women’s political representation and the quality of democracy in brazil_ josé Álvaro moisés e...

27/04/2015 WOMENSPOLITICALREPRESENTATIONANDTHEQUALITYOFDEMOCRACYINBRAZIL*JoslvaroMoisseBeatrizRodriguesSanc

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WOMENSPOLITICALREPRESENTATIONANDTHEQUALITYOFDEMOCRACYINBRAZIL*

JoslvaroMoisseBeatrizRodriguesSanchez1

INTRODUCTION

Sincethe1990s,theissueofwomenspoliticalrepresentationhasbecomeoneofthemostimportant

topicsinthediscussionoverthenatureofdemocraticregimesindifferentpartsoftheworld.Whatare

theimplicationsforthefunctioningofdemocracywhenitmaintainsfundamentalinequalitiesamongits

citizens?ThisquestionaffectsnotonlyyoungdemocraciesinLatinAmerica,EasternEurope,Asia,and

Africa,butalsothosecountriesinwhichdemocracyisperceivedtohavebeenconsolidatedlongago,

suchasEngland,France,theUnitedStates,andItaly.Womenconstituteoneofthelastsocial

contingenciestowinpoliticalrightsincontemporarydemocracies.And,justasinconsolidated

democracies,thisachievementweighsrelativelylittleonthedistributionofpositionsinpolitical

representation.Inthefieldofpoliticalscience,(Lijphart,19992003)hastouchedattheheartofthe

matterbymaintainingthattherateofwomen'sparticipationinnationalparliamentsisarelevant

indicatorofthequalityofdemocraciescurrentlyinexistence.Otherauthorsreinforcethisargumentby

insistingonthefundamentalcentralityoftheprincipleofpoliticalequalityintheevaluationofthe

comparativeadvantagesofademocraticregimeoveritsalternatives(MorlinoandDiamond,2005

ODonnell,IazzettaandVargasCullell,2004).Equality,inthiscase,doesnotonlyinvolvetherightto

electthemembersofthepoliticalelitewhowillgovern,butalsotherighttobechosentoinfluenceand

makedecisionsthataffectthepoliticalcommunityasawhole.

Basedonthispremise,thisworkaimsatcontributingtothedebateoverwomenspoliticalparticipation

anditsimpactforthequalityofdemocracybydiscussingthecaseofBrazilfromacomparative

perspectiveatamomentwhenthecountryiscompletingaquarterofacenturyofitssecondexperience

asademocracysinceitbecamearepublicin1889.Currently,theparticipationofwomeninBrazilian

parliamentislessthanhalfoftheworldaverage,i.e.,lessthan9%versus19.4%.AmongallLatin

Americancountries,BrazilrankssecondtolastPanamarankslastintheparticipationofwomenin

parliament.Whiledominantculture,socialbehaviors,andtraditionaldivisionsofrolesamonggenders



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1JoslvaroMoissisapoliticalscientistandthedirectoroftheCenterforPublicPolicyResearchoftheUniversityofSoPaulo.Beatriz

RodriguesSanchezisaresearchfellowfortheprojectBrasil,25anosdedemocraciabalanocrtico:polticaspblicas,instituies,,

sociedadecivileculturapoltica,towhichthisresearchintowomenspoliticalrepresentationinBrazilcontributes.

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involvediscriminationagainstandunequaltreatmentofwomen,theinstitutionalstructureofBrazilian

democracydoesnothaveinvolveanyformalrestrictionstotheirpoliticalparticipation.However,recent

researchhasshownthat,regardlessoftheexistenceofapolicyofquotasforwomeninpolitical

competitiondesignedtocorrectthetraditionalexclusionofwomenfrompoliticalparticipation,the

effectivedifferencesinthetreatmentofmenandwomenbypoliticalpartiescontinueaffectingthe

accessthatwomenhavetofinancingopportunitiesforrunningforoffice,thus,negativelyimpacting

theirelectoralperformance(Meneguello,ManoandGorsky,2012SpeckandSacchet,2012Migueland

Biroli,2009GrossiandMiguel,2001).Therelevantissueconsiststheninknowingiftheimplicationsof

thatimpactarelimitedtothepoliticalexclusionofwomenoriftheyaffectthefunctioningofthe

democraticregimeasawhole.

Ontheinternationalscene,anincreasingpreoccupationwiththisthemehasrecentlytranslatedintothe

creationofcommissions,withinorganizationsandinternationalregimes,designedtoaddressissues

relatedtotheparticipationofwomeninthepoliticallyrelevantdecisionmakingmechanismsandto

genderpoliticsingeneral.AnexampleofthistypeofinitiativeistheinstallationofUNWomen,the

UnitedNationsEntityforGenderEqualityandtheEmpowermentofWomen,createdin2010and

headedbyformerpresidentofChileMichelleBachelet.Inthe90s,theroleofpoliticalinstitutionsinthe

promotionandeffectuationofequalrightsforwomenandmenachievednewrelevancewithresearch

intohistoricalinstitutionalismandotherapproaches,whichbecameoneofthedecisivefactors

explainingthepoliticaldiscriminationagainstwomen.Duetotheirpowertorecruitpeopleforpolitical

life,tolegitimatepoliticalleaders,andtodecideonissuesofpublicinterest,politicalpartiesbecamea

centralfactorinthedebate.Withregardtoparliaments,theywereperceivedintheliteratureas

fundamentalpiecesinthearticulationofthepoliticalinterestsofwomen.Thisfindingservedas

inspirationformovementspromotingpoliticalreformsasameansofbetteringthedemocraticregime

(GoetzandSacchet,2008).

Thecontemporarypoliticaldebateaboutthepoliticalparticipationofwomenemphasizes,amongmany

others,twoprincipalarguments.Thefirstraisesthequestionofjusticeorofrecognitiondrawingonthe

premisethatitisillogicalandunnaturalforthedemocraticpoliticalsystemtosustainanotionaccording

towhichthetalentandvirtuesnecessaryforpubliclifeareattributedexclusivelytothemasculine

gender,partoftheliteraturedemonstratesaconflictthatexistsbetweenthedefenseofpoliticalrights

forwomenandtheeffectivefunctioningofinstitutionscreatedbymenwhoconstituteasthedominant



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elite:inpractice,institutionsconstraintheperformanceofwomenandotheroutsidersofthesystem.

Accordingtothisperspective,institutionsarenotneutral.Rather,theypossessbiasesorincentivesthat

makecertainoutcomesmorelikelythanothers.Furthermoretheyaremarkedbythecircumstancesof

theirhistoricaldevelopment,reflectingthepowerrelationsattheirroot.Giventhatrepresentative

institutionswerecreatedinthecontextofasymmetricgenderrelations,importantimplicationsarisefor

thesubstantiverepresentationofwomen.Moreover,theeffectsofthatasymmetryresultedinthe

primacyofmasculineconceptions,interests,andpriorities(Franceschet,2011).Inotherwords,the

absenceofwomenfrompositionsofpoliticalrepresentationorimplementationofpublicpoliciesshould

beattributedtothediscriminationtheyencounter,evenifthediscriminationisnotinstitutionalized.

