winds of change: essays on philippine politics and culture
DESCRIPTION
WINDS OF CHANGE is an anthology of short essays on Philippine local politics and culture. It gives us a fresh update on certain significant notions and events that have occurred in the Philippine social landscape in the last couple of years which in one way or another have affected our attitudes toward current issues of national and international importance. In this connection, it is the basic intent of these essays to pose some concrete challenges to the readers who in the process are likewise expected to form their own sensible theories in an effort to enhance more exciting discussions of related issues now and in the near future as well.TRANSCRIPT
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WINDS OF CHANGE
Essays on Philippine Politics and Culture
Ruel F. Pepa, Ph.D.
Published by
Zetetics Research Center for Asia
5
PREFACE
WINDS OF CHANGE is an anthology of short essays on Philippine local politics
and culture. It gives us a fresh update on certain significant notions and events that
have occurred in the Philippine social landscape in the last couple of years which
in one way or another have affected our attitudes toward current issues of national
and international importance. In this connection, it is the basic intent of these
essays to pose some concrete challenges to the readers who in the process are
likewise expected to form their own sensible theories in an effort to enhance more
exciting discussions of related issues now and in the near future as well.
RFP
7
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE 5
POLITICS
THE TRUE STATE OF THE NATION "Powerless" Authorities in a Crime-Laden
Society: A Critique of the Philippine Crime Situation 15
GOVERNANCE AND GOVERNMENT 23
THE U.S. HEGEMONIC EMPIRE AS HIGH TERRORISM IN GLOBAL MAGNITUDE
25
THE BASIC CONCEPT OF POLITICAL DECENTRALIZATION 29
REMEMBERING THE MAGUINDANAO MASSACRE: WARLORDISM AT ITS
WORST 31
ON JUSTICE AND OTHER RELATED MATTERS (A Discussion between Ruel Pepa and
Marc Lim) 33
SOME DISTURBING THOUGHTS ON THE PROTRACTED IMPEACHMENT TRIAL
OF FORMER CHIEF JUSTICE RENATO C. CORONA 39
CUBA: MODELO NG PAMBANSANG KAUNLARAN PARA SA MGA
BANSANG MAHIHIRAP 41
PACIFISM AS THE NEW “OPIUM OF THE PEOPLE” . . . with apologies to Karl Marx
43
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CULTURE
PHOTOGRAPHS AND FILMIC IMAGES AS TOOLS OF CONSCIENTIZATION 47
BRANDING . . . 49
SOME FUNNY TRIVIALITIES I DISCOVERED IN SPAIN 51
TOO MANY Ed.D.s FLAUNTING THEIR “SUBSTANCE-LESS” DEGREES AMIDST
THE PATHETIC STATE OF BASIC EDUCATION 55
ON “FILIPINO” AS THE OFFICIAL NATIONAL LANGUAGE OF THE PHILIPPINES
AND HENCE THE PRESCRIBED MEDIUM OF INSTRUCTION IN
PHILIPPINE SCHOOLS 57
ABOUT THE AUTHOR 59
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THE TRUE STATE OF THE NATION
"Powerless" Authorities in a Crime-Laden Society: A Critique of
the Philippine Crime Situation
INTRODUCTION
The Philippine government has long been so ineffective to solve crimes many of
which are even categorized as heinous. Rampant crimes in practically all levels of
Philippine society have plagued the nation and their occurrences have largely been
attributed to the weak and inutile system that characterizes government, especially
those machineries within it that are supposed to directly address the crime
problems.
The crime problems have taken their toll in the life-blood of the nation's socio-
economic situation. Crimes have tremendously affected the economic growth of
the country. A large segment of our people has already lost confidence in the law-
enforcing agencies of government. So many have already experienced fear and
apprehension because of a possible tragedy that might suddenly strike them even in
broad daylight. Reading the newspapers alone (particularly the tabloids) would
send some tingle in the spine. One thing is certain: the Philippine society is crime-
laden and government is helpless to effectively check and contain the very serious
and getting-to-be-more serious crime problems in the country.
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COMMON CAUSES OF CRIMINALITY
The common causes of criminality can be traced through sociological and
behavioral studies of the human condition. It is a fact of life that crimes occur only
in the human sphere and social relations are therefore a major aspect in
approaching the issue of criminality. With this point of departure, we can
objectively mention some factors that have been identified by professional
practitioners engaged in the study of criminality, among whom are psychologists,
sociologists, criminologists and others.
1. Poverty
In a society like the Philippines where poverty is a given, no second thought is
needed to ascertain that in one way or another, poverty causes criminality. Crimes
had been committed in areas where the urban poor live and their occurrence is
quite regular. Poverty may not be strictly identified as a direct cause of crimes but
certain circumstances brought forth by and within a situation of poverty cause
them.
However, elsewhere in the book, The Causes and Cures of Criminality by
Eysenckand Gudjonsson (http://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/causes-and-cures-of-
criminality-hans-j-eysenck/1101004914), we find the following: "Many--if not
most--sociological theories boil down to what might be called economic theories,
i.e., crimes as a result of poverty, whether relative or absolute, deprivation, and
similar economic causes. Although such theories have always had appeal, they do
not accord with the facts."
This claim, backed up by figures based on thorough research studies, attempts to
rebut the "theory" that poverty is a major cause of criminality. But the research
studies were done in the context of an industrialized society where poverty is not
prevalent. The fact is, in a society which is not generally poor, poverty cannot be
really be a major cause of criminality. Hence, the findings stressed by Eysenck and
Gudjonsson cannot have a general application across the board in practically all
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societies. What we only have to accept is the fact that poverty in the context of
poor countries like the Philippines is a major cause of criminality. However, it is
illogical to conjecture that poverty is the only cause, considering the fact that other
major causes are identifiable, many of which are bred in an environment that has
been characteristically defined by the sharp features of poverty.
2. Abuse of Power
Another very serious cause of crimes which has been so prominent in the context
of Philippine society is somehow related also to our economic condition. It is not
the type of crimes perpetrated by people in a situation of poverty. Nevertheless,
such crimes in some serious ways have terribly affected them. This particular cause
has taken advantage of the poor's economic weakness and none but the poor are the
unfortunate victims of its ravaging onslaught. This cause of crimes is known as
ABUSE OF POWER.
