Total votes: 1173

Weekly Internet Poll # 31Q. Is the government serious about controllingcorruption?

EXCLUSIVE

#91 26 April - 2 May 2002 16 pages Rs 20

Q. Will the bombings and attacks on developmentinfrastructure help or harm the Maoist cause?

Weekly Internet Poll # 32. To vote go to: www.nepalitimes.com

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RAMYATA LIMBUDespite assurances from the Maoist leadership that tourists willnot be targetted, recent instances of extortion frommountaineering and trekking groups in Nepal have raised fearsthat local cadre have their own fund-raising agenda.

Nepal’s tourism industry, already hit by a global recession,regional tensions and bandhs in Kathmandu, is expected to beadversely affected as news of the incidents spreadsthrough the Internet.

“Climbers are an adventurous lot, but if you get moreincidents of extortion, then people will just go elsewhere,”says Tashi Jangbu Sherpa, president of the NepalMountaineering Association.

To be sure, there have been stray incidents of Maoists andcriminal elements called khaobadis robbing tourists in the pastthree years. But tour guides and their agencies who paid up had

The Annapurna and Everest trails benefit, as trekkers pull out of remote areas.played down the “donations” fearing that the publicity wouldhurt business. But now the sums demanded have gone up andlocal companies can no longer absorb the new costs.

Trekkers in Humla were recently forced to pay $50 eachbefore being allowed to proceed, a trekking group has beenforced to pay a Maoist “tax” on the Kangchenjunga trail, raftingcompanies say Maoists now come to camp at night anddemand a similar fee. The Jiri trail is infested with Maoists, andalthough trekkers have never been harmed, they have beenaccosted and asked to pay up. However, no extortion hasbeen reported in popular trekking areas like the Annapurnasand Mt Everest.

Even in Chitwan, there have been incidents whereMaoists have paid midnight visits to camps demanding up to Rs100,000. Later on, tour leaders heard they were local youthpretending to be Maoists.

Taxing time for trekking

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BINOD BHATTARAIive months after the declaration of thestate of emergency, the military stalematecontinues. There is no clear winner, but

there is a clear loser: the national economy.Information minister Jaya Prakash Prasad

Gupta told us last week that over a third of thecountry’s 3,900 VDC buildings have beendestroyed, 13 districts are without phones,five hydroelectric plants are out of action, and250 post offices have been destroyed.Telecom infrastructure alone will cost Rs 250million to replace. Losses to business cannoteven be calculated accurately.

But these estimates are already outdated—such is the acceleration of the crisis. This week,Maoists have hit telecom stations putting outfour more districts: Okhaldhunga, Khotang,Solukhumbu and parts of Sindhupalchok. Themain 132 kV transmission line has been hitin western Nepal, leaving four more districtswithout power. A Rs 70 million Radio Nepaltransmitter in central Nepal was destroyedTuesday night.

It’s hard to detect a rationale for suchwanton destruction of national assets. Butgoing by the 9 April interview with BaburamBhattarai in his party’s undergroundnewspaper, the attacks are aimed at pressuringthe government to call off the army and agreeto talks on the Maoists’ terms.

The five-day bandh is also a part of thatstrategy. The Maoist militia has been feelingthe heat and been forced to attack soft targets inrecent weeks. They need a respite to regroupand retrain, and a a ceasefire and resumptionof talks would be helpful to that end.

This week’s strike and unspecifiedthreats of an “indefinite strike” in the futureare supposed to force the government to thetable. It is now clear that the attacks oninfrastructure and VDCs which began inmid-March weren’t by local cadre acting ontheir own, but part of a deliberate plan tobring the government to its knees.

Either way, it is ordinary Nepalis who aredirectly hit. The five-day strike is estimated to

Will the parachute open?FREE FALL

cost the economy Rs 5 billion, and the losersare mainly dairy farmers, vegetable vendors,taxi drivers, bus companies, day-labourers,construction workers and the hundreds ofthousands who depend on the tourismindustry.

Rabi Bhakta Shrestha, president of theFederation of Nepalese Chambers ofCommerce and Industries (FNCCI) hasstopped talking about his favourite topics: taxconcessions, business incentives, and theinvestment promotion board. His singleobsession now is the security situation. “Ifthings remain the same, the economy is goingto fold up in less than six months,” he warns.“This country should be in intensive care, itneeds emergency treatment.”

The gloom and doom is not exaggerated.Trade, tourism, retail sales and transport, allof which were already in crisis are beingkicked while already down. All this is havinga cascade effect on the rest of the country.

“Distribution is very badly affected, the

first week of the month was a washout,” saysSandip Ghose of Nepal Lever, one of thecountry’s largest manufacturing operations.“Raw material transport has been hit. Andthere is no use producing if you cannot sendyour products to the stores anyway. The entirecycle is disrupted.”

Statistics don’t reflect the severity of thecrisis yet, but banks are already facingliquidity shortages, even though few areborrowing. This is an indication of capitalflight and large withdrawals as people starthoarding cash abroad, or buying other assets.

FNCCI spokesman Rajendra Khetansays: “At a time when we should be creatingemployment, there are layoffs in airlines,hotels and the garment industries.”Khetan blames the crisis on apathy andindifference among politicians, businessand civil society.

The mood in the business communityhas gotten so bad, some have decided thatsince no one is listening and nothing is

moving, there is no point complaininganymore. “I don’t want to talk about it. What’sthe point?” says a visibly upset Narendra KBasnet, promoter of Himalayan Distillery.

What puzzles many is the paralysis ofgovernment—it seems to have given up tryingto do its bit. This has convinced industry thatno one is in charge. While an aggressive hearts-and-minds programme may have worked fivemonths ago, today there is no governmentpresence in large parts of the country. Whenasked, ministry officials admit things are bad,but say nothing can be done until the securitysituation improves.

Still, Finance Minister Ram Sharan Mahatbelieves the wreck may be salvageable. “We’renot doing well because we cannot de-link theconflict from the economy,” he explained to us.“Our economic fundamentals are still sound,and we can have a rapid turnaround if thesecurity situation improves.”

And that is the big “if”. Lack of fullinformation has made it impossible to makeobjective assessments about the state of the war.Many, including government, want to believethat the security forces have the upper hand,but the debacles at Accham and Satbaria haveforced them to reassess. Deuba himself toldReuters last week that the war could drag on foranother “five to ten years”.

If we are in it for the long haul, thensustaining losses to the economy on this scalewill mean that it will collapse before peace isrestored. These losses do not take intoaccount the roughly Rs 8 million daily costof security operationspresently. The securityforces have seriouslogistical limitations,and have a shoppinglist that includes 12helicopters, two fixed wing aircraft, andcommunications equipment. Mahat doesn’tknow where he is going to find the money topay for all this, and the only alternative tofinancing that is help for hardware fromIndia and the United States.

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Editorial p2One man’s terrorPuskar Gautam p3No paper tiger

US $40 millionSecurity forces from the US PacificCommand left this week after visitingRolpa and Gorkha to assess militaryneeds. Five earlier missions looked intodevelopment. The teams will now puttogether a support package ($20 millioneach for security and development) priorto endorsement by the US Congress. TheRNA’s shopping list includes assault rifles,armoured Mi-17 helicopters, fixed wingSTOL transport, communication equip-ment, and night vision aids. Developmentsupport will be channelled through USAIDand used to rehabilitate hospitals anddamaged infrastructure, and launch a

“massive” job campaign in insurgencyareas. The US Foreign Military SupportProgramme delivers hardware directly anddoes not hand out cash. Sources in NewDelhi tell us the US money will behandled by India to buy the helicoptersfrom a former Soviet state for delivery toNepal. A State Department source,however, ruled out this possibility.

Maoist arsenalThe Royal Nepal Army has inadvertentlylet out what kind of arms the Maoists havecaptured from their Ghorahi, Mangalsenand Satbaria raids. The announcement ofa bounty for the heads of Maoist leadersalso includes rewards for different types ofguns. So here is the list of the Maoistarsenal: General Purpose Machine Guns,41mm rocket launchers, 81mm mortars,Light Machine Guns, Enfield 303 rifles,pistols and revolvers. Our own count putsthe total of weapons captured at about200 SLRs, 12 machine guns, six mortars,as well as rocket launchers andammunition. (see also p5)

PREVIEW AND QUIZ

22222 EDITORIAL 26 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMESNepali Times is published by Himalmedia Pvt Ltd,Chief Editor: Kunda Dixit Editor: Anagha NeelakantanDesign: Kiran Maharjaneditors@nepalitimes.com, www.nepalitimes.comAdvertising: Sunaina Shah advertising@himalmedia.comSubscription: Anil Karki subscription@himalmedia.comSales: Sudan Bista sales@himalmedia.comSanchaya Kosh Building, Block A-4th Floor, LalitpurGPO Box 7251, Kathmandu, NepalTel: 01-543333-7, Fax: 01-521013Printed at Jagadamba Press: 01-521393

STATE OF THE STATE by CK LAL

ne of the things that has changed since 11 September is mediahandling of the word “terrorist”. Even politically correct puristswho used to stick strictly to the one-man’s-terrorist-is-another-

man’s-freedom-fighter dictum buckled under the outrage of theattacks. And as country after country joined America’s ‘war onterror’, our government also found it useful to lump our Maoistcomrades into same category.

To be fair, the Indians beat us to it. It was Indian External AffairsMinister Jaswant Singh who declared our Maoists “terrorists” lastNovember even before we’d got around to it. New Delhi’s Englishpapers, whose editorials often reflect the thinking of a certain sectionof the foreign policy establishment there, backtracked somewhat,however, when they called the “people’s war” a “national liberationstruggle”.