Thesecondargumentreferstothethreatofcompromisingtheefficacyofinstitutionssuchas

parliamentsandpartiesasaresultoftheexclusionofwomen,who,inthemajorityofcases,makeup

50%ormoreofthepopulationofthecountriestakenintoconsiderationherein.Inthissense,the

exclusionofwomenwouldaffectnotonlytheperformanceofthoseinstitutionsbutalsothelegitimacy

oftheveryrepresentativepoliticalsystem,bringingintoquestionthenatureofthedemocraticregime.

Otherauthorsmaintainthatensuringthepresenceofwomeninparliamentsorotherofficesaspublic

representatives,fromasymbolicpointofviewandfromitsculturalimpact,leadscontemporary

societiestorecognizethesingularnatureofthesocialandpoliticalcontributionsofwomenand,atthe

sametime,causesanincreaseintherespectowedtothembyrequalifyingtheirplaceinsociety,

culture,andcontemporarypolitics.Seeingthatwomenhavedistinctlifeexperiencesfromthoseofmen,

nottomentiondifferentperceptionsandevaluationsofthedemocraticpoliticalprocess,their

participationcouldpotentiallychallengetherepresentativedemocracyinquestion,bringingtothetable

theneedtoincorporateinterestsandperspectivesrarelytakenintoconsiderationbythepolitical

system.Inotherwords,becausewomenandmenoccupydifferentpositionsinthestructureof

contemporarysocieties,womenhavethepotentialtoassumedistinctposturestowardamoreexigent

andethicaltreatmentofpublicbusiness,contributingtothebettermentofthepoliticalsystem2.

2Inthissense,studiesfocusedonanalyzingthegeneralpoliticalprocessdemonstratedthatwomenaremoreproactivethanmeninwhatissaid

withrespecttoissuesrelatedtotheirrights,whilethestudiesfocusedonthespecificresultsoftherepresentationofwomenarelessoptimistic

aboutthedifferencethatwomenmakeinotherwords,evenwhentheproportionofwomeninlegislaturesincreases,thepoliticalpracticesand

theresultsdontnecessarilychange.Theissuebecomesamatterofknowingiftheincreaseintheparticipationofwomenisenoughtoproduce

changesthatcanleadtothebettermentofthepoliticalsystemor,tothecontrary,iftheintrinsiccharacteristicsofthepoliticalsystemaresuch

thattheywouldimpedethatpossibilityforproperevaluation,thetopicrequiresnewempiricalresearchthatfallsoutofthescopeofthispaper.



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Theunderrepresentationofwomen,especiallyinparliamentsandinpoliticalparties,hascometobe

seen,forthemostpart,asanexpressionofademocraticdeficitthatbringsintoquestionthequalityof

democraciescurrentlyinexistence.Althoughthecontemporarydemocratictheoryrecognizesthatthe

levelofinclusivityofthepoliticalsystemthatis,theextenttowhichcivilandpoliticalrightsare

guaranteedtoallcitizenswithoutexceptionisafundamentalconditionfordemocraticconsolidation,

theminimalistapproachtodemocracydismissestheconsequencesoftheimpermeabilityofthesystem

totheparticipationofallsocialstratawhenevaluatingtheregime.Open,clean,andpredictable

electoralprocessesthatarefreeoffraudcanalterthesocialcompositionofpoliticalelitesasinthe

caseofBrazilinthelast25years(Rodrigues,2013),butthedeepeningofthedemocracydependson

whetherornotguaranteedaccesstopoliticalpowerisofferedtoallsegmentsofsociety,i.e.,itdepends

ontheexistenceofeffectiveconditionsthatassuretheparticipationand/ortheinfluenceofalladult

membersofthepoliticalcommunityinthedecisionmakingprocessesthataffectthem.

TheBraziliancaseconfirmsoneofthemostimportantfindingspresentedintheinternationalliterature

ontheimpactofthepoliticalinequalitythataffectsgenders.Thisfindingidentifiesthespecific

limitationsfoundinbothofthestagesinwhichtheprocessofparticipationofwomeninelectoral

competitionunfolds.Ontheoneside,therearelimitstowomenscapacitytopassfromtheconditionof

eligiblecitizenstotheconditionofcandidatesactuallyapttoparticipateintheelectoralprocessthose

limitsinvolveelectorallegislationthesystemofopenlistproportionalrepresentation,the

predominanceofpartyoligarchiesindecisionmakingandtheQuotasAct(LeideCotas)andthe

mannerinwhichpoliticalpartieschoosetheircandidates:theydonotadoptdemocraticmechanisms,as

isthecaseoftheAmericanprimariesmodel,tomakethatchoice.Ontheotherside,thereareobstacles

thatcomplicatewomensaccesstotheorganizationalandfinancialresourcesnecessaryfortheir

participationinthepoliticalcompetitionrecentexperienceshavedemonstratedthatitisoneofthe

mainhindrancestotheefficacyoffemaleparticipationinBrazilianpolitics.Variousfactorscanexplain

thissituation,especiallythoseofasocioeconomicorculturalnature,nottomentionthestrictlypolitical

ones.However,inlightoftheinexistenceofexplicitinstitutionalbarriersthatkeepswomenoutfrom

candidacyforpublicoffices,theissuepointstoadeficitinthefunctioningofBraziliandemocracy.

Researchinthisareaneedstoelucidatetherootsofthecontradictionbetweentheinstitutional

parametersthatdonotimpedetheexistenceoffemalecandidatesandtheformalandinformal

proceduresthat,inpractice,makeverydifficultandunviabletheselectionoffemalecandidatesby

politicalparties(Matland,2003Sacchet,2008).

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TheimplicationsofthisprocessforthequalityofBraziliandemocracyneedtobeevaluated,andthis

workprovidesapreliminarycontributiontothedebatebyfocusingonthreemainaspects:first,

innovationsintheexaminationofthesubjectintroducedbytheapproachofthequalityofdemocracy

secondly,thedescriptionoftheBraziliancasefromacomparativeperspectivewithotherLatinAmerican

countriesfinally,basedontheadvancementofresearch,theissueregardingthefinancingofwomen

candidatesinrecentelectionsinBrazil.ThisworkowesanintellectualdebttoTeresaSacchetandBruno

Speck,whosecontributionsgreatlyinfluencedthethoughtspresentedherein.

QUALITYOFDEMOCRACYANDPOLITICALINCLUSION

Internationalexperienceconfirmsthatelectionsareessentialtotheexistenceofanydemocracy.

However,analysesoftheprocessesofdemocratizationinmanypartsoftheworldoverthelast40years

haveshownthatelectionsdonotguaranteetheestablishmentofapoliticalsystemcapableofensuring

fundamentalprinciplessuchastheruleoflaw,respectforcitizenscivil,political,andsocialrights,as

wellascontrolandoversightofgovernments.Despitesignalingthatundemocraticalternativeswere

overcomeandthat,therefore,thechoiceofwhogovernsissubjecttotheprincipleofpopular

sovereignty,inseveralcases,evenwhentheprocessactuallyevolvedtoensuregovernability,elections

didnotnecessarilykeepelectoraldemocraciesfromnotmeetingtheminimumcriteriaunderwhichan

authoritarianpoliticalsystembecomesdemocratic.IntheSoutheastandinEasternEurope,inLatin

America,Asia,andAfrica,countriesthathaveconsolidatedcompetitiveelectionscoexistwith

governmentsthatviolatetheprinciplesofequalitybeforethelaw,usecorruptionandmisappropriation

ofpublicfundstoaccomplishprivateobjectives,andhinderorblockthefunctioningofmechanismsof

vertical,social,andhorizontalaccountability.Insuchcases,whatisatissueisnotwhetherdemocracy

exists,butitsquality(Shin,2005Morlino,2002DiamondandMorlino,2005O'Donnell,Cullelland

Iazetta,2004Schmitter,2005Lijphart,1999).