Abuse of power has been perpetrated by powerful government officials and the law
enforcers themselves mandated to defend the people's rights and protect the people
from harm. Abuse of power is terribly serious in the Philippines and in the majority
of events, such crimes related thereto have not been treated as crimes by means of
the sheer method of circumventing the laws.
Newspapers banner daily news items reporting crimes committed by policemen
and military personnel--hold-ups, kidnaps-for-ransom, murders, bank robberies,
carjacking, etc. Crimes committed by these people are even more heinous than the
ones committed by some poor, unknown and desperate criminals. And since the
justice system in the country is so discouragingly defective, most of the time,
"powerful" criminals are exonerated of their crimes, even if those crimes are
undoubtedly categorized as heinous. While the unknown, powerless poor suspects
in lesser crimes are not given fair trials and afterwards thrown immediately in jail.
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EFFECTS OF CRIMINALITY ON THE ECONOMY
1. Widening Gap Between the Poor and the Rich
In view of the powerful people's oppressive and exploitative attitude towards the
poor and the marginalized sectors of the Philippine society, crimes brought about
by the abuse of power have tremendously affected the country's economic
situation. Oppression and exploitation themselves are basically crimes that further
express themselves manifestly in the form of obvious criminal acts like murder and
property-grabbing (which is actually robbery), as well as property-destruction.
"This country is not only notoriously known for its systemic culture of corruption,
but the Aquino administration is also being associated with the pervasive climate
of violence.
"Notwithstanding press releases of the Philippine Nationa Police (PNP) citing
steady decline in the crime index, the Aquino administration will go down in
history as the most crime-ridden government since the declaration of military rule
in 1972."
(http://mb.com.ph/node/354426/a-)
These crimes perpetrated by the powers that be are purposely designed to
perpetuate their status of power and to grab more opportunities for ascendancy and
more wealth at the expense of the hapless poor.
These crimes have continually concentrated the wealth of the nation more in the
hands of the small percentage of the Philippine society's wealthy sector, while the
big chunk of the people are wallowing in poverty. The poor are exploited and
oppressed more and more and the gap between the poor and the rich has gradually
widened.
2. Inability to Nationally Industrialize
A desperate act of the powers that be in their desire to concentrate more wealth and
opportunities in their hands is the utilization of huge capitalization from the
interest of big foreign investors in the country. By pushing the poor against the
wall of further poverty, the powers that be have gained access to the manipulation
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of our country's economic resources for the benefit of foreign investors who in turn
have given the local capitalists the upper hand to engineer a devastating blow to
national industrialization.
For the interest of foreign business investments, crimes have to be committed to
convert and transform farmlands into industrial estates. "Legal" robbery which is
actually land-grabbing has to be effected and stubborn farmers who defy the will of
government officials (who act as brokers for foreign capitalists) are summarily
executed, i.e., "salvaged" in the local slang.
Industrialization is basically good but it has to be initiated and implemented for the
national interest. Failure to do so by accommodating the exploitative scheming of
foreign interest is a crime worse than treason.
REASONS WHY LAW ENFORCEMENT INSTITUTIONS ARE
INEFFECTIVE TO SOLVE CRIMES AND CONTROL THE RISING TIDE
OF CRIMINALITY
The number of government law enforcement agencies and institutions is simply
awesome. Theoretically, crimes could have long been controlled and solved with
the presence of the Philippine National Police (PNP) and its elite Criminal
Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG); the National Bureau of Investigation
(NBI); the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA); the intelligence arms of
the major commands of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).
Yet, it is also disgusting to know that what has been going on is the opposite.
Myriads of crimes have long been unsolved and the crime situation has never been
truly contained. This is basically due to several factors.
1. Corrupt and Incompetent Law Enforcers
Many law enforcers are not qualified due to their corrupt character. These law
enforcers are part and parcel of the corrupt government system. Since they are
serving the interest of their corrupt patrons, they have acquired from the latter the
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same character of corruption. At worst, they themselves are the very criminals in
the performance of their duties as protectors of their evil patrons. This is the very
reason why the people have already lost their confidence and trust in the law
enforcers, particularly the police.
2. Lack of Cooperation Between the Public and the Law Enforcers
Such situation has spawned the people's lack of cooperation with the law enforcers.
The government's Department of Justice has kept on calling the people to
cooperate with the law enforcement agencies with the promise and assurance of
protection. But the people don't just bite the idea because they have long lost their
confidence and trust in the law enforcers.
3. Confused Roles of Various Law Enforcement Agencies
Granting it the benefit of the doubt, even if law enforcement agencies are morally
upright, there is still a very serious problem that hinders the speedy solution of
crimes. During the time when there was yet no PNP, the NBI was traditionally
tasked to deal with criminal cases that cut across provincial borders. With the
establishment of the PNP, jurisdiction to handle criminal cases exactly the same as
that of the NBI has likewise been given to the police. This whole condition has
created a very confusing situation which in so many instances has put NBI agents
and PNP officers in conflicting authority line.
4. Government's Lack of Interest to Solve Crimes
Because of government's main focus on power-base expansion and politicking, it
has placed its concern on the national crime situation at a low-priority level and
this is a very pathetic scenario. It is a solid proof that government is really
insincere to serve and help the people especially the poor.
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CONCLUSION
This is the true state of the Philippines as a nation. We are governed by corrupt
leaders whose major agenda are their own personal vested interests. We have law
enforcement agencies and institutions whose major task is to protect and defend
the corrupt leaders of the country and in the process perpetuate the system of
corruption. Because of this condition, criminality has proliferated and will continue
to proliferate in the next generations. The whole situation has made the common
Filipinos economically disadvantaged and poverty will be here to stay "'til
kingdom come."
Hopeless? Who holds the key to the most sensible answer?
© Ruel F. Pepa 24 July 2012
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GOVERNANCE AND GOVERNMENT
It is not the World Bank or the IMF or the US imperialists who should define
"good governance" for us. Neither should it be the imperialist-sponsored Philippine
government since time immemorial. Its proper understanding is not in the rhetoric
issued out by the powers that be. Good governance is well understood and deeply
felt by the people as they democratically live their daily lives and as their states of
affairs are well addressed by way of services that they are supposed to be
facilitated with as productive citizens in their pursuit of a better life.