Arbitrary use of the label “terrorist” carries the danger of doublestandards. We will then tend to tag only those opposed to us asterrorists, while those we support (even those who use terroristtactics) we will call good guys. And what of state-sponsoredterrorism, where the armed forces of democratically elected statesperpetrate atrocities against civilians? Is a group terrorist only if it isnon-governmental, like al-Qaeda or Hamas?

Labels matter. Why else would the White House now insist oncalling Palestinians who blow themselves up “homicide bombers”?Because suicide is proof of desperation, and points to grievancesand injustice that have become intolerable. Suicide is also an ultimateact of “martyrdom”—another loaded word.

L E T T E R SL E T T E R SL E T T E R SL E T T E R SL E T T E R SSOCIAL EVIL“A blink or a wink” by RamyataLimbu (#90) shows this is aprevalent problem here. I myselfhave been a victim of sexualharassment, and know that it isrampant not only in the,workplace but also in thestudent-teacher relationship. If itcan happen with a university

student like me, it could be worsefor younger students. What I havelearnt from my experience is thatno penalty will compensate awoman for the humiliation. Still,why should the criminal assailantget away? We all need to speakout.

Prateebha TuladharMaharajgunj

I worked in a tarai town for two years,and can relate to both situationsdescribed in your coverage ofsexual harrassment. Before I cameto Nepal, I was aware of thediscriminatory treatment of women,and I changed many of my dailyhabits to “fit in”. With my col-leagues and friends, this may haveprevented some of the harassmentthat previous volunteers warned meabout, but it did not protect mefrom the daily hassles that strangerson the street felt was their right toinflict on me. But my first reactionwhen I saw the accompanying phototo your “Teasing tourists” article wasto notice the tourists’ bare legs andarms. I find myself reactingjudgmentally when I see suchculturally-inappropriate dress andwonder how tourists can be sounaware of the effect of theirclothing choice. But, although thisdoes contribute to the stereotypesthat feed the attitudes that lead tosexual harassment, it is not the root

of the problem, which is the beliefof certain men about their right todegrade women, and theirsubsequent actions to causeintimidation and harm. Sexualharassment will only be success-fully addressed by dealing with theunderlying roots of genderinequality, not by blamingourselves for what we might havedone to provoke the situation. Theissue is now what women wear—it’swhat men do. After three years inNepal, I will miss many things, butI look forward to reclaiming myright to freedom from unwantedattention of my body and most ofall, overcoming the shame thatthis attention has caused me tointernalise. I’m not saying thatshort skirts are the flag of afeminist utopia, but every womandeserves the right to be judgedonly by who she is, not by what shewears.

Christine MylksEx-VSO

Whilst I agree with Ms Lustig’scomments about how horriblymen in Nepal harass women,especially women of the kuirevariety, I believe it is utterlynaive to suggest that the NepalTourism Board will manage toeducate those lewd desperadosthrough an education cam-paign. The basic problem isthat these young (and not soyoung) men have a large build-up of testosterone with not muchin the way of outlet. So whatalternative is there to poking,pinching, grabbing, rubbing,leering, jeering and generallyleching at women? What is theTourism Board going to say—“Start respecting women” or“You are more likely to getwhatever it is that you are after(friendship, business, informa-tion— whatever) by being agentleman”?

Jyoti ThapaMelbourne

ART OF GIVINGRe: CK Lal’s “Fatalism, capitalismand altruism” (#89). What hashappened to us along the way?Have we become so self-absorbedand selfish that we have forgottenthe art of giving? If we shouldreceive, must we not give? Isn’t thatwhat our mothers taught us? Wakeup, enlightened Hindu rich.

Tapas ThapaThapathali

As an American citizen, I under-stand that America, as the onlysuperpower, will receive interna-tional criticism from a significantminority no matter what ourgovernment’s policies are. I alsowill be the first to acknowledge thatmany times American policy or IMFpolicy seeks primarily to benefititself both politically and economi-cally. However, CK Lal’s “Do ourbanners yet wave” (#90) is yetanother example of the Nepali“elite” blaming everybody else butthemselves. The truth is that Nepal

has no one to blame but itself andits aphno manche culture for thesituation it finds itself in. Primaryallegiance to family or clan, notthe common good, is the rootcause of the Maoist uprising. Thistree and its root have sprung notfrom abroad, but from the soil ofNepal. Mr Lal and the Nepali eliteneed to look in the mirror if theywant to discover the cause.

S TroutmanKathmandu

While it is not surprising that yourreaders like Dr Amrit KC tookoffence at CK Lal’s exemplificationof General Rana’s red tika (Letters,#89), it seems to me that bothparties have overlooked theobvious: Nepal is not a secularstate but officially self-proclaimsitself to be a Hindu kingdom. Itshould therefore come as nosurprise that the commander-in-chief exhibits his religious affilia-tion publicly.

In your editorial (“Feckless

pluralism,” #89) you state that “ittook the Europeans two hundredyears to perfect the system.” Thismay be an understatement. Nepalis actually going through a strugglesimilar to that which Europe wentthrough in the 1600s, circa KingHenry VIII, when states started to letgo of priestly feudal systems.Although in most western countriescitizenship is the legal birthright ofall genders and social and ethnicclasses, monarchs can still retainrule over religious systems, and thestates and the civil services arelargely secular. The systems arestill far from perfect. These thingstake time to evolve, and serious,fearless soul-searching, by pro-active civic participants.

(Name withheld)

CK Lal calls Julia Chang Bloch a“viceroy” (#90). To be a viceroy onehas to be a governor acting in thename of a king or a king-emperor.Madam Chang, for all her struttingaround, was not qualified to be a

viceroy in Nepal. That distinctionhas always gone to the successor ofthe British resident, the envoy ofthe Delhi Darbar in Kathmandu.

G RimalKathmandu

EGRETSInteresting piece by Eric Steffenson the Keshar Mahal birdlife (“Thereturn of the egrets,” #90). I hope itwill give the restorers of the gardensome incentive to accommodatenot just the cattle egret, but all theother birds and bats that call thetall trees home. One smallcorrection: your front page pictureis of a Little Egret, not a CattleEgret.

Sumit KCThamel

3333326 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMESNATION

NO HEALERWhen a “great country” denied avisa to my brother, even thoughhe was a senior governmentofficial and had a wife and fourchildren in Nepal, we decided togo to Thailand’s Bumrungrad.Our decision was greatlyinfluenced by your interview withRuben Toral (“What peoplerecognise is good value forhealth care,” #87). The doctorsthere said my brother's chanceof recovery was good. A daybefore the operation, however, asurgeon came in, said he wasdoing the operation and toldmy brother point blank: “Youmay survive, or you may die.”Never have I heard a doctor say

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ONE MAN’S TERRORISTAnd speaking of martyrs. There used to be a time (remember?)

when for decades we in Nepal only had four martyrs—the freedomfighters executed by the Ranas. Their names are burned into ourmemories from school textbooks. Today, the number of securityforce personnel who have “attained martyrdom” in six years ofconflict is approaching 1,000. The Maoist side has its own growinglist of “martyrs”, and in Maoland there are “martyr gates” on theapproach to every village.

The contest for terminology like “martyrs”, “suicide bombers” and“terrorists” shows that this is also a war of words. An attempt to shroudslaughter in symbolism. And because it involves words, the mass mediabecomes a part of it. That is why this is currently a subject for suchheated debate in journalism schools. One particular group calledMinnesotans Against Terrorism (MAT) has tried to play ombudsman andspot trends in terror-labelling. It has tried to cut through the rhetoric andcome out with its own definition, saying: “Calling the targeted killing ofinnocent civilians anything but terrorism is completely unconscionable.”But even this definition has holes, as has been pointed out, since thereare questions then about whether the firebombing of Dresden or Tokyoand Hiroshima can also be called “terrorist” acts.

That is probably the moral of the story. Who is terrorist depends onwho is talking. As for us, we will go along with “deliberate killing ofcivilians to achieve political goals” as the most accurate definition. Butthat leaves out acts such as the torching of hospital vehicles, milk vans,forestry offices, health centres and agriculture extension offices. Themost effective weapon in the Maoists’ revolutionary arsenal is fear, and

fear is effective only when the public is terrorised into submission.This is what makes bandhs “successful”.

No one has any illusions anymore that the Maoists’ ultimate goal isabsolute power. They are not in the mood to share power withanyone. And it is clear they will do anything to get there, using thepower of terror.

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COMMENT by PUSKAR GAUTAM

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“Imperialism interferes and fails,interferes again and fails again,again it interferes and fails again,and this is how it invites its ownend.” That was Mao Zedong.Our comrades have taken thatnugget of Maoism to heart, andare convinced that the demise ofimperialism is inevitable.

Mao also used to say thatimperialism is a paper tiger. But60 years after Mao’s revolution,and especially after the collapse ofthe Soviet Union, it is clear thatimperialism is a real tiger withstars and stripes.

The Maoists interpret thehelp in the form of hardware andadvice from India, Britain and theUnited States for Nepal’scounter-insurgency operation asthe beginning of imperialist“interference.” They see thesocial and economic contradic-tions within Nepal, in the region,and internationally, as stemmingfrom a classic class war betweenrich imperialist oppressors andsupressed poor nations.