Consequently,thecontroversyoverthedefinitionofdemocracyisagaininthecenterofthedebate.

Despitetheadvancesoccurredinthenineteenthcentury,withtherecognitionofcivilandpoliticalrights

tocitizenshipandtheprogressiveeliminationofthequalificationrequirementsfortherighttovote,the

literaturehasrecentlyclassifiedthedemocraticsystemasaphenomenonofamultidimensionalnature

thatinvolveselections,fundamentalrights,institutionsofinterestintermediation,andthecivicculture

ofcitizens.Whiletheusualconceptadoptedbymainstreampoliticalsciencereferstotheprocedures

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andcompetitivemechanismsforelectinggovernments,recentapproacheshavebroadenedtheir



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understanding,takingintoconsiderationtherequirementsofbothaneffectivepopularsovereigntyand

thosethatrefertothecontentsandtheresultsofdemocracy.Theseapproacheshaveincludedthe

requirementsforpoliticalinclusionandeffectiveparticipationforademocracytorealizeitspromises,in

additiontotheperformanceofinstitutions.

InfluencedbytheminimalistapproachofSchumpeter(1961)andtheproceduraloneofDahl(1971),

severalauthorshavedefineddemocracyintermsofparticipation,politicalcompetition,andpeaceful

contestationoverpower,buttheyhavegenerallyleftoutofthedebatetheunequaltreatmentgivento

womenandotheroutsidersinthisprocess.Accordingtotheselinesofthought,theestablishmentofa

democraticregimebasicallyinvolves:1)therightofcitizenstochoosegovernmentsthroughelections

withtheparticipationofadultmembersofthepoliticalcommunitybuttheuniversalityofthis

conditionwasonlyfullyrecognizedwiththegradualextensionofwomenssuffrageinthetwentieth

century2)regular,free,open,andcompetitiveelections3)guaranteedrightstoexpression,assembly,

andorganization,especiallyforpoliticalpartiestocompeteforpower,althoughwithoutconsidering

whethertheinternaldecisionsofthepartiesaresubjecttodemocraticrules4)accesstoalternative

sourcesofinformationabouttheactionsofgovernmentsandthepoliticalprocess.Thisdefinition

maintainsthatanypoliticalsystemthatisnotbasedoncompetitiveprocessesforchoosingpublic

authoritiesi.e.,thatdonotdependonthevoteofthemassofcitizenscannotbeconsidereda

democracy.Howevertheusualdefinitionomitsthefactthatthesecompetitiveprocesses,inmostcases,

onlyincludedhalfofsocietybyexcludingfemalevoters,thoseofAfricandescent,andotheroutsiders.

Schumpetersperspectivepresumes,howeveranelectoralistfallacy,thatis,atendencytoprivilege

electionsoverotherdimensionsofdemocracy(Karl,2000).Bydefiningdemocracyasessentiallya

methodofchoosingbetweeneliteswhocompeteforpositionsingovernment,theminimalistapproach

hasgivenlittleimportancetowhathappensinotherdemocraticinstitutionsandhasignoredthe

discriminationimposedonwomenthatexcludesthepossibilityofintegratingthemamongsaidelites.

Neitherhasthislineofthoughtconsideredthatinstitutionssuchasparliament,politicalparties,the

judiciary,orthepolicecanoperateindeficitorinamannerincompatiblewiththedoctrineofseparation

ofpowers,livingwithelectoralrulesthatdonotrecognizetheeffectiveinequalitiesoftheirapplication.

Inseveralexperiences,theoppositionisbarredfromcompetingonanequalfootingandfindsno

supportintheGeneralProsecutor'soffice,judiciary,orparliamentwhenrestrictionsonfreedomofthe

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pressandmediaconstraincitizensrightstoparticipationandaccesstoalternativeinformationabout

thepoliticalprocessnorarethedifferencesintreatmentofwomenrecognizedasaproblemthatbrings

intoquestionthefunctioningofarepresentativedemocracy.



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ThecontributionofRobertDahlishoweverslightlydifferent:hebroadensthedefinitionofdemocracy

todealwithproceduresthatcharacterizepolyarchiesinconnectionwiththehistoricaltraditionand

politicalculture.Dahlinsiststhattheprincipleofcontestationofpowerisonlyassuredwhenthe

participationofalladultmembersofthepoliticalcommunityisunconditional,andtheirrighttochoose

andbechosentoformgovernmentsissecured.ForDahl,fulldemocraciesareonlythoseinwhich

suffragehasbeenextendedtoallsegmentsofsocietyandcertainlytowomenandthedescendantsof

slaves.InhisbookDemocracyanditsCritics(1989),Dahlreflectsonthefactthatonlyinthetwentieth

century,especiallyafterWorldWarII,werewomengiventherighttovoteandbevotedforincountries

likeFrance,Belgium,andSwitzerland.Hedesignatesthisasanobstacletotherealizationofpolitical

equalitydemandedbydemocracy.Dahldemonstratesthatevenauthorswhoinfluencedhisown

theoreticalperspective,suchasJohnLocke,excludedwomenfromthequalificationsrequiredforthe

righttovoteandtocompeteforpower(Dahl,1989,pps.124,135).ForDahl,governmentsandpolitical

leadersresponsivenessisalsoimportant,andforthisreasontheorganizationandrepresentationof

civilsocietythroughpoliticalpartiesisseenasfundamental.Butagaintheissueoftheinternal

democracyofpartiesisnotportrayedasanecessaryconditionofthestructureofopportunitieswhich

couldfacilitatetheparticipationofwomenandotheroutsidersofthesystem.

Thetheoreticalperspectivethatadvancestowardaneffectivetreatmentofthisquestionistheonethat

definesdemocracyintermsofitsquality.Accordingtothisperspective,thecontentsofthedemocratic

regime,i.e.,theprinciplesoflibertyandequality,aswellasitsrequirementforarticulation,arecentral

tothetheory.Playingonananalogyoftheoperationsofamarket,thetermqualityofdemocracyrefers

tothequalityofaproductinthiscase,thedemocraticregimetobeobtainedinaccordancewith

specificprocedures,content,andspecificoutcomes.Qualityinvolvesprocessescontrolledthrough

methodsandunique,precisetiming,capableofattributingparticularcharacteristicstotheproductto

meettheexpectationsofitspotentialconsumers.

Inthecaseofdemocracy,itisexpectedthattheregimemeetstheexpectationsofcitizenswithrespect

to:i.themissionthattheyascribetogovernments(qualityofresults)ii.theguaranteeofrightsto

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freedomandpoliticalequalityneededtoallowcitizenstoparticipateandachievetheirinterestsand

preferences(qualityofcontent)andiii.theexistenceofinstitutionalproceduresormethodsfor

choosinggovernorslastly,theaccountabilitydesignedtoempowercitizenstoassessandjudgethe

performanceofgovernmentsandrepresentativesauthorizedtoactontheirbehalf(qualityof

procedures).Institutionalproceduresandgovernmentactionareseenasameansofachievingthe

principles,contents,andresultsexpectedbycitizensregardingthepoliticalprocess.Therequirementof



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participationofsuchcitizensis,therefore,linkedtotheexistenceofapoliticalculturecapableof

legitimizingthesystem.Thepremiseisthattheprinciples,institutionalprocedures,andtheparticipation

ofcitizensshouldbearticulated,whichmakespoliticalinclusionafundamentalconditionnecessaryfor

theattainmentofpoliticalequality.