But this has not yet been the case for generations. What we and our ancestors have
gotten is just a series of governments manned by incompetent leaders who have
never known the core of good governance which is service to the people. The term
"public servant" is as meaningless as it has always been because not a single
national leader has yet captured its truest essence. In a democratically elected
leadership, these "public servants" are supposed to be representatives of the people.
But are they really? It is never the interest of the people they are supposed to
represent that becomes the centerpiece of their leadership but that of the very
patrons who pushed and supported their candidacy more in terms of the financial.
This is where we distinguish governance from government.
A government that is looking out toward the condition of the nation that has put it
in office consciously considers its governance responsibilities. But a government
that only looks inward for the maintenance of its very own systemic configuration
to protect the interest of the people within as well as the business capitalists
outside, but in a conspiratorial engagement with them, fails the basic standards of
genuine governance for it lacks the mechanism to judge whether government as
governance is good or bad. We have been in a dilemma where the walls that
surround us are closing in and about to crush us and we have not even tried to put
up an effort to push back these walls.
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It is still a long way to get to the ideals we've been pursuing because national
consciousness which is the most basic component to get there is yet a blurred
image before us.
© Ruel F. Pepa, 31 August 2012
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THE U.S. HEGEMONIC EMPIRE AS HIGH TERRORISM IN
GLOBAL MAGNITUDE
The grand design of US global hegemonic empire is founded on the ideological
platform of white supremacist domination. ―Hegemony‖—both in the common
understanding and in the specialized Gramscian utilization—is semantically as
broad and all-encompassing as ―globality‖ the fact that ―hegemony‖ could likewise
be appropriated and assigned with the same limitations and specificity. US global
hegemony is operationalized through the institutionalization of state violence. It
brings us to a stark realization of how blatant brutality and ferocious violence still
continually dominate a carceral system in the 21st century putting to shame the
progressivist fantasy of a humanizing modernization and strengthening the claim
of Bruno Latour that in reality, ―we‘ve never been modern‖ at all as the shadows of
the past continue to haunt us in the concrete embodiment of cultural forms.
Human aggression displayed in violent attacks toward the hated and the dominated
releases the repressed libido of desire with Freudian persistence and the accuracy
of Nietzschean eternal recurrence. It is the undying demon of ―man‘s inhumanity
to man‖ whose echo from the movie of the 70s, Papillon, still reverberates and is
minted anew in the hegemonic platform of contemporary US prison regime. It is
the gates of hell thrown wide open to give way to a tsunami of vicious onslaught
against the sacredness of human life in the frenzied orgy that desecrates the body
and violates sanity. In ―Illegalities and Delinquency‖ which is a chapter in
Foucault‘s Discipline and Punish, it is said that the prison hasn‘t really failed. ― . . .
prison has succeeded extremely well in producing delinquency, a specific type, a
politically or economically less dangerous—and, on occasion, usable—form of
illegality; in producing delinquents, in an apparently marginal, but in fact centrally
supervised, milieu; in producing the delinquent as a pathologized subject. The
success of the prison, in the struggles around the law and illegalities, has been to
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specify a ‗delinquency.‘ . . . So successful has the prison been that, after a century
and a half of ‗failures,‘ the prison still exists, producing the same results, and there
is the greatest reluctance to dispense with it. . . .‖ (Rabinow, 1984, pp. 231-232)
A more focused discussion of American globality creates the poignant impact of
contrapuntal narratives that explicitate the systematic demolition of the deepest
agony of humanity. In other words, we are, in the process, exposed to the massivity
of programmed suffering actually experienced by human bodies in the carceral.
What is therefore most audibly perceived is not the biological and the
corresponding politicization of the biological but the telescoping of the political
which abstracts the biological and renders the entirety of an otherwise passion-
challenging moments of relived tragedies theoretical. This path of exploratory
intent and discovery doesn‘t necessarily/automatically lead to concrete action to
complete a praxis but most probably to a further theorizing which if pursued on a
non-dialectical materialist platform could be ad infinitum or at worst ad nauseam.
This totalizing program of global domination is more widely and more deeply
elaborated in Thomas P. M. Barnett‘s The Pentagon‘s New Map: War and Peace in
the Twenty-First Century (2004) which talks of global connectivity that will
―trump all, erasing the business cycle, erasing national borders, erasing the very
utility of the state in managing a global security order that [seems] more virtual
than real.‖ American globality via the US prison regime, in this connection, is
simply a setting of new rules—of massive and deeply penetrating proportion—to
manage war and peace in the post-9/11 era ―not just from America‘s perspective
but from that of the entire world . . . because America is the biggest rule maker in
the business of global security affairs.‖ (Barnett, p. 10). Barnett further contends:
―Whether we realize it or not, we are all—right now—standing present at the
creation of a new international security order. . . . The global conflict between the
forces of connectedness [American globality in the paper] and disconnectedness
[the adversaries of American globality] is here and it is not going away anytime
soon. Either America steps up to the challenge of defining this new global security
rule set or we will see those rules established by people who dream of a very
different tomorrow.‖ (Barnett, pp.45-46)
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In grave consideration of everything said about American globality, it is of extreme
importance to bear in mind at this point the terroristic design of the American
imperial hegemony as its white supremacist ideology ―inspires‖ all ―scorched-
earth‖ punitive operations where it is necessarily called for extra-domestically. It
therefore establishes the uncontested place of the US as the biggest peddler of
global terrorism on the specific basis of an understanding of ―terrorism‖ as ―the
contemporary name given to and the modern permutation of warfare deliberately
waged against civilians with the purpose of destroying their will to support either
leaders or policies that the agents of such violence find objectionable.‖(Carr, p.6)
Bibliography:
Barnett, Thomas P.M. The Pentagon’s New Map: War and Peace in the Twenty-
First Century. New York: Berkley Books, 2004.
Carr, Caleb. The Lessons of Terror. New York: Random House, 2002.
Rabinow, Paul, ed. The Foucault Reader. New York: Pantheon Books. 1984.