This explains the thesis of theRevolutionary InternationalistMovement (RIM) that theepicentres of all revolutionsoriginate in countries under theimperialist yoke. What drives theNepali revolution is the doctri-naire Maoist belief in the right-eousness of the cause and ininternational solidarity amonglike-minded leftists about the“people’s war”. Our Maoists arethe main actors in this largerglobal commune. South Asia,with its social injustice, exploita-tion and large masses of disenfran-chised, has become the mainlaboratory to test RIM’s thesisthat total revolution is the onlyway out of the present morass in aregion with 75 percent of theworld’s absolute poor.

Imperialism’s present incarna-tion of globalism plays out atdifferent levels. Socio-culturalimperialism not only binds theoppressed down to where theyare, but also, through global

No paper tigermedia, influences the way theythink. Trade imperialism worksthrough supra-national entitieslike the WTO to protect theprivileges of the powerful.Military imperialism after 11September has moved from a low-intensity war to hot conflictsstretching from Khost to Basilan.The US president has called Iraq,Iran and North Korea the “axis ofevil”, the emphasise being thatthe “evil” has to be defeated forlasting peace. Any force against anelected government is terrorist,Colin Powell declared. NepaliMaoists automatically fell intothat slot. This categorisation hasin any case been made easierbecause the Maoists haveincreasingly targeted non-combatants and developmentinfrastructure directly benefitingthe poor.

Imperialist forces generallyhave a two-pronged strategy todeal with revolution: directly bysending in troops or hardware tofight rebels, and indirectly,through intelligence-sharing. Oneof the two will be visible in Nepalin the months to come, especiallyif this conflict does not enter adecisive phase soon. Elsewhere inthe world in recent decades theUS has tried both troops andintelligence. In Peru, the Ameri-cans passed on intelligence on thewhereabouts of Abimael Guzman,leading to his capture, andultimately the subduing of theShining Path. In Colombia andthe Philippines, they sent troopsthat got bogged down. The lessonfor Nepal is clear: the best use ofthe imperialist Indo-US alliancewill be to share intelligence. TheAmericans may be tempted to seesome advantages in having a toe-hold in Nepal so they can keeptabs on rumblings in India andChina, but they must tread

carefully and not get us caught upin global rivalries.

The Maoist ideologues have adifferent perspective onthis. ComradeBaburam Bhattarai ina recent issue of hisparty organ JanaAwaj postulates thatAmerican interestin helping fightMaoism in Nepalis to align with India inthe encirclement ofChina. Whether Chinatakes the development inthe same vein is another matter.Beijing’s geopolitical focus is onits eastern flank—along the SouthChina Sea, Vietnam, Korea,Taiwan and Japan. It does notneed the distraction of having toworry also about Tibet, Xinjiang,and now Nepal. Chinese officialsnever refer to our comrades as“Maoists”, and have alwayscharacterised them a home-grownmovement using the name of theGreat Helmsman in vain.

Our Maoists seem confidentthat they are winning this war.But such revolutionary haste canalso translate into an openinvitation for outside powers tostep in. This may not be as far-fetched as we perhaps think: whocould have predicted last yearthat there would be uniformedUS military in Libang? Itwouldn’t be surprising if theAmericans conclude that theMaoists may indeed win unlessthe Royal Nepal Army is signifi-cantly beefed up.

The US and Indian positionson Nepal’s Maoists are converg-ing. By their own analysis, theMaoists say India will find moreof its natural class-allies in theUS and the Nepali state. Theseemerging alignments show that itis only a question of time before

the Indians pullthe rug from underthe feet of our com-radesin Noida.

The Maoist war has entered adestructive phase, a sign of recklesshurry. The leadership is confidentthat another ceasefire, during whichthe group will rearm and retrain,can propel it to victory inKathmandu. So a five-day bandh islikely to be followed by longerbandhs to put pressure on thegovernment to agree to a ceasefireand talks. The Maoists need tokeep the wheels of their revolution-ary juggernaut turning so that theydo not lose momentum. A continu-ing military stalemate will sap theirenergy. Also, because there is reallynothing left to extort in rural areas,the “people’s war” is now hurtingthe very people it was supposed toliberate. There is a real danger ofmassive disaffection, even withinthe rank-and-file.

The Maoist leadershiptherefore has two options: incitea mass uprising quickly, or jointhe parliamentary mainstream.The first path will keep themovement bogged down in a

Imperialism today is a real tigerwith stars and stripes.

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dead-end insurgency sustainedonly by a romantic dream of autopia as with the NPA in thePhilippines. The second couldgive them a stab at powerthrough a king-making role inparliament, as with the JVP inSri Lanka.

Landlocked as we are betweentwo giant neighbours (and ameddlesome distant giant), it isdifficult to see how the NepaliMaoists will win, let alone rule.Despite the odds, our comradesbelieve that the objective condi-tions are more favourable as thecountry’s economy spirals out ofcontrol and public frustration withthe elected government grows.They believe that the basis of theirvictory will be our economic and

social inequalities, which willcontinue to ensure them morerecruits. The faction-ridden andaimless government in Kathmanduwill, on the other hand, onlysurvive if propped up from outside.Even if the parliamentary partiesare somehow sidelined in thecoming months, there is noguarantee of lasting peace. For thatto happen the rulers in Kathmandu(whoever they are in the future)will need to think about redressingthe entrenched social and eco-nomic disparities.

(Puskar Gautam is a formerMaoist district commander fromOkhaldhunga.)

such an outrageous thing to apatient, and my brother lost allthe confidence he had mustered. Ivery well understand that mybrother’s was a major operation,and the success rate is onlyaround 90 percent even in theUS. I cannot bring my brotherback. But I want to warn otherNepalis not to be misled by thefive-star luxury and paraphernaliain Bumrungrad. Good hospitalsare known for their care anddoctors with a soothing touch,healing and not money isimportant there.

Jyoti P LohaniKathmandu

DEMOLITION MANThank you for highlighting mayorKeshav Sthapith (“Mr Establish-ment,” #90). If we had only tenleaders like him, Nepal would bein much better shape.

Kiran NakarmiDallas USA

DISS ITI chanced upon Kunda Dixit’s

Amusing ourselves to deathntil 12 years ago, in theblack-and-white world ofthe Panchayat years, it

was easy to say what ailedNepali media. We said: give uspress freedom, and we’ll showyou what media can be. Themedia is now free, but sadly, ithas let the country down.

Back in the Neer Shah yearswhen Nepal Television wasyoung, we expected it to learn asit grew. It did learn, but thewrong things. Today, it eitherhas news in officialese or it hascrass commercialism of the mostvulgar kind. By being a poorimitation of the poorest fare onsatellite channels, the NTV is indanger of losing its remainingviewers to cable.

The NTV’s mediocrity,however, pales into insignifi-cance when we look at theongoing coverage of the insur-gency. Video footage of theaftermath of fighting and thethoughtless broadcast ofgruesome footage of corpses are

Media consolidation threatens pluralism.

disturbing enough for adults, butit is having an adverse psychologi-cal impact on young viewers. Shortof turning off the TV, there is noway of protecting children frombeing brutalised by insensitivecameramen and irresponsible newseditors.

The reason for my rage ispersonal. But there must bethousands of Nepali parents who

have gone through similar ordeals.Isn’t it possible to show thesetragic scenes with more respectfor the dead? What is theadvantage of bringing the barbar-ity of it all into our living rooms?Is it a case of ignorant producers,or are those in charge of propa-ganda trying out psy-war tech-niques on the population at large?Either way, it is bad news.

After the royal massacre, myson was so disturbed by thesight on the TV screen of thelate king, his mouth agape andflies swarming around him, thathe had difficulty sleeping. Thenlast week there were thosesavage pictures from Satbariashowing decomposing bodiesbeing pulled out of mass graveswith pickaxes. Again, he wasdeeply affected and couldn’t sleep.

It is tempting here to blamethe government ownership ofmedia for everything. In themantra of liberalisation, it isargued that all this wouldsuddenly be set right withprivatisation. Don’t be too sure.Our experience with privatisedbroadcast media is notmuch better.

Private commercial media isoften even more insidious in thecontrol of information—itpractices what John Pilger calls“the censorship of exclusion”,

Its focus on the bottom line andthe need to please the disbursersof licenses makes it as beholdento the state as the officialmedia. A free media is no longerfree when it uses its freedom forpartisan exposés or campaignsagainst political figures who arerivals of its business mentors.

A glaring recent example wasthe relentless smear campaignagainst Girija Prasad Koirala bythe owners of a national daily. Inits eagerness to portray the thenprime minister in a bad light, thepublishers went as far as to givethe Maoists full play. Wildrumours went to print and on theairwaves as “news”, with devastat-ing consequences during episodeslike the Hrithik Roshan riots.

This is why we have to lookaskance at the decision by theMinistry of Information to grantterrestrial telecast rights toKantipur Publications. Givingone business entity such broad

control over the electromagneticspectrum as well as print media isagainst the law in many countries.Even in that bastion of laissezfaire and free media, the UnitedStates, the control of bothtelevision and print media by onecompany in the same territory isnot allowed. Here, in the absenceof a strong regulatory entity, howcan we trust a private businessgroup with so much power overour lives?

The ex-hack presently runningthe Ministry of Information andCommunication must know befamiliar with laws in othercountries about media consolida-tion. He chose to ignore them forreasons we can guess at. This doesnot bode well: neither fordemocracy nor for a free andpluralistic press. Since the deedhas been done, our only hopenow is that parliament, the courts,and civil society will realise theenormity of the risks involved.