DiamondandMorlino(2005)identifiedeightdimensionsaccordingtowhichthequalityofdemocracy

canvary.Thefirstfivecorrespondtoproceduralrules,althoughtheyarealsorelatedtotheircontents:

theruleofthelaw,politicalparticipationandcompetitionandthemodalitiesforvertical,horizontal,

andsocialaccountability.Thetwothatfollowareessentiallysubstantive:ononehand,therespectfor

civillibertiesandpoliticalrightsontheother,asaconsequenceoftheformer,theguaranteeofpolitical

equalityandofitscorrelates,suchassocialandeconomicequality.Finally,anattributethatintegrates

proceduresintocontents,inotherwords,theresponsivenessofgovernmentsandrepresentatives,

throughwhichcitizenscanevaluateandjudgewhetherpublicpoliciesandthepracticaloperationofthe

regime(laws,institutions,procedures,andstructuresofpublicexpenditures)matchtheirinterestsand

preferences.Althoughthequalityofdemocracyapproachdefinesdemocracyintermsofits

fundamentalprinciplesandcontents,whichimpliestheperceptionofcitizensinthatrespect,it

integratesinstitutionalproceduresintocontentwithoutceasingtorefertothepracticalresultsofthe

systembasedontheassumptionthatsocialandeconomicequalitycanbeachievedonlyifandwhen

politicalequalityiseffective.

Animportantimplicationofthiswayofconceivingdemocracyistheconnectionbetweenrepresentation

andparticipationfortherealizationofthepreferencesofmembersofthepoliticalcommunity.This

connection,ifeffective,allowsonetoovercomethegapbetweenformalinstitutionsandsociallife.

Electionsandsubsequentmonitoringofresultsbyrepresentativeinstitutionsareseenprimarilyasa

meansofhonoringtherightsofcitizensandthepreferencesofdifferentsocialsegments.Theyarealsoa

drivingforceoftheinstitutionalconditionsthatestablishabalanceofpower,theeffectiveexistenceof

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anoppositionandtheobligationforgovernmentsandrepresentativestobeheldaccountablefortheir

actionstowardthisend,theroleofpoliticalpartiesandparliamentisfundamental.Byinsistingonthe

analyticalconnectionbetweenrepresentationandparticipation,thequalityofdemocracyapproach

shiftstheemphasisfromtheformaldimensionofdemocraticinstitutionsasstressedbyminimalistand

proceduraltheoriestomodes,includinginformalones,inwhicheffectiverightsshouldensurethe

principleofpoliticalequality.Fundamentalrightsdependontheruleofthelaw,theeffectivenessof

whichensuresthatthevaluesoffreedomandequalityarerealizedhowever,thisonlymaterializeswith

theeffectivepoliticalinclusionofdifferentsocialsegments,allowingthearticulationofthepreferences

oftwofundamentalcomponentsofthepoliticalsystem,namelythefunctioningofinstitutionsandtheir



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socialcontext.Accordingly,supposingthatthebalanceinthedistributionofresourcesofpower

organizationandmoneyisakeyfactorinstabilizingthepoliticalpartysystemandinensuringthe

properfunctioningofdemocracy,equalopportunitiesintheelectoralcompetitionandpoliticalinclusion

playkeyrolesinmeasuringthequalityofdemocracy.Inthissense,discrimination,whetheritbeformal

orinformal,thatexcludeswomenfrompoliticalparticipationinarepresentativedemocracylowersthe

qualityofdemocracy,andinthecaseofBrazil,compromisestheveryinclusivityrequiredbythepolitical

equalityprinciple.Thefollowingsectionsofthispaperdealwiththeimplicationsofthisframeworkfor

Brazil.

POLITICALPARTICIPATIONOFWOMENINBRAZIL

In2013Braziliscompleting25yearsofitslatestdemocraticexperience.Theelectoralcyclesfor

choosinggovernmentshaveusuallytakenplaceaccordingtotheconstitutionalrulesthatensurean

alternationinpower.Today,fundamentalindividuallibertiesaremoreguaranteedandtherehasbeen

anexpansionofcitizenshiprights,pointingtosomeimprovementinthefunctioningofrepublican

institutions.Afteranintervalofmorethantwodecadesofauthoritarianrule(1964/1988),themilitary

returnedtotheirprofessionaldutiesandnorelevantpoliticalactorrevindicatestheadoptionof

undemocraticmeanstocompeteforpower.Evenfacingstrongresistance,aTruthCommissiontasked

torecoverthememoryofrepressionandresistanceduringthedictatorshipisinoperationinthe

country.

Suchadvances,however,arenotenoughtoaffirmthat,apartfromitselectoralvirtues,ademocracyof

qualityhasbeenestablishedinthecountry.Partoftheliteratureevaluatingtheresultsof

democratizationinBrazilshowsthatthecountrysuffersfromdeficitsandsignificantdistortionsinthe

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functioningofitsdemocraticsystem.Abusesofpower,suchastheincreasingincidenceofcorruption,

showthattheruleoflawisnotyetfullyestablished.TheBrazilianfederalmodelinvolvesimbalances

relatingtotheoperationoftheelectoralsystem,whichgivesunequalweighttothevoteofcitizensof

largeandsmallstates,suchasSoPauloandRoraima.Moreseriousarethegraveconditionsofrelative

insecurity,especiallyamongpopulationsintheperipheryoflargecitiesinthepast27years,morethan

amillionpeoplehavebeenmurderedinthecountry.Withrespecttoaccesstoeducation,although

Brazilexperiencedinthemid90sthealmostcompleteuniversalizationofenrollmentinprimary

education,over80%ofyoungpeoplewhocompletethisinitialtrainingcyclearenotabletocomplete

highschool,affectingtheirstructureofopportunitiesastheyenterthelabormarketandpoliticallife.All

thisaddstotheunequaltreatmentmetedouttodifferentsocialsegmentswithrespecttotheirpolitical

rights,asisthecaseintheunderrepresentationofwomen,peopleofAfricandescent,andindigenous


http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:http://nupps.usp.br/downloads/relatorio2013/Anexo_68_WOMEN_S%2520POLITICAL%2520R 10/29

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communitiesingovernmentandintheNationalCongress.Thisisanindicationthattheprocessofextensionofrightstocitizensand,particularly,politicalinclusionstillhasalongwaytogointhe

country.Importantasymmetriesanddistortionsalsocharacterizethefunctioningofdemocratic

institutions,limiting,ontheonehand,institutionalfiscalizationandcontroloftheExecutiveand,onthe

otherhand,thefunctionofrepresentationassumedbypoliticalpartiesandparliament.Thepresidential

systemprevailinginthecountrygivestheExecutivecompletecontrolofthepoliticalagendaand,given

thehugelegislativeprerogativesreservedforpresidents,parliamentplaysamorereactivethan

proactiverole(Moissetallii,2010).