© Ruel F. Pepa 9 March 2012
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THE BASIC CONCEPT OF POLITICAL DECENTRALIZATION
The General Concept of Decentralization
Decentralization, in general, is a shift of leadership concentration from a central
authority to erstwhile subordinate or quasi-independent units or sectors. Such a
shift occurs in an organizational context where centralization or a centralized state
of affairs no longer responds to the general needs, expectations, objectives and
aspirations of the majority of stakeholders therein.
Types of Decentralization
Distinguishing decentralization as political, administrative, fiscal, or market is
useful to focus on the multifaceted dimensions that lead to its successful
operationalization and inter-sectoral coordination among them. There is, however,
an obvious overlap in defining any of these terms and the accuracy of definite
descriptions are not so significant if viewed against the more important need for a
comprehensive approach. Political, administrative, fiscal and market
decentralization may also be relative to different forms and combinations across
nations. Within national territories and even within sectors. For the present
purpose, the focus is on political decentralization.
Political Decentralization
Political decentralization aims to empower citizens or their elected representatives
in public decision-making. It is generally geared to promote pluralistic politics and
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representative government. More than that, it likewise strengthens democratic
processes by giving citizens, or their representatives, more influence in the
efficient and effective formulation and implementation of policies, programs and
plans. Political decentralization advocates believe that decisions made with greater
participation are more substantial and essential in content as well as more relevant
to varied concerns and interests in society than those made only by national
political authorities. The concept of political decentralization entails the notion that
the choice of representatives from local jurisdictions gives citizens the opportunity
to know better their political representatives. It also allows elected officials to have
a better understanding of the needs and desires fo their constituents.
Political decentralization basically requires a radical statutory shift, the active
development and encouragement of pluralism in terms of organizational or party
participation in the body politic, the robust strengthening of legislative capabilities,
the brisk organizing of local political units, and the enthusiastic encouragement of
effective public interest formation.
© Ruel F. Pepa 29 September 2011
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REMEMBERING THE MAGUINDANAO MASSACRE:
WARLORDISM AT ITS WORST
The Maguindanao Massacre is unanimously viewed as the most tragic event in the
Philippines that capped 2009. Fifty-seven helpless civilians including women and
media people were cold-bloodedly slaughtered by policemen, military men,
civilian-militia personnel and private-army members—all being fearfully and
blindly subservient to the ―omnipotent‖ Ampatuan warlord family of Maguindanao
represented by the ―trinity‖ of Andal Ampatuan, Sr., the erstwhile governor of
Maguindanao; Zaldy Ampatuan, the erstwhile governor of the Autonomous Region
of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM); and Andal Ampatuan, Jr., the erstwhile mayor of
the municipality of Datu Unsay, Maguindanao. The criminal minds of these
―trinity‖ of ruthless murderers are typical of warlords as found anywhere in the
Philippines and in other less-civilized societies of the world. In other words, it is
inherent among warlords to be cold-blood murderers contemptuous of the legal and
the moral.
Politicians of the same warlord streak whether they are in Luzon, the Visayas or
Mindanao are generally perceived and expected to act like the Ampatuans when
their political domination and monopolization are gravely challenged by emerging
―New Turks‖. In fact, by a mere exercise of one‘s sociological imagination, it
could be said that since time immemorial, warlords anywhere in the Philippines
―naturally‖ eliminate by ―liquidation‖ anyone who‘d cross their paths, i.e.,
challenge their seemingly perpetual dominion and permanent supremacy. In the
history of the Philippines, many have opined that the most vicious warlord with the
ruthlessness of a cold-blooded murderer was Ferdinand Marcos who ordered the
summary executions and forced disappearances of hundreds of his adversaries
specifically in the ranks of peasant, labor and student activists within a period of
more or less 20 years, i.e., prior to the declaration of and during the Martial Law
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era. But I beg to disagree, because what Marcos did within 20 years has been
surpassed by Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo in less than 10 years. In other words,
Arroyo is miles and miles worse than Marcos.
The Maguindanao Massacre appears to be so heinous and hence exceedingly
controversial to grab the front pages of both Philippine and world dailies for days
and weeks because in just one sweep of bullet hails from high-powered automatic
weapons 57 defenseless and innocent civilians lost their precious lives. The
masterminds and lead perpetrators of course were the Ampatuan ―trinity‖. But the
issue is from what ―supreme power‖ did the Ampatuans draw their satanic will?
One very glaring reality is the fact that the Ampatuans are leading minions of
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. They had the guts to commit a brutal crime because
they knew that Gloria Arroyo would provide them with all the unassailable
protections available within the clout of her power. Why did they have that notion?
It is because they knew from the innermost sanctum of their zealously guarded
chamber of secrets that Gloria could never—even in her dream—simply ignore
them and drop them like hot potatoes because they and Gloria and their other blind
followers knew that Gloria overwhelmingly won in Maguindanao and the rest of
the ARMM during the last presidential elections courtesy of the iron hands of the
Ampatuan warlords. This is basically the reason why right after the massacre
became known in Malacanang, Gloria did not order an immediate arrest of the
Ampatuans. Other steps were rather done to shield the Ampatuans. But because of
popular local and international pressures, Gloria was forced—against her will—to
arrest and incarcerate the Ampatuans. In retrospect, we could almost accurately say
that the power of the Ampatuans exercised to the point of committing a terrible
heinous crime was actually directly drawn from the more ―omnipotence‖ of Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo.
© Ruel F. Pepa 20 November 2011
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ON JUSTICE AND OTHER RELATED MATTERS
(A Discussion between Ruel Pepa and Marc Lim)
Ruel Pepa (RP): What and where is justice if the ones who are supposed to
uphold, administer and render justice where justice is due have miserably bungled
and made a mockery of justice itself? Who are now the credible and respectable
dispensers of justice when the government's stronghold of justice itself has
collapsed and disintegrated into smithereens? What if the "authorized" definers of
justice have made the very concept--and hence, the spirit--of justice equivocal?
What if the best and most genuine definition of justice is better understood in
rational terms and held morally sacred by the people themselves? Are we not
confident that the critical mass of a nation's populace is more intelligent, rational,
creative, moral and decisive than the mesmerizing bunch of so-called "legal
luminaries" that have made the trek towards justice a herculean struggle? Do we
underestimate the organic intellectuals (cf. Antonio Gramsci) among the people?