U

“’Sup dudes?” (#89) on the net.Could not make head or tail ofit. Was he trying to make apoint? What was it? And why ishe indulging in this grossgeneralisation and over (orovert) simplification? Does hethink now that he has nothingmore to say about things, it istime to diss his own offspring?

ìSuj îby email

Dear Mr Bastakoti, (Letters,#89) It is Kunda Dixit’spersonal choice to wear thehats he wants. If you don’t likehis hats, or his writing, don’tread the column. For me, thefirst thing I check every week onthe Nepali Times website isUnder My Hat. It is the onlything that does not disappointme when I browse newspapersthese days. I hope he neverstops.

G PokharelTokyo

SA

PU

T

44444 26 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMES 5555526 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMESNATIONNATION

by DANIEL LAKHERE AND THERE

Dear Editor,I am writing you this letter in the hope that something can be done

about us Nepalis in foreign jails. I also hope to be able to warn otherNepalis not to make the mistakes I did that landed me in BangkwangPrison in Thailand.

My home is in Gonga Bu, and the reason my English is good isbecause I did my high school in Kalimpong. In 1991 when I returnedto Kathmandu, I got into bad company of neighbours who smokedand got drunk regularly. My mother wasn’t very happy with my newfriends, and she was sad that my younger brother was followingin my footsteps.

She asked me to get a job so I would stay away from my “goonda”friends. I got a job with a hotel in Thamel to pick up guests at theairport, then I got promoted to receptionist. I quit because I couldn’t takeleave when I wanted. I was back on the streets.

One day my mom asked me if I would like to go to Bangkok for afew weeks with some people who are into handicraft and jewelryexports. I didn’t even have a passport, but they fixed it all for me.Bangkok was great, I enjoyed the nightlife and it was easy to forget mygirl-friends in Kathmandu.

A few days later, the guys who brought me here told me we wereleaving for Jakarta. We got to the airport and I was handed a bagwhich they said contained gifts for their Indonesian friends. I did notsuspect anything because they had been so nice to me.

The customs officer tore that luggage apart, and brought out threebig plastic bags with white powder. I turned around to see where myfriends were, but they had disappeared. I was charged with trying tosmuggle heroin and sentenced to 50 years. The Nepal Embassy wasnowhere, and I did not get a fair trial. I was sent to this maximumsecurity prison, where I met many other Nepalis withsimilar stories to mine.

I cursed my own stupidity and my fate. I have nowbeen here eight years. Now, let me describe to you theconditions here. Unlike the other inmates, we don’t getproper treatment because our government and embassydoes not care for us. Our daily meals are rotten, wedon’t get enough food. We work for other prisoners justto earn some pocket money. We live here with 7,000murderers and drug addicts, they don’t understandEnglish, we survive on Rs 20 a day donated by charita-ble people, and never know where our next meal iscoming from. Our belongings are constantly being stolen,we bathe in water that gives us rashes, we don’t seethe vaguest display of human warmth and goodnessaround us. We are chronically depressed, and some-times feel we are going mad.

In the past few years, many more Nepali brothersand sisters have joined us here and their stories areidentical to mine. They have been betrayed, cheated,or dumped by the middlemen who promised jobs inJapan. There are 12 of us here, and 100 more in otherjails in Bangkok. This jail is for prisoners with 30years and above.

Prisoners from other countries are transferred back to theircountries because their country has an extradition treaty. But notNepal. There are some of us who have already spent 20 yearshere. That is a lot of time for a stupid thing we did accidentallywhen we were young.

As far as I know, two Nepalis have already died here and fourothers (including myself) have TB. Our families in Nepal are prayingnight and day for us. Through this letter, we would like our sarkar totake some time to get us out from here. The Thai sarkar is ready tohave an extradition treaty with Nepal, but our sarkar is not taking anyinterest. If there is a treaty, we can go to Nepal and complete oursentence in a Nepali jail. At least if we are in Nepal we can get supportfrom our families. Whoever reads this letter, please put pressure on the

Nepal sarkar to bring us home.We made mistakes. We were young and stupid. And

unscrupulous people took advantage of our innocence.All these years in jail has taught us a lesson. We arenow eager and willing to change ourselves for a bettertomorrow. Our parents are getting older, and we tookthe risk of going abroad so we could earn money forthem. Our imprisonment has pained them greatly, andwe deeply regret with sorrow what we did.

There is nothing for us here. Our biggest fear isthat Nepali society may not accept us back. But weare determined to earn our self-respect and help ourcountry. Many of us here are sick, and we don’twant to die here. We want to come home and have ameal or two of alu-chiura and dal bhat before weleave this earth.

My message to young Nepalis is to be smart andnever to be tempted by the promise of instant riches,and never fall into this trap. This is a dead end.

Dear editor, thank you very much for your precioustime and for printing my letter. It means a lot to us.

Sincerely yoursPuskar KC (ìNimaî)

The following letter was written by Puskar KC, who is serving a 50 year jail sentencein Bangkok’s Bangkwang prison with 12 other Nepali inmates.

Letter from Bangkwang

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HEMLATA RAIhey all have identical stories:the yearning for a better life, theneed to send money home to

families back home, a tempting tripthat seemed too good to be true, anoily middleman who promisedeverything but dumped them inBangkok. Then: getting caught atairport customs, the trial, sentenc-ing and years of incarceration at oneof Thailand’s prisons for drugtraffickers.

They are all Nepalis. TakeChandra and Jivan who paid a Nepaliemployment agency Rs 75,000 eachfor a job in South Korea nine yearsago. The agent abandoned them inBangkok, where they were framedand were caught in a police drugdragnet. (See #9 for full story ofChandra and Jivan).

Nearly two years after that storycame out, Chandra and Jivan are stillserving life sentences at BangkwangCentral Prison. More Nepalis havebeen caught since, and there are now20 other Nepalis there, includingseveral women. Among them is onewho used to be married to aGerman. He got rid of her byframing her in a drug scam, andran off with a Thai woman.

Conditions are bad: meals ofwhat Thais call “dog rice” (low graderice that smells) fish gruel, contami-nated water, and stuffy cells where thetemperature is always above 35degrees. Everything has to be boughtfrom the prison authorities: soap,clothing, water. Inmates say drugsand sex are also available: “If you canpay, you can buy.”

Basic necessities can be bought

for about $20 a month, and nationalsof other countries like the UnitedStates, Britain and Australia are takencare of by their embassies. But theRoyal Nepal Embassy in Bangkokdoesn’t have much time for jail visits,let alone providing the money forthem to subsist.

Nepali inmates therefore surviveby doing laundry for better offprisoners. Or, they survive onChristian charity groups which meansthey have to convert and profess theirdevotion to Jesus Christ. And thenthere are volunteer activists likeBangkok-based Sue Aldous, SueRidley and Ben Parks who helpprisoners with money, clothes andfood—no strings attached. But most ofall, the campaigners give the inmates awindow to the outside world, and achannel of communications to theirfamilies back home.

Parks is a retired computerconsultant who made his money in thedot.com boom, and has decided todevote his life to helping prisoninmates from Nepal. He fell in lovewith Nepal during a trek, and hasvisited many times. Once on a trekhe saw a sign that said: “Don’tchange Nepal, let Nepal changeyou.” That became his motto, and hesays ruefully: “That did it for me,now I am trapped.”

Parks is in touch by mail withsome of the inmates, and visited theNepalis recently in Bangkwang. Theprisoners are behind two wire-meshfences separated by ten feet, and theyhave to shout at each other to be heard.

Parks was in Kathmandu thismonth to meet families of Bangkwangprisoners in Nepal. “During my

visits, some of them wanted me to goto Nepal and see their families and tellthem they were all right and not toworry,” says Parks. But others do not,because they say: “If they find out I amin prison, it will kill them.”

The prisoners’ needs are relativelysimple short-term ones like: allNepalis being allowed to share cells sothey don’t have to live with hardcoreThai criminals, being allowed tosend and receive mail more regu-larly, and a little pocket money forsoap or postage stamps.

And then there are the moreserious demands, like beingincluded in the list of royal pardonsby the King of Thailand, or askingfor more attention from the RoyalNepal Embassy in Bangkok, orlobbying with the government inKathmandu to sign an extraditiontreaty with Thailand. Activists feelthat if the Nepal government or theembassy in Bangkok took slightlymore interest, there is enoughgoodwill for some of the Nepalis toget on the Thai king’s pardon list.

The Thai authorities don’t seemto want to keep the Nepalis eitherand have been trying to work outways to send them back. A draftproposal for extradition was sent tothe Foreign Ministry in 2000. Noone in the ministry we spoke to hadany knowledge of what happened tothe proposal. Ministry spokesmanGyan Chandra Acharya has a faintrecollection that there were somedifferences between the two sideson repatriation procedures, butdoesn’t remember what theywere specifically.

At the National Human Rights

Commission, it is clear to memberKapil Shrestha that repatriation ofNepali prisoners in foreign jails islow on the government’s priority list.“The government does not feel anyobligation towards its citizens inforeign jails. Their failure to see jailsas correction homes rather thanpunishment is reflected in theirinability to bring Nepalis back,”he told us.

The government does not evenknow how many Nepalis there are inforeign jails. Ministry of ForeignAffairs issued a circular to all Nepaliembassies to send their tallies ofinmates, but there is no total yet.One-year-old data at the ministryshows that there were 54 Nepalis inthree Thai jails. Another figureshows that 104 Nepalis were arrestedon narcotic trafficking offences atinternational airports since 1999alone, 40 of them were in Bangkok.