Thisdoesnotdenytheeconomicandsocialadvancesthathaveoccurredinthecountryoverthelast

twodecadesunderdemocraticgovernments.Themacroeconomicstabilityandinflationcontrol

achievedintheCardosogovernmentandmaintainedbyLuladaSilva(1995/2010)improvedliving

conditionsandparticipationintermsofconsumptionbenefitsforbroadsegmentsofthepopulation.

Greaterattentiontosocialissueshasresultedintheimprovementofindicatorsthatmeasure

inequalities.Buttheefficiencyandeffectivenessoftheprocessofformulation,implementation,and

evaluationofpublicpoliciesisstilllimited.Indifferentareasofgovernmentalactivity,planningisabsent

andthereremainfinancialwastesaggravatedbyembezzlementandcorruption.Moreover,thecriteria

thatinformthedecisionmakingprocessdonotalwaystakeintoaccounttheinequalitiesbetween

genders,socialgroups,orregions.

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Therefore,assessingthequalityofBraziliandemocracyrequiresspecificmeasurementsofdifferent

dimensions,suchaspoliticalparticipationandinclusion,vertical,social,andhorizontalaccountability

mechanisms,andgovernmentresponsiveness.Thispaper,however,dealswithonlythefirstofthese

dimensionsbasedontheexaminationofcomparativedataonwomenspoliticalparticipationinBrazil

andotherLatinAmericancountries.Thestartingpointforthecharacterizationofthepatternof

women'sparticipationistheproportionofparliamentaryseatsoccupiedbytheminthenational

parliament.Thepremiseisthatthemeasurementofsaidparticipationisaproxyfortheeffective

politicalinclusionofwomeninthecountry.Thepaperthenexaminesthelimitsrepresentedby

campaignfinancingforsuchinclusion.

SecondonlytoPanama,Brazilhasoneofthelowestratesofwomeninfederallegislativepositionsin

LatinAmericaintheworldranking,itoccupiesthe111thposition3.Inthe2010generalelections,

Brazilianwomenaccountedfor19.42%ofthecandidacies,butreachedonly8.77%ofthetotalnumber

ofrepresentativeselectedtotheHouseofRepresentatives4.Thefollowinggraphshowstheevolutionof



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femalerepresentationintheHouseofRepresentativesbetween1998and2010:

GraphI

Source:TSE,2012.

3 InterparliamentaryUnion,2012.4 TSE,SupremeElectoralCourt,2012.

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TheunderrepresentationofwomeninpoliticalinstitutionsoccursnotonlyinBrazil.Tothecontrary,it

isarecurringfactinallLatinAmericancountries.TableIbelowshowstheevolutionoffemalepolitical

representationinLatinAmericabetween1990and2011.ThedatashowthatinmostLatinAmerican

countriespoliticalrepresentationofwomenincreasedduringthisperiod,suggestingthat

democratizationaffectspoliticalinclusion.However,thepercentageofseatsheldbywomenisstillmuch

smallerthanthoseheldbymen.Brazil'ssituationcontrastssharplywiththatofothercountries,

especiallyCuba,CostaRica,Argentina,Ecuador,Mexico,Bolivia,andPeru.WiththeexceptionofCuba

whichhasnotyetexperiencedaprocessofdemocratizationallotherscountriesestablished

democraticregimesfollowingthethirdwaveofdemocratization(Huntington,1991)andadopteda

presidentialsystemofgovernment.WithdifferentpatternsofrelationshipbetweentheExecutiveand

Legislativebranches,almostallarecountrieswhereparliamentsaremorereactivetopoliticalagendas

proposedbytheExecutivethantheyactivelypresentalternativestoitinthiscontext,thecapacityof

womenrepresentativestosucceedinintroducingnewsubjectsintothepoliticalagendahasbeen

limited,althoughstudiesofcaseslikeArgentinaandChileindicatethatthelimitationsdependonboth

formalandinstitutionalrulesandspecificpoliticalcontextsthatleadactorstoexpandtheirworkspace

(Franceschet,2011).



12

TableI

Page13

Theobstaclesthathinderthesuccessofwomeninelectoralprocessesaremultidimensional.The

literaturepointstothreemainbarrierstothesuccessofwomencandidates:theelectoralsystem,

politicalparties,andcampaignfinancing.Braziladoptstheopenlistproportionalsysteminwhich

candidaciesaredecidedbasedonpoliticalcapitalandresourcesavailabletothecandidatesratherthan



13

beingpartofalistdefinedbypoliticalparties.Inadditiontoafierceintrapartydisputebetween

candidateswhichweakenstheparties,theprocessischaracterizedbyanextremepersonalization

ofcandidaciesand,forthatreason,dependsfundamentallyontheabilityofindividualcandidatesto

ensurethesupportofsocialnetworksanddrawontheirownfinancialresourcestomeetthecostsof

politicalcompetition,whichcanbeextremelyfierceandcostly.Apartfromthat,thedistributionof

politicalresourcesavailabletotheparties(inthecaseofBrazil,moneyfromapublicpartyfundandfree

televisionexposureduringanelectoralbroadcasthour)ismarkedbylargedisparities.Thescheme

reproducestheinequalitiesofthesocialstructure.Suchfeaturesannulthecomparativeadvantagesthat

someauthorsattributetotheproportionalelectoralsystem(Lijphart,1999)oncethat,insteadof

facilitatingtherecruitmentofcandidatesfromabroadersocialspectrum,itmakesrecruitment

dependentonfactorsoutsidethepoliticalprocess,particularlytheinfluenceofmoneyandsocial

prestige(Sacchet,2012).

Page14

Inthecaseofpoliticalparties,theBrazilianexperienceconfirmstheevidencepresentedintheliterature

accordingtowhichboththeirstructureandideologyarefactorsthatinfluencetheelectoral

performanceofwomen.ThemultipartysysteminBrazilisrelativelyunstableandfragileandisnot

characterizedbyverywelldefinedprogrammaticprofiles.Rather,partiestendtochangeposition

accordingtothepoliticalcircumstancesthatinfluencetheformationofthemajoritycoalitionthat

characterizesthecoalitionalpresidentialisminthecountry.Thisisoflittlehelpinattenuatingvoters

informationalcostswhendecidingtheirvote.Giventhecharacteristicsoftheproportionalelectoral

systemwhichmonitorstherecruitmentforseatsintheHouseofRepresentatives,politicalparties

adoptaverypragmaticperspectivewithregardtoselectionofcandidates.Thisselectionexceptfor

veryrareexceptionsremainsinthehandsofpoliticaloligarchiesthat,inmostcases,leadthepolitical

partiesfordecades.Theresultisamodelthat,assuggestedearlier,tendstogivepreferenceinthefinal

decisionstocandidateswhohavetheirownresourcestodrawfromorhaveaccesstoresources

providedbytheirsupporters.

Inspiteofthesecircumstances,thesocialpressureforincreasedparticipationproducedbythe

democratizationprocessresultedinsomechanges.Althoughwecannotproperlyspeakofa

democratizationofstructuresandproceduresadoptedbyparties,permeabilitytofemaleparticipation

increasedespeciallyamongleftwingparties.Thissignaledanimprovementtrendwhich,however,has

generatedverytimidresults.Inthissense,TableIIbelowshowstheparticipationofwomeninthetop

executiveofficesofpoliticalpartiesthesedays.

TableII



14

Page15

Source:IDB,2007.