Marc Lim (MC): The Filipino people lack 2 fundamental things - Discipline and
Justice. Discipline to create and adhere to strong principles, and Justice to make
sure principles apply to everybody.
RP: Dealing with matters as complicated as this requires a more sober-minded
focus on the "hard question" that doesn't simply center on the Filipino per se. There
are certain socio-political forces that operate in the whole gamut of the Philippine
condition and these forces through time have been internalized in the Filipino
cultural apparatus. Basic to all these is the long-running economic
disempowerment that the common Filipino has been subjected to for generations.
In this consideration, we should also look at how systemic violence has plagued
the Filipino and without getting to the nitty-gritty of this matter, there is a very real
possibility that any superficial look into the Philippine situation would lead us to
inaccurate conclusions.
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In this connection, it is more balanced if we don't just focus our attention on the
Filipino as such. I'd like to think that it would be more accurate to analyze and
evaluate the Filipino's attitude towards discipline and justice in the light of a more
general consideration of her/his personhood and her/his concrete socio-cultural
location as well. In this sense, I am being fair with the Filipino's human dignity. In
simple terms, I'm suggesting that we cannot deal with the matter by abstracting the
person from the location. As a case in point, the Filipino who operates in a more
highly evolved socio-cultural milieu is responsible, disciplined and has a more
defined sense of justice.This reality has been proven time and again when s/he
finds employment and a place of residence in another society that has been
culturally far advanced in its social evolution. In such a situation and condition, the
Filipino is responsible, disciplined and just.
Now, let's get back to the Philippine situation with the challenge posed by the
"hard question" and examine closely the "evil" forces that have pulled the Filipino
to such a life where discipline and justice are wanting and non-operational.
Significant in this way of looking at things is the fact that liberation is not only
personal but also systemic.
MC: In the Philippine setting, the "critical mass", in my opinion, does not possess
(or to a minimal extent) the intelligence to lead or instill justice among themselves.
Filipino people have more important concerns such as getting a meal for the next
day, and some petty concerns such as wowowee. But the mentality of the masses
doesn't only apply to the Philippines. I believe the late Romans were a good
example as well.
If a nation is to be able to survive, it must have leadership. Ideally, a leadership
that embodies the general will of the people (ideal model of democracy), but in
reality only a small fraction of the people are fit to rule not necessarily because of
divine right, but because their character allows them to be so. The problem is that
the will of the ruling class (the elite) is usually the only will imposed while the
masses suffer.
35
It is too bad that this may be the current setting of governance and justice. But until
the masses gain the "intelligence" to dispense justice and rule themselves, I
wouldn't recommend their form of leadership as it would result to anarchy.
"It is too difficult to think nobly when one thinks only of earning a living. . . . It is
unnatural for a majority to rule, for a majority can seldom be organized and united
for specific action, and a minority can." --Jean Jacques Rousseau
RP: " If a nation is to be able to survive, it must have leadership. Ideally, a
leadership that embodies the general will of the people (ideal model of
democracy), but in reality only a small fraction of the people are fit to rule . . ." So,
that leadership cannot possibly come from the masses? I think it can. Unless you
believe that the ideal is not achievable within the ranks of the masses . Now if you
think that that kind of leadership cannot emanate from the masses, I beg to
disagree.
MC: Hmmmm... please enlighten me on your thoughts sir. I have not encountered
an event where revolution from the masses did not result in the birth of another
elite class ruling over them.
RP: I just picked it up from what you said.. . . a simple rejoinder. My basic belief
and premise is leadership can emanate from the masses and history proves that
even without going far from the Philippine situation. I think Bonifacio as a leader
came from the masses. Now, going a little farther, I believe even Mao Zedong of
China and Ho Chi-Minh of Vietnam both came from the masses. However, your
point now is not the issue of where the leadership came but on where leadership
once taken up leads to. And as I take your point, you mean in every revolution, the
leadership seems to always end up to the birth of the elite class. (Correct me if I am
wrong.) I'd like to agree with you but it all depends on what you mean by "elite". I
think we need to clarify the connotation of "elite" here. Leadership has in its very
concept the "self-contained" element of elitism, the fact that leadership in an
organization is an outstanding role taken up by individuals. However, if elitism has
the connotation of endowing certain "super-human" qualities to a person, giving
that person the pre-eminence to exploit and manipulate situations, events and
people like a dominant taskmaster, that's another thing. In the former sense, I think
36
it is possible to develop "elite" leaders who are not exploitative and manipulative
of the people . . . true pro-people leaders who are fellow carriers of the people's
interests and aspirations. Someone who--whether we call him elite or whatever--
has made clear that he truly identifies himself with the people. In this case, the
issue is more on identification. With whom does the leader identify himself?
MC: Well, I was referring to elite as the ruling class, and I believe we are on the
same note there sir. I seem to have misunderstood your statement as a people
ruling themselves (a no leader kind of scenario). I would assert that a ruling class is
required (benevolent, though in most cases not) to keep order.
But on your point that good leaders embody the interests and aspirations of the
people, at some point, a leader's decision will have to be between the good of the
whole (country/state) and the good of the people. The people make up only a part
of the state. Many times good leaders have received much criticism and distaste
from the masses because their actions were undertaken for the good of the state.
For instance, president Obama planned to pass a bill (not sure if it was already
passed) that would make tax cuts for big corporations. He receives criticism from
the masses because of actions like this, but tax cuts from larger corporations means
more employment funds, if people were to work more, it would help the economy
get back on track.
Forgive me if I might seem discriminative, butt some point, I believe the masses
only think about themselves and not the welfare of the whole.
RP: Ok. no problem. Beliefs are beliefs and each is entitled to her/his own. They
may start arguments and even controversies but beliefs are worth examining,
analyzing and evaluating. Discussions could go on and on but intelligent
discussants don't just stop at a certain point and get dogmatic with their respective
views of the moment. Openness is always appreciated and I am open to be open . .
.
MC: Definitely sir :D Have you by any chance read the book "Animal Farm" by
George Orwell?? I had read it during high school but only understood it's true
meaning during college.