Jivan Thapa’s brother Sanad hasbeen given the run around byvarious ministries in Kathmandu inhis effort to bring his brother back.In fact, he suspects the government istrying to make an example of theprisoners in Thailand so others aredissuaded from going abroad.

Nepali embassies and consulateoffices are no help. Deputy Chief ofProtocol Y N Paudel who hasrecently returned from the embassyin Pakistan says there are Nepalisthere who have already completedtheir jail terms, but they still can’treturn because their families don’thave the money for the ticket. Andthe embassy itself doesn’t have abudget line for repatriationairfares.

here are advantages—a few—to being west of the Suez, as I find myselfat the moment. And no, it’s not consumer choice, the latest films orthe taste of beer, although I must confess the latter is somewhat

pleasant. No, I like being where I am at the moment because of the richvariety of information and comment in theBritish press—easily the most unfettered andlively of the world’s newspaper scenes.

My first port of call, of a morning inLondon or Liverpool, is the old faithfulGuardian. Unique among the major dailynewspapers of the world, the Guardian is a non-profit organisation, run by a charitable trust andcharged by the trustees with a mission to afflictthe comfortable and comfort the afflicted. That’sthe way all journalism should be, but isn’t.American newspapers—even the best of them—strive to a painstakingly ridiculous degree forsomething called “objectivity”. What that means inpractice is that reporters and editors go to ridicu-lous lengths to find the centre of any argument andthen hover there like broken helicopters, shiftingever rightwards as fanatics and politicians move thegoalposts from their end towards the erstwhilecentre. Ask Ariel Sharon or George W Bush justhow useful that sort of behaviour can be.

No such scruples are found at the Guardian. Notthat the paper pushes polemic, far from it. Itscommentary pages seethe with all reasonable sides of

Private eye on the pressSometimes legislation is superfluous. Allyou need is an irreverent magazine.

1995, even cooperating in the airlift of weapons into the former Yugoslaviain defiance of United Nation sanctions. The report paints an eerie picture ofthe Pentagon cooperating with Iran—part of the “axis of evil” last time Ichecked—to help the Bosnians. The CIA and British intelligence weredeeply wary of the whole thing and chose not to get involved. The Penta-gon’s own Defense Intelligence Agency ran the operation.

On now to The Independent, a newspaper founded in the 1980s to liveup to its name and to shun the usual fodder of Fleet Street, home of theBritish press. There I read an unbelievable counterpoint to the Pentagon-al-Qaeda story. Even as France digests the shocking result of its generalelection, the people of the French republic, snap up a little tome thatpurports to explain the entire 11 September episode as a function of the oddrelationship between American generals and the jihadis. The book—according to The Independent—says a car bomb and not a plane destroyedoffices and killed workers at the Pentagon on that horrible day last year. Aseries of photographs of the alleged impact area are an invitation to readersto spot debris or evidence that an aircraft full of fuel crashed into the wallsof the world’s largest office building. The Independent dismisses the bookas French conspiracy-mongering but there’s more than a hint in the paper’stone that there are still things that we “need to know”.

And finally the Cumberland Times catches my eye, a local paper of the LakeDistrict in northern England. The banner headline here proves that sanity reignssomewhere, that people at peace can get their priorities straight. “Furniture Storeto Close, employees distraught.” No mention of conspiracies and nobody isblaming the Americans. Yet.

Now I’m of to the pub with a copy of Private Eye, the world’s greatestdeflater of political and professional egos to learn all about who’s lying to who.Who needs anti-corruption legislation when you have magazines like this one?

T

Nepalis in Thai jails are homesick, hopeless, and abandoned by their motherland.

Serving life in BangkokNEPALIS IN BANGKOK JAILS

Name Sentence Years servedIN BANGKWANG PRISONNuree Sherpa 50 10Om B Gurung life 9Iman Gurung ? 2Jivan Thapa life 9Chandra Rai life 9Puskar KC (Nima) 50 9Singh B Tamang life 2Robin Gurung life 2Lok B Tamang life 2Wangel Ghale life 17Santhosh Gurung 34 17Raj Gurung 40 11Raj Kumar Gurung 25 10Mangal Gurung 25 10Ram Bahadur Lama 33 6Man Ghaley 25 10Gaman Gurung 25 10IN LARD YAO PRISONArun Kumar Tamang ? ?Beg Bahadur Tamang ? ?Dhan Bahadur Tamang ? ?Ram S ? ?Ram Bahadur Tamang ? ?Ms Bishnu Kumari Bista life 9Ms Dewaki Bista(Bishnu Kumari’s daughter) life 9Ms Kanchhi Kumalni ? 2Ms Kanchhi Sherpani ? 2Pasong Lamu von den Steinen ? ?IN KLONG PREM PRISONHem Prasad Fabangi 6 3

T

The most recent incident thatgot the most publicity because itwent out on the internet was themass-extortion of money from threeexpeditions bound for Makalu. On 5April, five heavily-armed Maoistscarrying grenades and rifles cameinto their camps in the village ofSedua three days north ofTumlingtar and demanded Rs5,000, cameras, binoculars andaltimeters. After some discussion,they settled for Rs 10,000 per

member. An email from Makalaubase camp by American climber RD Caughron said Swiss andSpanish expeditions were alsoforced to pay up.

The Trekking Agents Associa-tion of Nepal (TAAN) said in astatement: “To collect money fromtourists, the few that are still comingdespite the current situation, willfurther undermine the future ofNepal’s tourism.” It demanded thatthe Maoists return the money tothe expedition.

Security sources say Maoist

militia who have been pushed tohigher altitudes because of militaryoperations in the valley could begetting desperate for funds andtherefore forced to rob tourists.

Most trekking agencies inKathmandu have been hit doublyhard. Not only have they sufferedfrom a decline in bookings, butthey have also been victims ofextortion from their Kathmanduoffices. “The publicity fromtrekkers being robbed is going tohit us even more,” admitted onetrekking agent.

“Just keep to the main trails...”

from p1

Expedition organisers havebeen pulling back from vulnerableareas in recent years. HighlandExcursions, which handles largelyAustralian trekkers says it has seen a50 percent decline, and has pulledout of Dolpo, Manaslu, Humla andmost recently from theKangchenjunga area. “We’ll haveto lay of staff, or even close down,if current trends continue” saysUma Khakurel of HighlandExcursions.

Khakurel considers herselffortunate that none of her groups orguides have been confronted byMaoists, so far. “We just advise ourguides to keep to main trails andavoid confrontation.” She is nowdirecting her tourists to theAnnapurna and Everest regions.

Ang Tshering Sherpa, chairmanand managing director of AsianTrekking, which currently has morethan half-a-dozen climbing groupsin Nepal and nearly two dozen inTibet, has gone out of his way tomake the best of things. “One has togo to the source. Go and meetclients in their home countries andtell them the facts—that there is aproblem but so far no tourists havebeen hurt. Relying on correspond-ence, email, and news reports, whichsometimes exaggerate reality, doesn’thelp.” Sherpa acknowledges thatapart from appealing to the Maoists,government, and political parties,there’s little else one can do.

Tel: 375280, Fax: 371656email: pvh@nepalhotel.com

www.nepalhotel.com

atBudhanil-kantha

For

Aesthetic Living, Dining,

Conference & Workshop

R e s o r t H o t e l

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Dead or aliveWe may yet turn into a nation of bounty hunters. The government hasoffered rewards ranging from one to five million rupees for anyone whonabs or helps nab top Maoist leaders. Informants providing informationthat leads to the arrest of any of those named are to get half the prizemoney, security and jobs. The government said it will give Rs 5 millionfor the killing or capture of Pushpa Kamal Dahal, alias Maoist PartyChairman Prachanda, Dr Baburam Bhattarai, the architect-turned-Maoist-ideological head of the underground “people’s government”,and Mohan Vaidya, alias Kiran, one of the party’s most senior leaders.Second rung leaders such as Posta Bahadur Bogati, alias Diwakar,Nanda Kishor Pun, alias Pasang, Krishna Bahadur Mohara, alias AmarSingh and CP Gajurel, alias Gaurav will eachfetch Rs 3.5 million, dead or alive. Thegovernment has fixed a reward of Rs 2.5million each for Maoist central committeemembers and one million each for locallevel commanders and platoon chiefs.

The government has also fixed rewardsfor Maoist weapons—General PurposeMachine Guns (GPMGs), 40 mm rocketlaunchers and 81 mm mortars will fetch Rs400,000 each. Light Machine Guns (LMGs),Rs 200,000, self-loading rifles (SLRs) Rs100,000, Enfield 303 rifles and sub-machineguns Rs 75,000 and factory-made pistols andrevolvers Rs 25,000.

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Note printingThe state Mint has decided to purchase a security-printing machine toprint bank cheques and postal stamps in Nepal. Officials say they expectthis to save the Exchequer over Rs 140 million a year in printing bills.Once the machine arrives, in about six months, all bank cheques, postalstamps, and VAT and income tax stickers can be printed in the country.Sakurai, a Japanese company, manufactures and sells the machine forclose to Rs 20.3 million, excluding VAT and import tax. Currently,chequebooks of the state-run banks are printed in India and postalstamps in Austria. Passports, currency notes and airplane tickets willcontinue to be printed abroad. But none of this will happen before theCommission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) com-pletes investigations on a complaint filed with it alleging irregularitiesin the purchasing process.