TheWorkersParty(PT)hasthehighestparticipationofwomeninitstopexecutivebody,followedbythe

BrazilianSocialistParty(PSB),theBrazilianLaborParty(PTB),andthePartyoftheBrazilianDemocratic

Movement(PMDB).AlthoughthepercentageofwomenintheupperlevelsofthePTdoesnotexceed

35%,itisundeniablethatthepartysexperiencewithfemalemilitancybeginninginthe80sservedasan

incentiveforwomen'sgreateraccesstoseniorleadershippositionsinotherpoliticalparties.This

processwasclearlymorelimitedinthepartiesofthecenterandright,suchastheBrazilianSocial

DemocraticParty(PSDB)andtheDemocraticParty(DEM).Recentstudiesalsoshowthat,inadditionto

PT,PSB,andPDT,otherpartiesoftheleft,suchastheCommunistPartyofBrazil(PCdoB),gavemore

opportunitiesforfemalecandidates.ThisindicatesthatintheBraziliancase,ideologyisafactorthat

affectswomen'saccesstoleadershippositioninpoliticalparties.

THEROLEOFQUOTAS

Asaresultoffemalemilitancyduringtheprocessofdemocratization,almostallLatinAmerican

countriesadopted,fromthe90son,thepolicyofquotasforfemalecandidatesforlegislativepositions.

InBrazil,theadoptionofquotaswasaninitiativeofleftistparties.Thecountryhasimplementedquotas

forfemalecandidatesatthemunicipallevelforproportionalelectionssince1995.In1997,these

measureswereextendedtoallproportionalelections,establishingareserveofatleast30%andatmost

70%vacanciesforeachsexonthepartylists.

Theadoptionofquotaswasjustifiedbytheexpectationthatiftherewerenostructural,cultural,and

politicalobstaclescomplicatingthepoliticalparticipationofwomen,thenumberofrepresentativesof

bothsexeswouldbemorebalanced.Becausetheimbalanceisseenasderivingfrombothformaland

informaldiscrimination,thepremiseisthattheimbalancecanbecorrectedbyapolicythat,inaddition



15

tochangingtheinstitutionalnorm,wouldinfluencethepoliticalculture.Theargumentalsoclaimsthat

theinclusionofmarginalizedsegmentsofsociety,womenforexample,indecisionmakingincreasesthe

expressionandrecognitionofdifferentpointsofviewinademocraticpoliticalsystem,thusenhancing

theadoptionofpoliciesaimedattheneedsandinterestsofbroadergroupsofsociety.This

consequentiallyaffectsthelegitimacyandqualityofthedemocraticsystem.Thenanassessmentofthe

firstoutcomesofthequotaspolicycanprovideimportantinformationtothedebate.

Page16

Affirmativeactionpolicieslikequotasweremotivatedinlargepartbytherecognitionoftrue

inequalitiesamongspecificsocialgroups.Thepurposeofquotasistheequalizationofopportunitiesfor

thesegroups.Inthiscontext,thepredominanceofaLegislativecomposedmostlyofmenisseenasa

threatbothtotheimplementationofpoliciesdesignedforspecificsocialgroupssuchaswomenandto

thelesseningofgendergapsandunfairdivisionoflabor.Theidea,therefore,isthatchangingtheprofile

oftheplayersthatdefinethepublicpolicies,makingthemmorediversifiedandcomplex,canbean

initialsteptowardgenderequalityindifferentspheresofsocialandpoliticallife.Butthetension

betweentheimperativeofequalityandthedifferencethatactuallyexistsmarksthedebateoverquotas

sinceitsinception.Theideathatclaimstheexistenceofaspecificgroupidentitythatshouldbe

consideredinthefieldofpoliticalrepresentationischallengedbecauseitassumesinnatesimilarities

betweentheirallegedmemberswhowouldtendtoperpetuatethefixeddifferencesthat,tothe

contrary,shouldbeseenassubjecttoaconstantprocessofchange.Thisdebateisfarfromcomplete,

butthepreliminaryoverviewoftheresultsofthispolicycancontributetoitsdevelopment.Itiswiththis

objectiveinmindthatthedatacollectedabouttheeffectsofquotasintheBraziliancasearepresented

here.

Regardlessofthedirectionofthedebate,itspartialresultscannotbegeneralizedbecausetheydepend

onpoliticalandstructuralfactorsspecifictothecontextofeachcountryinwhichquotasareadopted.

ThedatapresentedbelowshowtheframeworkfortheadoptionofquotasinLatinAmericaforthe

differentparliamentaryhouses,forbothunicameralandbicameralstructures:



16

TableIII

Page17

Countries HouseofRepresentatives Senate Unicameralcountries

Argentina 1 1

Bolivia 1 1

Brazil 1 0Chile 0 0

Colombia 0 0Mexico 1 1

Paraguay 1 1DominicanRepublic 1 0

Uruguay 1 1CostaRica 1

Ecuador 1

ElSalvador 0Guatemala 0

Honduras 1

Nicaragua 0

Panama 1

Peru 1Venezuela 0

Source:IDB,2007.Legend:0=No,1=Yes

OfallthecountriesinLatinAmerica,onlyChileandColombiahavenoquotasforbothcongressional

houses.BraziladoptsthepolicyonlyfortheHouseofRepresentatives,LegislativeAssembliesofStates,

andMunicipalChambers.Inrelationtocountrieswhoseparliamentarystructuresareunicameral,El

Salvador,Guatemala,Nicaragua,andVenezuelahavenotadoptedapolicyofquotas,although,ascan

beseeninTableI,exceptforthefirst,alltheotherthreeexperiencedanincreaseinfemaleparticipation

afterdemocratization.ChileandColombia,despitenotadoptingquotas,arecountrieswherewomen's

representationhasincreasedslightly.Ofgreaterinterestistheevidencethatshowsthat,withthe

exceptionofBrazilandUruguay,thecountrieswherefemalerepresentationmostimproved,namely

Argentina,Bolivia,CostaRica,Mexico,Paraguay,andtheDominicanRepublic,arepreciselythosethat

haveadoptedquotas,insomecasesshowingsignificantgrowth(forArgentina).Apreliminaryconclusion

whichfollowsfromtheobservationofthisframeworkisthat,ingeneral,theprocessofdemocratization

hasplacedtheissueoffemalerepresentationontheagenda,butthemostpositiveresults,thoughnot

spectacular,haveoccurredincountriesthathaveadoptedthequotapolicy.

Evidently,Brazilrepresentsthemostsignificantexceptionofthissetofcountries.IntheBraziliancase,



17

theadoptionofquotaswasnotenoughtobringaboutgreaterparticipationofwomeninlegislative

positions.Theresearchshowsthattherearemanycausesforthisproblem.Amongthemarethetypeof

Page18

18

openlistelectoralsysteminthecountry,thenonobligatorylegalfulfillmentofquotasbypolitical

parties(thelawthatsetsquotasdoesnotrequirethepartiestofillthem),thefactthatquotasdonot

involveamandatoryallocationofpoliticalresourcesinfavorofwomencandidates,and,lastbutnot

least,thelownumberofwomenwhopresentthemselvesinelectoralcompetition.Thesepolitical,

institutional,andculturalfactorsexplainthefailureofquotapoliciesinBrazilandothercountries(Bohn,

2009).However,intheBraziliancase,anassessmentcannotberestrictedtothefederallevel.Thedata

onfemalecandidatesrunningfortheLegislativeAssembliesofStatesandMunicipalChambersindicate

thattheremaybeaprocessofgradualincreaseofmobilizationinfavorofwomen'sparticipationin

positionsofpoliticalrepresentationinthecountrypreciselybecauseoftheexistenceofquotas.