37
RP: Oh yes, a classic.
MC: Although it is seen through the eyes of a realist's point of view, I think the
book is one good insight to the status message.
RP: I think we have had a meaningful and intelligent discussion here. It's a rarity
to find someone with the caliber of a Marc Lim (a former student now based in the
US) to get into a deep and seriously probing discussion like what we have had on
this thread. Regards, Marc.
MC: Always a pleasure sir but I still have much to learn, after all I'm simply an
armchair philosopher. I will look forward to the next time.
RP: The pleasure is mine. We are already two. But I am not quite a philosopher.
© Ruel F. Pepa 7 March 2012
39
SOME DISTURBING THOUGHTS ON THE PROTRACTED
IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF FORMER CHIEF JUSTICE
RENATO C. CORONA
The Corona Impeachment Trial at the Senate had been tediously prolonged with so
much legalese, legal court procedure and legal hermeneutics. In fact, the main
failure in this whole event was the utter inability of supposedly thinking people to
elevate the issue to the higher level of ethics and morality. In other words, the
major concern of the Filipino people here was the magnitudinal issue of PUBLIC
TRUST which is a moral issue over and above all the existing laws pertaining and
relevant to it. The basic issue that was never touched within the entirety of the
matter is on how the legal relates with the moral. In this connection, we should
resolve the question: Is morality subservient to legality or is it the other way
around?
As a matter of social evolution, morality is more basic than legality. Human
society started to make laws to protect human rights within the context of what is
moral--the way how society should uphold what is good and what is bad, what is
right and what is wrong for the society itself and for the denizens of that society--in
the human social community. Ethics as a philosophical discipline aids social and
individual morality to utilize human rationality in the analysis and evaluation of
what a society has deemed to be moral within the range of its unique experience as
a community. In the light of this consideration, legality is a human invention that
emanates from the categorical imperative (cf. Kant) of morality as something that
is I nherently human. If we take this proposition seriously, therefore, it must be
clear to us that it is legality that should be fundamentally subjected under the more
eminent dictates of human morality. With this in mind, the issue of public trust is
more than a legal issue. It is moral and hence, its betrayal is an immoral act.
40
Certain diabolical forces in government may twist the law as it has been done in
syndicated efforts. But no sane and rational soul of humanity will ever attempt to
twist the morality of his/her fellow human being nor attempt others to twist his
own inherent moral sense.
© Ruel F. Pepa
41
CUBA: MODELO NG PAMBANSANG KAUNLARAN PARA
SA MGA BANSANG MAHIHIRAP
―Aling diktadurya ang hihigit kaya
Sa pagsalaula at pambubusabos
Gaya ng imperyo ng Estados Unidos
Aling diktadurya? Wala na nga wala.‖
(Paumanhin sa dakilang Gat Andres Bonifacio, bayani ng lahi at may-akda ng
―Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa‖)
****************
Minsa‘y sinabi ng dakilang Asyano, Mao Zedung, walang estado na walang
diktadurya at maging ang pamahalaan sa isang tunay na demokratikong
sambayanan na pinangungunahan ng abanteng sektor ng mga manggagawa ay
isang diktadurya . . . diktadurya ng mga manggagawa (dictatorship of the
proletariat). Isang kalagayang ang nagmamay-ari at namamahala ng mga paraan at
kasangkapang pamproduksyong ekonomiko ay mismong ang mga mangagawa.
Sa isang matagumpay na kalagayan, ang ganitong kondisyon ay nagbubunga ng
isang malakas na sambayanan sa larangan ng ekonomiya, pulitika, lipunan at
kultura. Bunga nito ang isang sambayanang hindi gutom sa pagkain, mga
mamamayang may sariling tahanan (at walang ―informal settlers‖), mataas na uri
ng edukasyong laan sa lahat at walang bayad sa lahat ng antas, mataas na kalidad
ng serbisyong medikal at pangkalusugan na walang bayad sa buong sambayanan.
Gaano man katindi ang demonisasyong isinasampal ng Estados Unidos sa bansang
Cuba, ang mga kalagayang nabanggit ay maliwanag na isang realidad hindi sa
Estados Unidos, hindi sa Pilipinas, kundi sa mismong bansang Cuba.
42
Kung mayroon mang isang matagumpay na bansang tunay na malaya, nagsasarili,
demokratiko at may mataas na antas ng soberenya na dapat tingnan nating mga
Pilipino, ang Cuba ay natatanging modelo.
―Aling pag-unlad pa ang hihigit kaya
Sa pagkakongkreto at pagkadakila
Gaya ng pag-unlad sa magiting na Cuba
Aling pagunlad pa? Tunay ngang wala na‖
(Paumanhin muli sa dakilang Gat Andres Bonifacio, bayani ng lahi at may-akda ng
―Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa.‖)
43
PACIFISM AS THE NEW “OPIUM OF THE PEOPLE” . . . with
apologies to Karl Marx
Pacifism as a mindframe is as outlandish as having a vacation in the remote
mountain ranges of Nepal or in an exclusive beach resort in the Philippines or
Thailand, away from the hustle and bustle of chaotic city life. But when the
holiday is over and it‘s now time to go home, facing reality once again is
inevitable.
Global problems are very real. From the isolated viewpoint of one detached from
the nitty-gritty of social, political and economic realities, the suffering of the poor
and the disadvantaged is a neglegible myth. Violence and violation of human
dignity committed by the powerful bullies in impoverished societies are non-
significant matters to those who enjoy the comfort of bourgeois luxury.
Unless we get to the roots of all these problems, it‘s difficult to get to an all-
embracing conclusion at this point in time because we are dealing with certain
dominant politico-economic forces of global magnitude. On the one hand we have
the bullies creating war in various parts of the world because that is the only
business they have gotten used to. On the other hand, we have the weaker, poorer
and hence, bullied nations. They didn‘t start the large-scale violence; they fight
back because their backs are already against the wall and national survival
becomes the name of the game
Let‘s plant our feet on Earth and get concerned with what‘s going on in real life–
social, political, economic, cultural. . . .