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Textbooks in EnglishThe Janak Education Materials Centre will begin publishing English-language textbooks in all subjects taught in grades five through 10. Thisis part of a government effort to wean away English-medium schoolsfrom using course books published privately in Nepal or imported fromIndia. The Education Regulation postulates uniformity in textbooksused by public and private schools, but the state-run Janak EducationMaterial Centre has until now been unable to publish textbooks inEnglish.

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Mr CleanLast month ministers were engaged in catfights over who took a Rs200,000 bribe. Pokhara-based industrialist Hari Prasad Pandey, ministerfor commerce and water resources in the UML’s 1995/96 minoritygovernment, walked to the Chief District Officer’s office on 23 April tofile a graft case against himself. CDO Tika Ram Aryal refused to registerthe complaint saying his office didn’t have the mandate to deal withthat type of complaint. But Pandey is not backing off—he has mailedhis complaint.

By law, the CDO cannot reject a complaint sent through registeredmail. He either has to act on it or forward it to the concerned investigat-ing authority. In a 42-page confession, Pandey says he amassed wealththrough illegal practices and misuse of authority when he was a ministerof state. His long list of “economic crimes” he claims to have inflictedagainst the “motherland” include bribing officials, laundering moneyand evading taxes. He has also declared his net worth—Rs 47.7million—and wants the government to take Rs 10 million to allow him torepent. He has requested that Rs 20.14 million be left for the educationof his five daughters, all of whom are studying to become doctors.

For more information:

(Name of prisoner)Bangkwang Central Prison

1 Nonthaburi RoadSuan Yai

Nonthaburi 11000 Thailand

(Name of prisoner)Lard Yao Prison

33-3 Ngamvongvan RoadChatuchak

Bangkok 10900 Thailand

www.bangkwang.netwww.correct.go.th

Mailing address:

KU

ND

A D

IXIT

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any argument, including the agonising of the princi-pled supporters of Israel. But the Guardian’s news-reporting manages to be both hard-hitting andsensible. It finds facts, looks at them with a humanperspective and annoys the protectors of shibbolethsof all sorts—be they lovers of the appalling sport offox-hunting in Britain, or the apostles of puristmarket forces in all walks of life.

My Guardian story of the week is somewhat moredisquieting, however. Amid the furore last week atthe resignation of the Dutch government—facedwith an official report detailing Holland’s complicityin the massacre of thousands of Bosnian Muslims atSrebrinica in 1995—Guardian reporters uncovereven more horrendous information. The Dutchreport on Srebrinica is as long as any encyclopae-dia, and its authors had unprecedented access totheir country’s intelligence information from the1990s. So determined were the Dutch, appar-ently, to get to the bottom of the horrific events atSrebrinica.

Buried deep within the report is therevelation that the American Defense Departmenttrained al-Qaeda-related jihadi groups as late as

66666 NATION 26 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMES

n the official logbook of Nepal’scampaign against corruption, lastweek will be grafted as one of its

defining moments. Not becauseparliament used fast-track provisionsto approve legislation providingsharper teeth to the anti-vice watch-dog. Nor because of the intra-parliamentary disunion triggered bythe Upper House’s addition of ridersin violation of the deal members of thelower chamber thought they alreadyhad set in concrete. The real anti-sleazestory was in Birganj, where SuryaNath Upadhyaya, chief of theCommission for the Investigation ofAbuse of Authority exhorted thebusiness community not to offerbribes to politicians or bureaucrats.

To be fair to our directly electedrepresentatives, the disqualificationstipulation introduced by an UpperHouse MP who has never contested anelection—barring that botched bid tobecome head of the chamber a fewyears ago—could not have escaped

suspicion. Electoral laws already barindividuals convicted of corruptionfrom seeking public office for sixyears—which normally covers at leasttwo Lower House elections. Theprohibition would cover up to adecade, if both parliaments were to liveout their full term. By seeking to relaxthat proviso by a year, however, oureditor turned legislator was allowingtainted characters to sneak back intopublic life while the stench of theirdecadence still retained its sting.

The effort of another member ofthe house of elders, a full-timebusinessman when the legislature is inhibernation, to shield from scrutinycompanies in which the governmenthas less than one-third ownership,raised obvious conflict-of-interestissues. What was galling, though, wasthe proposal to exempt noble-intentioned misdeeds as well. Thisrider would have created newopportunities for the more resourcefulto plot their moves as the authorities

made their judgement calls.Coming back to Upadhyaya, he

addressed that part of the depravitydebate that has agitated Nepalis themost. How could some people be onthe take if there weren’t so many othersready to give? Not everyone can matchUpadhyaya’s candour. But, then, he isnot your ordinary ex-bureaucrat. Forsomeone at the forefront of the trade-is-a-convenience-transit-is-a-rightbrigade during the 1988-89 war ofattrition with India that we lost, youwouldn’t have expected Upadhyaya toend up playing a leading part indrafting the post-embargo constitu-tion. During last year’s turf warbetween the Attorney General’s Officeand the CIAA over Indian banknotesthat weren’t legal tender in Nepal, wecouldn’t quite figure out on whose sidethe Supreme Court had ruled. Sincethe Attorney General recently resigned,it’s probably safe to award that victoryto the CIAA.

Coming from a man with such

staying power, Upadhyaya’s suggestionto the business community to draw upa code of conduct to discourage briberymerits solemn contemplation.Admittedly, you can’t expect five firmscompeting for the same contract to playby the rules when none knows whatkind of facilitation expenses the othersare ready to bear. The global dimen-sions of this dilemma should proveinstructive. After the Paris-basedOrganisation for Economic Coopera-tion and Development came up withits Convention on CombatingBribery, major western governmentshave moved to outlaw acts of briberyby nationals and companies abroad.But all the smiles are on the faces ofRussia’s defence industry executives,while their western counterparts are upin arms over the double whammy.First, they lost their tax deductions forexpenses incurred while promotingbusiness abroad. Now they have tocompete with firms that offer cheapergoods and can still grease palms.

The point is, the engines ofcommerce almost everywhere arelubricated with cash. During the lastyears of the panchayat regime, therewas a clear distinction between acommission and a bribe. The tolerancelevel for the former was greater. Since

our current polity presupposes theexistence of political parties that relyheavily on constant cash inflows, wehave to accept the virtual impossibilityof raising funds without venturinginto the realm of shadiness. For a lot ofNepalis, the fund-raising tactics ofpolitical parties is not the realproblem. It’s the profligacy of thepolitical class.

This intrinsic compulsion oforganised politics has understandablyconstricted the CIAA’s room formanoeuvre. Nevertheless, thecommission has succeeded in settingstrict standards. Take the Lauda Airinvestigations, for instance. Bydemanding millions in bonds fromtwo accused at the oddest of hours, theCIAA drew scathing criticism forarbitrariness. But look at the subtexthere. If either man had managed toraise that sum, wouldn’t that havebeen kind of self-incriminating?

Just by drawing up a dulycountersigned covenant, our businesscommunity will have made a pricelesscontribution to encouraging probity inpublic life. Politicians and administra-tors would no longer be the primedeterminants of how much bad moneyis in circulation at any given moment.Moreover, the signatories would have

something on paper to back up anybreach-of-trust complaints they mighthave to file within the fraternity. Thisarrangement would have to leave outbaksheesh, though. No legislation orregulatory framework should beallowed to outlaw someone’s token ofappreciation. For one thing, we needsomething of enduring value to remindourselves of our humanity. If youreally have to make a distinction forlegal or accounting purposes, countadvance payments as graft and after-service transactions as gifts.

Many people are worried that bygranting the CIAA the authority toscrutinise ministerial policy decisions,the new legislation dilutes our grimydemocracy. Some have gone to theextent of describing the bills as anegation of the principal gain of thePeople’s Movement of 1990—thesupremacy of elected representatives ofthe people. Will the CIAA commis-sioners be emboldened to re-write thecountry’s media policy? A lot wouldprobably depend on the personalityand peccadilloes of the commissioners.It wouldn’t take long, though, for thosetempted to slap gag orders on certainstories to discover how censorious thepress can become when the news peg isthe CIAA’s abuse of authority.

I

CIAA

Judicial ProbeCommission

Give and takeGetting tough on corruption is good. But whowatches the watchdog?

by PUSKAR BHUSALSOMEWHERE IN NEPAL

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Standing up to spinal injuries

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HEMLATA RAIspinal injury changed Nancy Sherpa’s life. Oncean athlete and “very active mom”, she now has towatch every move she makes, even the smallones we take for granted. “Nothing is black and

white in spinal injury. Even if your problem is revers-ible, the process is painfully slow and frustrating,” sheexplains. Still, Nancy is lucky. She drives, worksat her trekking office and has a verysupportive family.

Victims such as Sherpa,families affected by the injury ofa member, as well as profession-als, all came together on 7 Aprilto open the Spinal Injury SanghaNepal, and the Sangha’s firstventure, the Spinal InjuryRehabilitation Centre at Jorpati.The centre was opened by SirEdmund Hillary, who has seenmany spinal injury victims use histwo charitable hospitals in Soluand Khumbu.

This is the first operation ofits kind in Nepal. While there areprivate and public hospitals thattreat such injuries, so far as theycan be, there is nowhere victimscan go to learn how to live withthem. The Centre seeks toprovide patients with specialisedcare, support and counselling. Inaddition, they will be taught skillsand given information andeducation that will help themremain active to the best of theirabilities. “Counselling is as important as treatment.Patients need mental support to lead a normal life”says Dr Anil Shrestha, technical director of the Centre.