Thegraphsbelowshowtheevolutionofthenumberoffemalecandidateswhowereelectedtocity

councilsortopositionsasStateandfederaldeputies,andmayorsbetween1996and2012.Thetables

showthattherewasasignificantincreaseinthenumberofwomenrunningforthepostsofcity

councilorsandstateandfederaldeputies.However,thisincreasewasnotreflectedintheincreasein

thepercentageofwomenelected,whichremainedpracticallyconstant.Thequotalawforproportional

electionswasadoptedin1997,establishingareserveofatleast30%andatmost70%vacanciesforeach

sexonpartylists.Theprocedurefortheselectionofcandidateswithinpartiesandparticularly,the

distributionofresourcesthataffectelectoralcompetitionhavenotchanged.Thisshowstwothingsat

once:first,thattheissuecannotbeassessedwithouttakingintoaccounttheintegrationbetweenthe

formalstructureofquotasandinformalproceduresofpoliticalpartiessecond,that,albeittimid,the

scenarioofwomen'sparticipationinpositionsofpoliticalrepresentationinBrazilonlychangedwiththe

introductionofthequotapolicy.



Page19

19

Source:TSE,2012.

Source:TSE,2012



Page20

20

Source:TSE,2012.

Source:TSE,2012.

Thegraphonmunicipalgovernmentsshowsthatboththepercentageofwomencandidatesandthe

percentageofwomenelectedfollowedthesameupwardtrend,butthegrowthinthenumberof

candidatesformayorswaslowerthanthegrowthofcandidatesforcouncilorsorMPs.Onepossible

explanationforthisisthefactthatthequotalawdoesnotapplytomajorityelections.Toprovethis

Page21



21

statementwecalculatedthegrowthratesforfemalecandidatesandfemaleelectedofficials,ineach

office,betweentheyears1996and20125.Thegraphsbelowshowtheresultsofthisprocedure.

Source:ownelaboration.

5Forthecalculationofgrowthrates,weusedthefollowingequation:Nwomen/Ntotal.Subsequently,wecalculatedthedifferencebetweenthe

years.InthecaseofthegrowthrateforthenumberoffemalecandidatesforCityCouncil,forexample,Nwomen/Ntotalin1996wasequalto0.108672.In2000,thissameindexwasequalto0.191431.Thegrowthratebetween1996and2000was,therefore,equalto8.28%.

Page22



22

Growthratesofwomenrunningforpositionsofcitycounciloranddeputyhadthelargestincrease,and

itisdirectlyassociatedwiththeadoptionoftheQuotasActforthesetypeofpoliticalcompetition.In

spiteofthis,thegrowthratesofwomenelectedinbothcasesremainedstable.Inthecaseofelections

tomunicipalgovernments,thegrowthrateofwomenelectedaccompaniedthegrowthrateofwomen

runningforofficehowever,growthhasnotreached3%.Inthiscase,itisnotablethatthereisno

adoptionofquotas.ItispossibletoconcludethattheadoptionofthequotalawinBrazilresultedinan

increaseinthenumberoffemalecandidatesrunningforthepositionstowhichthelawapplies.Butthis

increasedidnottranslateintoanincreaseinthenumberofwomenelected.Theexplanationforthishas

tobesoughtinotherfactorsrelatedtowomen'spoliticalparticipation.Ontheotherhand,incases

Page23

wheretherewasnoadoptionofquotas,i.e.,inelectionstomunicipalgovernments,thenumberof

womenrunningforofficegrewatamuchslowerpacethanincaseswherethelawwasadopted.

ELECTORALFINANCINGONANDTHEPERFORMANCEOFWOMEN



23

Brazilianwomenfaceadoublebarrierinelectoralcompetition.Inthefirstplace,theyareunder

representedamongthecandidates.Secondly,whentheymanagetorunforoffice,theyfacedifficulties

thataffecttheirelectoralperformance.InBrazil,thefactthattheelectoralsystemisproportionalandof

openlistmakesitsothatelectoralcampaignsremainpracticallyinthehandsofthecandidates.This

conditionresultsindiscriminationagainstwomenforthemanyreasons.Researchshows,forexample,

thatthereisahighstatisticalcorrelationbetweenfinancialcollectionsforthecampaignsandelection

results.Indeed,togetherwithfactorssuchastheelectorallawandpoliticalparties,theliteratureon

women'spoliticalparticipationidentifiedcampaignfinancingasamajorfactoraffectingfemale

performanceintheelections.Inreality,thesethreeelementsarecombinedintheproductionofthe

framewhichresultsinunderrepresentationofwomeninpolitics,butthisismainlyduetothefactthat

politicalpartiesunevenlydistributeorganizationalresourcesandmaterialsthatimpactthesuccessof

campaignsand,therefore,thesuccessoffemalecandidates.

Thedatapresentedbelowwerecollectedtoofferapreliminaryoverviewofthesituationforthe

Braziliancasebasedonthe2010generalelections,andrelyinlargepartontheworkofpolitical

scientistsTeresaSacchetandBrunoSpeck6.InequalityincampaignfinancingforwomeninBrazilcanbe

observedonthebasisofcomparativedataontotalrevenueoffinancialresourcesusedbymenand

womenintheparliamentaryandstatelevelgovernmentelectionsin20107asshowninTableI:

6 "Fundingelection,politicalrepresentationandgender:ananalysisofthe2006elections,"PublicOpinionMagazine,Campinas,2012.7 Source:Sacchet,TeresaSPECK,Bruno,"MoneyandsexinBrazilianpolitics:campaignfinanceandelectoralperformanceofwomeninlegislativepositions",2012.

Page24

Totalrevenue(amongthecandidateswithinformation)2010Elections

General Femalecandidates MalecandidatesOffice Candidates Electedofficials FemalecandidatesFemaleelectedofficialsMalecandidatesMaleelectedofficials

StateDeputy R$944.186.346,80 R$454.419.049,22 R$118.234.210,63 R$53.543.502,49R$825.952.136,17 R$400.875.546,73FederalDeputy R$916.032.830,36 R$574.368.583,21 R$76.554.013,11 R$45.791.773,85R$839.478.817,25 R$528.576.809,36Governor R$725.351.043,61 R$302.379.851,42 R$61.343.719,05 R$30.076.727,76R$664.007.324,56 R$272.303.123,66Senator R$348.686.746,07 R$223.370.862,48 R$49.336.462,05 R$37.770.070,94R$299.350.284,02 R$185.600.791,54

Source: TSE

Thedatashowthattheaveragetotalnumberofmalecandidatesismuchgreaterthantheaveragetotal



24

numberoffemalecandidatesinallcases.Toanalyzethesedatawithgreateranalyticalprecision,the

abovementionedresearcherscreatedtwoindexes:theSuccessIndexofVotes(ISV)andRevenue

SuccessIndex(SRI).TheISVisanindicatorthatmeasurestheelectoralsuccessofcandidatestakinginto

accounttheconditionsofcompetitionintheStatesorfederalunit(UF)inwhichthesecandidates

compete.Thefactorsareconsideredasfollows:

Vcandidate:totalvotesreceivedbythecandidate

Vuf:sumofvotesreceivedbyallofthecandidatesoftheUF(state)

Nuf:numberofcandidatesfromeachUF(state)

Tomeasurethesuccessoffundraisingefforts,analogouscalculationswereused.Theindicatorof

successinrevenue(ISR)relatesthesumofthefundsraisedbyeachcandidatetothesumofrevenues

fromallcandidatesofeachStateorUF.Thus,itispossibletomeasurethepercentageoffundscollected

byeachcandidateoverthetotalresourcesoftheUF.

