shown, England.5 His own works reveal the solid foundation learnt in the studio of Algardi, though his natural tendency is always more towards the baroque.

This business-like craftsman arouses a wider interest when his ambition leads him

1 In Bernini we find the two traditions intermingled. He was by training a studio man; but when he found himself face to face with an audience he had to use the language of the academies in order to make himself understood. Cf. many passages in Chante- lou's Journal du Cay. Bernin, particularly the famous speech at the Academy in Paris.

2L. Pascoli, Vite de' Pittori, Scultori et Architetti moderni, 1730, I, p. 252 f.

3 Cf. his vita in Pascoli, op. cit. and G. B. Passeri, Vite de' Pittori, Scultori ed Architetti, ed. J. Hess, 1934, pp. 203 ff., 252 f.

4 Closterman (cf. Wind's article above) believed that this practice was due to Guidi's great age, but in fact he had been following it for at least a generation before Closterman came into contact with him.

5 Guidi's euvre has so far not been properly collected. Cf. Weigelt's article in Thieme-Becker, Kiinstler- Lexikon.



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