© Ruel F. Pepa
47
PHOTOGRAPHS AND FILMIC IMAGES AS TOOLS OF
CONSCIENTIZATION
The field of commercial advertising in capitalist state of affairs is the major user
and beneficiary of film and photography. We have witnessed the exploitative and
manipulative effects of advertising on people. However, in the case of
documentary films produced to expose socio-economic and political conditions,
the particular users define and set the limits of what they intend to put up as a way
to influence specifically targeted audiences. YouTube is a potent "post-modern"
channel to express to targeted audiences contending sides of a controversial issue.
In the case, for example, of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, YouTube offers two
sides of the coin--both pro and anti--in very convincing ways.
I think the main problem is not in the presentation of photographs and filmic
images but in the level of someone's consciousness informed and shaped up by his
or her socio-cultural orientation and politico-economic landscape as well. The
whole situation still relies on the power of interpretation whose accuracy or
correctness depends on the depth of a person's involvement and immersion in the
nitty-gritty of his or her national and geographical location.
In the present cyberspace age, no technologically-enhanced person escapes from
mass media commodification. I think this is where "post-modern" power resides
and anyone who attempts an interpretation--and s/he must be culturally
programmed in the bourgeois social apparatus to exude a powerful stance to step
forward and advance an interpretation--is spewing out something easily taken in
and swallowed hook-line-and-sinker by the majority who always look up to a
deified entity as a center of authority. This thing is a reality in the kind of showbiz
mentality Filipinos generally have. And showbiz traverses its borders to the point
of even blurring the line between it and politics.
© Ruel F. Pepa 2 July 2012
49
BRANDING . . .
Indiscriminate BRANDING is a nefarious thing specifically when it is done
inaccurately or with a negative intent to put in a bad light an entity being branded.
Let‘s take as a case in point the brand ―Christian‖ generally applied to the
Philippines as a nation. Very inaccurate, though of course, I know there are
genuine individual Christians in the Philippines whom I respect and truly
appreciate.Nevertheless, let‘s look at all forms of corruption and exploitation and
heinous crimes and disempowerment Filipinos have experienced in their lives in
the context of the ―Christian‖ Philippine society.
We witnessed on TV news how the Japanese people acted so humanely toward
each other while waiting and accepting relief assistance from humanitarian
organizations when their country was tragically hit by a series of devastating
calamities recently. Very organized lines of people calmly and patiently waiting.
And when the goods arrived, nothing changed in the calmness and orderliness of
the queues. We saw how able-bodied and young guys giving way to older ones
especially older women and mothers with their children in tow. Very organized;
very disciplined. Not Christian.
But what do we commonly witness in the Philippines when people converge to
receive relief assistance from organizations after an equally devastating calamity?
A very chaotic sea of people furiously shoving each other; desperately storming
their way toward the front line; hitting even faces of elderly women and pushing
aside mothers carrying children. What ensues in a matter of just a few minutes is a
riotous scenario of flying fists thrown in all directions featuring able-bodied guys
fighting it out to get ahead of everybody. . . . Christian.
© Ruel F. Pepa 16 February 2012
51
SOME FUNNY TRIVIALITIES I DISCOVERED IN SPAIN
1. If one is a bar flunker, come to Spain coz here male friends are all ―compañeros‖
or simply ―‗pañeros,‖ lawyers or not.
2. If a university teacher can‘t get beyond the instructor rank, come to Spain coz
even an elementary or high school teacher here is called ―profesor‖ or ―profesora‖.
3. If you‘re on a taxi here and you tell the driver ―derecha,‖ he will not go straight
but will turn right on the next corner. ―Go straight‖ here is ―recto‖ but it could also
mean ―rectum‖.
4. Here ―mesonero‖ may sound like ―misyonero‖ in the Philippines. The difference
is, you see the former in a Spanish bar or inn while the latter is preaching in a
countryside chapel in the Philippines.
5. If one is not sure about something in the Philippines, he says, ―seguro‖. Here
don‘t say it if you‘re not sure coz it means ―surely.‖
6. In the Philippines, if someone has nothing important to do and just passes the
time going around places with the barkada, it is said s/he is ―nagla-lamyerda‖.
Don‘t use this term carelessly in Spain coz ―la mierda‖ here means ―the shit‖.
7. In the Philippines, a well-off individual or family is called ―konyo‖ (obviously
from the Spanish ―coño‖). This is a cuss-word here meaning the female genitalia.
8. No offense meant to gays and to Filipinas with the nickname ―Maricon‖ but here
it means gay or homo.
9. Filipinos only get to ―kolehiyo‖ (from the Spanish ―colegio‖) after high school.
Here those in the elementary and high school are already in colegio.
52
10. Here no one goes to a ―libreria‖ just to read books; s/he rather goes to a
―biblioteca‖. ―Libreria‖ here is not library but bookstore where one goes to buy
books. Library is ‗biblioteca.‖
11. If you need to take a taxi here, don‘t think that you‘d get a free ride coz there‘s
a ―LIBRE‖ signboard on the windshield. It only means the taxi is vacant/has no
passenger.
12. In the Philippines we use ―metro‖ to measure surfaces. Here, you don‘t ask
where the ―metro‖ is if you want to measure something coz you‘ll surely be
directed to the nearest subway station.
13. ―Parada‖ in the Philippines is parade as during the independence day
celebration in Luneta or as in whatever local celebration we have there like in a
fiesta. But here ―parada‖ is a jobless person.
14. In the Philippines, ―serbisyo‖ (from the Spanish ―servicio‖) is service rendered
by an entity (person, organization, etc.) to someone‘s need. Here, ―servicio‖ is a
―special room‖ one looks for in a public place (like in a restaurant, bar or mall) to
pee or to poop.
15. In the Philippines, if your car has some mechanical problem, you go to an auto
service shop. Here, an ―autoservicio‖ doesn‘t repair cars but provides your grocery
needs.
16. The political leader of a municipal or city government in the Philippines is the
mayor. Here, a ―mayor‖ is already tired with the issues of and hence no longer
interested in politics being ―an elderly person‖.
17. ―Pandesal‖ (pan de sal: Spanish for ―salted bread‖) which is common on the
Filipino breakfast table is supposed to be Spanish but nowhere can you find it here.