“Every seriously injured person needs this. I’m gladI can help other traumatised people accept their newphysical condition and keep up with the business ofliving,” says Goma Dulal, who lost all movement tojuvenile rheumatoid arthritis over 20 years ago. At theCentre Dulal will counsel people like Narayan Yadav, aquadriplegic. Before meeting with a road accident,Yadav was a cook and the breadwinner for his fivechildren and wife. “When you are traumatised andmentally weak, the entire world looks gloomy,” he toldus from his bed at the Centre.

A rural lifestyle and difficult terrain together makelife difficult for spinal trauma victims and their families

in Nepal. A disproportionate number of people sufferinjuries to the spine from falls endured while collectingfodder, following livestock on cliffs or transportingconsumables on precipitous trails. With the spread ofthe road network, there has been a sharp increase inspinal trauma from road accidents.

Women are the worst-affected. “The underprivi-leged social status of women is a factor in makingthem victims of spinal injuries and the trauma thatfollows—women are given dangerous tasks likecollecting fodder from tree tops, and families aren’t

enthusiastic about providingthem treatment,” says PradeepDhungana, a physiotherapist withthe Ryeler Cheshire Home atJorpati. Spinal trauma victimsvisiting his centre are mostlymarried women between the agesof 16 and 20, normally victims offalls.

Life for survivors, alreadymade difficult by their newimpairments, is made worse bythe lack of basic knowledge andrehabilitation facilities. Fifteen-year-old Dil Maya Tamang ofKavre told us that when her injuryresulted in paraparesis, worsethan her pain and disability werecomments from neighbours:having this kind of handicap atsuch a young age, they said, DilMaya was better off dead.

Says Kanak Mani Dixit,president of the Sangha. “Ourattempt is to reverse this fatalisticattitude and concentrate on

improving the quality of life of people who havesuffered life-changing spinal injuries.” Dixit himselfbroke his neck in a trekking accident two years ago,and survived miraculously.

The Centre, run entirely by qualified Nepalinurses, physiotherapists and health assistants, will haveseparate male and female wards, a physiotherapy unitand an occupational therapy unit. It has alreadystarted with four live-in patients, and will providerehabilitation care for up to 30 individuals, as well asoutpatient support, once it starts operating to fullcapacity.

www.himalmag.com/spinalinjury,spinalinjurynepal@hotmail.com

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Goma Dulal, despite her owm conditionwants to help other spinal injury patients.

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77777ECONOMY 26 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMES

by ARTHA BEEDECONOMIC SENSEBIZ NEWS

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Honda’s hereLast week the Syakar Company Ltd, which brings Honda towncars to Nepal, launched its state-of-the-art showroom, sales andspares facility at Dhobighat. The site also has space forcustomers to test drive Hondas before buying them. Syakarcurrently offers four models: Honda City, 1300 cc, manual, fulloption. Price tag: Rs 2.13 million. Honda Civic, 1500 cc,manual, full option at Rs 2.48 million. Honda Accord, 2000 cc,full option, automatic is going for Rs 3.98 million. Honda CRV,2000 cc, full option, automatic comes for Rs 3.88 million.

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Sunrise HomesClose on the heels of other developers, the MS Group launched a new housing scheme last week within the RingRoad in Lalitpur. The housing scheme offers flats as well as semi-detached homes, and payment optionsincluding cash down and instalment plans. The prices range from Rs 1.66 million to Rs 3.76 million. The upperend gets you 1,930 sq ft of space divided into three bedrooms, a living/dining room, family lounge, kitchen,puja enclosure, store, three toilets and a separate room and toilet for the household help. The firm assuresbuyers that other services like water, electricity, etc will be taken care of.

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Fibre-optic backboneNepal and India have agreed to lay down a fibre-optic cable along the east-west Mahendra Highway across theentire length of Nepal. Under the agreement, signed on 13 April, India will pay for the project, which is esti-mated to cost Rs 1.34 billion and will be undertaken jointly by the Nepal Telecommunication Corporation andthe Telecommunications Consultants India Limited (TCIL), and is expected to be completed within two yearsafter construction begins.

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Remote subsidiesThe Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation has approved a package to subsidise domestic airlines flyingto remote airfields. The plan is to take $4 from every mountain flight ticket, $2 from every other passenger andtwo percent from the income of every domestic charter. The government requires airlines to provide a 25percent discount to local passengers flying main routes, and an extra 25 percent to those flying remote routes.The kitty is to be used to compensate the losses airlines will incur because of the new discounts. Flights coveredby the new rule are Thamkharka, Bhojpur, Tumlingtar, Lamidanda and Rumjhatar and Phaplu from Biratnagar;those flying from Pokhara to Manang; and those from Nepalgunj to Chaurjhari, Dolpa, Bajhang, Bajura,Simikot, Jumla and Salleri. The flights from Surkhet to Jumla, and Dhangadi to Bhajang and Bajura alsoqualify.

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Nepali SamsonitesSamsonite Nepal is planning to set up a manufacturing facility in Nepal to serve the Indian market, and takeadvantage of the free-trade regime the South Asian Preferential Trading Agreement(SAPTA) promises. The company made the announcement while launching two newproducts last week, the Crusair, an upright that can be pushed and pulled in three waysand the Flite, which the company claims is the lightest hard-sided luggage. The companyalso plans to open a retail franchise showroom on New Road.

Nepali Times: What is the business environment like right now?Suraj Vaidya: The situation is not good. There is also lack of politicalcommitment. There have been many changes in government, which hasaffected continuity. All top political leaders visit the Federation ofNepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) and give theimpression that everything is under control. But political parties have yet toagree on a common economic agenda. We tend to wait until the lastminute, we make on-the-spot decisions in times of crisis and crisis-solutionsare never good over the long run.

How can confidence be restored?Business now has one concern—peace and security. The FNCCI is worriedabout the eventual outcome of what is happening now. The army ismobilised, nobody knows for how long. We don’t know if all political partieshave the same agenda. The leaders must sit down and produce results. Wehear they are talking, but what are they talking about: politics or thenational interest? We’d like to see political leaders come together and saythis is our single joint agenda. If that happens, I am sure that 50 percentthat the Maoist problem can be solved. The remaining 50 percent canthen be taken up. We’re unable to say what will happen tomorrow. We’vemet all political parties, big and small. We said: this is a national crisis, ifyou don’t handle it right, nobody knows what will happen in another sixmonths.

So we lack stability and focusÖYes. There is also no vision and continuity.

How are businesses coping?Personally I think 11 September and the crisis we face are opportunities toreassess—look at what we have done, where we need to go, what theproblems are. The FNCCI has begun working to that end. We’re trying tocreate an environment where all say: we are business people, we want tomake profits, but we also realise that we need to give something back tosociety. We have formed an ethics committee because the FNCCI thinksbusiness people have to come out and say we are corrupt. But it is thesystem that has made us so, because without that you cannot get anythingdone. I’m talking about corruption at all levels. We accept that we arecorrupt, but also say that corruption doesn’t begin and end with us. There isanother party to it. The Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) has a codeon, say, donations to political parties. We are trying to agree on somethingsimilar and ask government for tax-deductions on such contributions. Theseare very basic issues, but can have a big impact if we begin enforcingthem. We will have a roundtable in June and present our assessment on

the causes of corruption to government. We are part of the problem andwe are ready to make a difference.

What about labour issues?When I began working with trade unions I didn’t know how complex thesituation was and how simple the solutions were. The trade unions want thebasic rights of workers guaranteed. Employers say the only reason theycan’t make employees permanent is because our labour law is very pro-employee. Business has to be flexible, be able to make quick decisions.We need to have a clear understanding on flexibility in hiring. I don’t talkof firing because that is where the problems begin. Internationally, the ILOhas rules on termination of employees. We agree on the need to protectworkers’ rights, but industry problems also need to be considered, espe-cially in difficult times such as now. We are working out good managementpractices based on the Global Compact. We’re also working on eliminatingthe worst forms of child labour from industry in 11 districts.

Would you make new investments now?Even now I am putting up tea factories in remote areas. But my way ofthinking has changed. My first factory was 100 percent family owned. Thesecond project is different—I’ve given 40 percent shares to local farmers,kept 40 percent and given 20 percent to my buyer. I think we need tochange strategy and get people involved.

How is tea doing?Nepal produces about 10 million kg each year. About 90 percent of that isCTC grown in the tarai. CTC growers have a problem because we haven’tbeen able to fulfil domestic demand locally. Tea coming from India isdisplacing our producers. Our production cost is high, which drives up thefinal product cost. India has protection in the form of high tariffs andtaxes; we need to at least counter the Indian measures, protect ourindustry. Tea takes five years to begin giving back in the hills and threeyears in the plains. Our farmers have no incentives or subsidies to sustainthemselves during that period. Still, we can realise our tremendouspotential in tea if government were to review the tariffs, taxes anddomestic incentives. Last year we produced about 700,000 kg of orthodox(hill) tea, this year we should reach about a million kg. By 2005 we mayreach 2.5 million kg.

What is the potential for orthodox tea?Compared to Darjeeling tea we have a better fragrance. There are twotypes of bushes that produce good teas, the Assam variety, and the Chinaclone. In the hills we use the China bush which has better aroma and

INTERVIEW

lighter colour. Sixty percent of tea sold as Darjeeling is of the Assamvariety. In Nepal we have 99 percent China clone tea, the variety the worldis interested in. From that point of view we’re is a good shape. We havebeen building niche markets, Germany, Japan and US and the potential isgood.