Rcandidate:Candidatestotalrevenue

Ruf:totalrevenueoftheUF/state(sumoftherevenueofallthecandidatesoftheUF/state)

Nuf:numberofcandidatesfromeachUF/state

Page25

BoththeISVandtheISRhavevalue1whenthevotesorrevenueofthecandidatecorrespondwiththe

averageofthevotesorrevenueoftheUForStatesconcerned.Thevalueisgreaterthan1ifthe

candidateachieveshigherthanaveragevotesorrevenue,sotheclosertozerotheseindicatorsare,the

worsetheperformanceofthecandidatesintermsofresourcesandvoteswithrespecttothetheir

competitorsaverages.TheuseoftheISRandtheISVallowsforamoreaccuratecomparisonofthe

performanceofindividualcandidates,bothwithrespecttothefundscollectedandtothevotes

obtained,makingitpossiblefortheanalysistotakeintoaccountdifferentBrazilianStatesandparties.

ThegraphsbelowshowthedataforthecollectionofmenandwomenwhocompetedforofficeasState

andfederaldeputiesin2010.Inthiscase,thedataiscomparedwiththe2006electionandmeasuredin



25

ISRwiththegoalofmakingcomparisonoftheircampaignfinancingmoreprecise.

Page26



26

Bycomparingthevaluesofthegraphsitcanbeobservedthatthedifferencesbetweenthefundraising

ofmenandwomenaresignificant.Fortheofficeofstatedeputyin2006,womenwereleftwith9%less

fundsthanmen,butfortheofficeoffederaldeputymostimportantfromthepointofviewof

politicalrepresentationwomenwereat41%lessthanmen.In2010,thedifferencebasedontheISR

showsthatwomenhad31%lessresourcesfortheofficeofstatedeputyand54%lessfortheofficeof

federaldeputy,showingthatinequalityinthiscasemaybegrowingratherthandecreasingovertime

thus,thepositiveeffectsoftheadoptionofquotasmaybeneutralizing.

SacchetandSpeckpresentfourhypothesestoexplaintheunequalfundingoffemalecandidates'

campaigns.Thefirstsuggeststhatprivatefinancing,thatis,theabilityofapplicantstoassailtheirown

financialresourcestowardtheircampaigns,iscriticaltothesuccessoftheircampaigns,whichwould

leavewomeninapositionofdisadvantage,amongotherreasons,becausetheyhavetraditionallyless

controlovertheirownresourcesandthoseoftheirfamilies.Thesecondhypothesisstatesthatwomen

havelimitedaccesstosocialandpoliticalnetworksthatmightotherwiseprovidealternativesourcesof

campaignfunding.Thethirdhypothesisisfocusedonlowfinancialsupportofprivatedonorsforfemale

candidatesprivatecompaniestendtoinvestresourcesforthecandidatestheydeemmostlikelytowin

theelection,inthiscasemen.Thelasthypothesisholdsthatpartiesdiscriminateagainstwomeninthe

distributionofpartyfundresources,despitethefactthattheseresourcesarepublic,thatis,derivefrom

taxrevenuescollectedfrombothmenandwomen.

Page27

Astheindicespresentedshowed,thereisanimbalanceintherelationshipbetweenthenumberof

candidatesofeachsexandtheproportionalvolumeofcampaignfundraising.Thedatashowthatmen

raiseproportionatelymoremoneythanwomenfortheircampaigns.Thisunderfundingofwomen

candidateshappensinmostBrazilianstates.Itcanbeargued,therefore,thatthelowperformanceof

womeninelectionsisdirectlylinkedtothelowfundingoftheircampaigns.Ontheotherhand,the

politicalcapitalunderstoodasthepoliticalexperienceofthecandidatebasedoninformationontheir

priorpoliticalparticipationalsoinfluencesthebehaviorofdonorsandtheamountofvotesreceived.

Twohypothesesabouttheinfluenceofpoliticalcapitalontheperformanceofcandidatesare

mentioned:thefirstarguesthatthelongerthecandidateshavebeeninvolvedinpolitics,thegreater

theirchancesofwinningtheelections.Thesecondsuggeststhatcandidateswithmorepoliticalcapital

havegreateraccesstofinancialresources.Thereisacloserelationshipbetweenpoliticalcapitaland

electoralsuccess.However,femalecandidatesaredisadvantagedbothamongcandidateswhohavenot

heldofficeforapreviousterm(lesspoliticalcapital)andamongthecandidatesvyingforreelection

(greaterpoliticalcapital).Thismeansthatthepoliticalinstituteofreelectionincreasesthedifferences



27

betweenmenandwomen.Candidateswithgreaterpoliticalcapitalacquiregreaterfinancialdonations,buttheunderfundingofthecampaignsofwomenpersists(Sacchet,2012a).

PRELIMINARYCONCLUSIONS

Since1998,therehasbeenanincreaseintheparticipationofwomeninlegislativepositionsinBrazil.A

majorreasonforthisincreasewastheadoptionoflegislationprovidingquotasforfemalecandidates.

However,asfigure1show,thenumberofelectedwomenremainedstableovertime.Thismeansthat

quotasarenotsufficienttoincreasethepoliticalinclusionofwomenandthusreduceinequality

observedbetweenthemandmen.Thedatapresentedearliersuggestthatothermeasurestoensure

moreequitableconditionsforelectoralcompetition,suchasthebalanceoffundsforelection

campaigns,areneeded.Inaddition,theabsenceofdemocraticpracticeswithinBrazilianpoliticalparties

tochoosecandidatesforelectedofficeisalsoafactorofgreatimportance.

Theissuediscussedhereintouchesonafundamentalaspectofthequalityofdemocracythatwas

proposedbytheoristsofdemocracymanyyearsago.Sartori8,forexample,arguedthat"...morethan

anyotherfactor(...)itisthecompetitionbetweenpartieswithbalancedresources(political,human,

andeconomic)thatgeneratesdemocracy".Thesignificantdifferencesinthefinancingofcampaignsfor

menandwomeninBrazilshowthatthisconditionhasnotyetbeenachievedinthecountry.Academic

8SARTORI,G.Elementosdeteoriapoltica.Madrid:Alianza,1992.

Page28

researchalsoindicatedthatthereisahighcorrelationbetweenthefundsraisedbycandidatesandtheir

chancesofelectoralsuccess.Theelectoralfinancingis,therefore,oneofthemostimportantfactorsthat

influencetheperformanceofwomeninelections.Inshowingtheneedtomeasuresuchaspects,the

qualityofdemocracyapproachshedslightontheexistenceofdeficitsinthefunctioningofBrazil's

democraticregime.Suchdeficitscanberemediedthroughreformsofthedemocraticinstitutions.This,

however,wasnottheobjectofthisworkandshouldbetreatedonanotheroccasion.

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