18. Filipinos–especially children–like the sweet fillings of ―Spanish bread‖ but if
you ask for it in a ―panederia‖ here, the shopkeeper will tell you that ALL sorts of
bread in the counters are ―Spanish breads‖.
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19. In the Philippines, it‘s not unusual to call an old millionaire ―Don‖. But here
any guy–well-off or not–in formal circumstances is respectably addressed ―Don‖.
20. ―Piso,‖ i.e., one peso (Php 1.00), in Philippine currency is spent to buy or pay
for something. Here, one spends to pay for the monthly rent of a ―piso,‖ i.e., a
condominium-type apartment.
21. Likewise, ―kuwarta‖ (sounds like the Spanish ―cuarta‖) is not used here to pay
for or buy something. We spend ―dinero‖. The Spanish ―cuarta‖ means ―fourth‖ in
English.
22. An entire barrio or town‘s celebration of the day of a Roman Catholic patron
saint in the Philippines is a big deal ―pista‖ (from the Spanish ―fiesta‖). Here, even
a small-time birthday party is called a ―fiesta.‖
23. There is only one religion called ―iglesia‖ in the Philippines. Here all churches
of religions are called ―iglesias‖.
© Ruel F. Pepa, 27 December 2012
55
TOO MANY Ed.D.s FLAUNTING THEIR “SUBSTANCE-LESS”
DEGREES AMIDST THE PATHETIC STATE OF
BASIC EDUCATION
I was at the Cavite provincial office of the Department of Education (DepEd) some
couple of years ago. While waiting for the person I was supposed to see, a broad
organizational chart with the names of specifically designated individuals filling
various official positions on display right at the office‘s lobby was quite visible
once I entered the premises. As I looked very closely I was sort of amused to find
out that most of them–if not all–were holders of the Doctor of Education (Ed.D.)
degree.
With all this in mind while leaving the place afterwards, I couldn‘t help but reflect
on a very serious matter besetting the quality and standard of education we have in
the elementary and secondary levels most basically in the public schools as well as
in myriads of substandard private schools being run mainly for business. The
whole pathetic situation has been going on despite the fact that we have an ―army‖
of Ed.D. degree holders who are supposed to be experts and specialists in the
formulation of more effective and efficient educational and pedagogical theories
on the basis of empirical research studies these people are supposed to be doing
instead of merely proudly displaying and flaunting their ―bubble‖ degrees devoid
of credible substance.
© Ruel F. Pepa
57
ON “FILIPINO” AS THE OFFICIAL NATIONAL LANGUAGE
OF THE PHILIPPINES AND HENCE THE PRESCRIBED
MEDIUM OF INSTRUCTION IN PHILIPPINE SCHOOLS
The Philippines is multi-lingual and having ―Filipino‖ as the ―national language‖
of the Philippines is purely and simply a figment of our imagination. I belong to
the Tagalog ethno-linguistic group and that pseudo-language we call ―Filipino‖ is
actually Tagalog. If we make Tagalog in the guise of ―Filipino‖ as our national
language, we undermine and deride the other equally significant Philippine
languages like Ilokano, Cebuano, Ilonggo, Pangasinense, Pampango, Bicolano, and
others. In the process we get the wrong notion that Tagalog is a better and greater
language than the others I just mentioned. Take note, however, that the Philippine
languages mentioned are bona fide languages and NOT dialects. In this light, we
are faced with the challenge to enrich all the living Philippine ethnic languages.
I maintain that there is actually NO Filipino language. What we call ―Filipino‖
language is really Tagalog. Now if we use Tagalog as the medium of instruction
across the board, that‘s imposing too much of the wrong notion that Tagalog has
the preeminence over and above the other Philippine languages (and I am talking
of languages, not dialects). Do you think it is fair to impose Tagalog as the medium
of instruction in schools in the Ilokano-speaking provinces? in the Bikol region? in
Cebuano-speaking provinces? in Ilongo-speaking provinces? I believe that all of
these Philippine languages should be developed and high-quality literary outputs
should come out in these languages. I am a Tagalog and I am a passionate advocate
of strengthening the literary talents of my fellow Tagalog. With the same passion, I
likewise want to see the flourishing of the literary talents of other ethno-linguistic
groups.
Without sounding offensive, ―Filipino‖ as it is spoken in total disregard of Tagalog
syntax is truly bastardized. But if one would dare say that the Tagalog language is
58
not the language of the learned, I will vehemently react to that, being a member of
the Tagalog ethno-linguistic group.
This issue is quite complicated and sensitive. There are people called Filipinos and
they are citizens of the Philiippines. But the Philippines is a MULTI-LINGUAL
country. Tagalog in the guise of ―Filipino‖ has been bastardized by non-Tagalog
Filipinos who have been guiled and even forced to speak Tagalog as the ―Filipino‖
language. In the process, these people have developed the tendency to treat their
own ethnic languages as second-class and less significant than the so-called
―Filipino‖ language. This tendency is counter-developmental because instead of
robustly promoting the development of ethnic languages and ethnic literature using
ethnic languages, the promotion of ―Filipino‖ as the national language
systematically and gradually annihilates these very valuable ethnic Philippine
languages in the ocurse of time. Ilokano, Ilonggo, Cebuano, Bikolano, etc. have
their own rich literary heritages and if these ethnic languages along with the others
are promoted, their literary traditions could have been very rich by now.
Don‘t get me wrong. In holding this view I don‘t think I become less nationalistic.
Let me cite Cuba as a case in point where the national language–Spanish–is
supposed to be a colonial one. But the issue of having Spanish as their national
language has never been a nationalism issue. They have mastered Spanish as their
common language and they are as united as ever even in fighting the biggest
imperialistic power in the world and in having the resolve to survive all the
bullying they have been getting from this power for decades.
© Ruel F. Pepa
59
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Ruel F. Pepa, Ph.D. is a retired Filipino academic who now resides with his wife in
Madrid, Spain. He is a philosopher and a social and political critic. Prof. Pepa is a
lifetime member of the International Society for Philosophers, an associate
member of the Center for Advanced Research in Phenomenology, the Four Worlds
International Institute and the Philippines-Cuba Friendship Association
(AMISTAD).
Prof. Pepa is married to Anne Forst-Pepa, a European of German-Jewish
extraction.