You talk about tea as one would expect you to about Toyota cars. Howdid the change come about?Before the 1989/90 blockade with India, my family was involved in manyproducts. During the blockade we were forced to run our industries on 10litres of diesel a day, which was when we changed our strategy. We realisedthat our advantage would be in areas where we didn’t depend on theoutside for raw materials. We sold our shares in many industries and gotinvolved in tea. I’m also looking at silk, garlic and olives. These are areaswe should be investing in. With these products you need investment, care,and time. You need to be part of the product. With tea, I have realised thatyour heart must be in it, to enjoy it and grow with the venture. This was whyit was easy to shift from Toyota to tea. We have invested about Rs 70million already and another 30 million is in the pipeline.

Suraj Vaidya is president of the Vaidya’sOrganisation of Industries and Trading Housesthat is largely involved in trading andmanufacturing. Nepali Times spoke with Vaidya,who is also a vice president of the FNCCI, aboutcorruption, the investment climate, and thepotential for new products from Nepal.

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uring this Nepal bandh theBeed noticed vehicles plyingthe streets with their license

plates covered. Some more imaginativeriders pasted on signs proclaimingtheir “Freedom to Ride”. The driversdid this as insurance against trouble,immediate and future, from theorganisers of the bandh. The authori-ties, decided not to intervene becausethey wanted vehicles on the streets,regardless of the negative incentivessuch violations of rules can provide tocriminal elements.

In the quest for “normalcy” we’vebegun to flout simple rules, not caringabout the consequences. It is a painfuldecision, but is it right for thismoment? The death toll announced bygovernment has begun to resemblecricket scores and, like with cricketscores, people’s memories now onlyhold on to very large numbers. MoreNepalis are dying everyday, no oneknows for what and why this has to be.

Peace is getting dearer. Moreinfrastructure is hit every day, moredistricts are cut off from the telecomnetwork and more transport vehiclesare damaged or brought to a halt. Thecost of all this—to replace lost goodsand vehicles and lost opportunities—istremendous. For instance, Sauraha inChitwan had just started to see sometourists, but with the telephone systemnow dead, only a daring few are nowtravelling. The insurgency andcounter-insurgency measures have hitdistribution channels and since it isdifficult to move supplies, companiesare producing less, as well as suffering

Talk is cheap. Real peace isn’t.Peace

other direct losses in the process.Finally, after six years of cocktail

party chatter that just castigated thegovernment, the police, or both, andsometimes applaud the Maoists, Valleyresidents are beginning to get what theproblem is all about. For one, realestate prices in the capital are rising asmore and more people affected by theconflict are selling off their little all tobuy peace in what is still perceived as asecure place to live. In the districts, thegeneral public has begun following thefootsteps of their lawmakers and otherpolitical leaders who left their villages along time ago. The people facing theworst of the violence now are thosecaught in the crossfire who cannotafford to flee to safer areas. Politicalleaders must return to their constitu-encies and help those left behind resistthe Maoist onslaught.

There’s plenty of talk about theneed for peace and dialogue, butnothing will happen as long as ourpolitical scroungers see every tragedy asan opportunity to cash in on. Ourproblems are beyond party politicking:which party should get how many ofthose who lay down arms, what factionshould be in government when—andif—peace comes about. We’ve moved

beyond that and as Prithvi NarayanShah said, and Maoist ideologueBaburam Bhattarai repeated recently ina newspaper column, sabai laichetana bhaya, let it be known to oneand all. We all need to intervenecreatively, whatever our social statusand ideological position. Thelawyers have already begun, othersshould join in.

There are also ways for donors tohelp. They need to unite and push thegovernment to prepare a commonagenda . No more seminars, though.We could do better with some action-oriented integrated developmentefforts, relief packages, service deliverymechanisms—anything that willproduce visible results. A US militaryteam was here, others might come. Justa word of caution: we can’t let thisbecome a matter of geo-politics, withNepal’s northern and southernneighbours misconstruing thepresence of the US or other countriesin a different way. If that happens,once again the definition and price ofpeace might be something we don’twant to deal with.

Readers can post their views atarthabeed@yahoo.com

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“We are part of the problem and we areready to make a difference.”

88888 26 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 99999SPORT

The 2002 FIFA W rld Cup The World Cup trophy is 36 cm high, made of solid 18-carat gold andweighs 4.97 kg. The base contains two layers of semi-precious malachiteand has room for 17 small plaques bearing the name of the winners—space enough for the World Champions up to the year 2038. Thedesigner of the World Cup trophy, Italian artist Silvio Gazzaniga de-scribed his creation: “The lines spring out from the base, rising in spirals,stretching out to receive the world. From the remarkable dynamic tensionsof the compact body of the sculpture rise the figures of two athletes at thestirring moment of victory”. The current FIFA World Cup Trophy cannot bewon outright, as the regulations state that it shall remain FIFA’s ownpossession. The World Cup winners retain it until the next tournamentand are awarded a replica, gold-plated rather than solid gold.

About the Trophy

Brazil+ On paper, one of the best attacking forces inthe tournament, lots of experience- Poor qualifying campaign and defence

After being upstaged by bitter South American rivals Argentina, Brazil’s

run-up to the World Cup this time has beenthe shakiest and most uncertain ever. But a

World Cup without Brazil is unimagi-nable, and it’s impossible to write off

the four-time world champions, especiallywith players like Rivaldo, Ronaldo and

Ronaldinho playing together.During qualification, the team was

unrecognisable at times, lacking harmony andquality. Their unstable defence usually letthem down, and Brazil is not known for itsgreat goalkeepers either. They pulled them-selves through and won enough points toqualify, finally thumping Venezuela 3-0 inthe decisive match.

Brazil are Brazil, and will always befavourites especially in the FIFAWorld Cup, which is their arena.Coach Felipe Scolari possessesa core of experienced playerscapable of fighting for glory inKorea/Japan 2002, includingMarcos, Cafú, Emerson, Carlos, and ofcourse former World Players of the Year Rivaldo and Ronaldo… but canthey perform as a team?

Players to Watch: Rivaldo, Ronaldo, Caf­, Roberto Carlos

26 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002

Match Schedule1ST STAGE City Nepal Match

Time

Friday 31.05.02 Seoul 17:15 France vs SenegalSaturday 01.06.02 Niigata 12:15 Ireland vs Cameroon

Ulsan 14:45 Uruguay vs DenmarkSapporo 17:15 Germany vs Saudi Arabia

Sunday 02.06.02 Ibaraki 11:15 Argentina vs Nigeria

Busan 13:15 Paraguay vs South AfricaSaitama 15:15 England vs Sweden

Gwangju 17:15 Spain vs SloveniaMonday 03.06.02 Niigata 12:15 Croatia vs Mexico

Ulsan 14:45 Brazil vs TurkeySapporo 17:15 Italy vs Ecuador

Tuesday 04.06.02 Gwangju 12:15 China PR vs Costa RicaSaitama 14:45 Japan vs BelgiumBusan 17:15 Korea Republic vs Poland

Wednesday 05.06.02 Kobe 12:15 Russia vs TunisiaSuwon 14:45 USA vs Portugal

Ibaraki 17:15 Germany vs IrelandThursday 06.06.02 Daegu 12:15 Denmark vs Senegal

Saitama 14:45 Cameroon vs Saudi ArabiaBusan 17:15 France vs Uruguay

Friday 07.06.02 Kobe 12:15 Sweden vs NigeriaJeonju 14:45 Spain vs ParaguaySapporo 17:15 Argentina vs England

Saturday 08.06.02 Daegu 12:15 South Africa vs SloveniaIbaraki 14:45 Italy vs Croatia

Seogwipo 17:15 Brazil vs China PRSunday 09.06.02 Miyagi 12:15 Mexico vs Ecuador

Incheon 14:45 Costa Rica vs TurkeyYokohama 17:15 Japan vs Russia

Monday 10.06.02 Daegu 12:15 Korea Republic vs USAOita 14:45 Tunisia vs BelgiumJeonju 17:15 Portugal vs Poland

Tuesday 11.06.02 Incheon 12:15 Denmark vs FranceSuwon 12:15 Senegal vs Uruguay

Shizuoka 17:15 Cameroon vs GermanyYokohama 17:15 Saudi Arabia vs Ireland

Wednesday 12.06.02 Miyagi 12:15 Sweden vs ArgentinaOsaka 12:15 Nigeria vs EnglandDaejeon 17:15 South Africa vs Spain

Seogwipo 17:15 Slovenia vs ParaguayThursday 13.06.02 Suwon 12:15 Costa Rica vs Brazil

Seoul 12:15 Turkey vs China PROita 17:15 Mexico vs Italy

Yokohama 17:15 Ecuador vs CroatiaFriday 14.06.02 Osaka 12:15 Tunisia vs Japan

Shizuoka 12:15 Belgium vs RussiaIncheon 17:15 Portugal vs KoreaDaejeon 17:15 Poland vs USA

2ND STAGERound of 16Saturday 15.06.02 Seogwipo 12:15 1st E vs 2nd B = (1)

Niigata 17:15 1st A vs 2nd F = (5)

Sunday 16.06.02 Oita 12:15 1st F vs 2nd A = (6)Suwon 17:15 1st B vs 2nd E = (2)

Monday 17.06.02 Jeonju 12:15 1st G vs 2nd D = (3)Kobe 17:15 1st C vs 2nd H = (7)

Tuesday 18.06.02 Miyagi 12:15 1st H vs 2nd C = (8)

Daejeon 17:15 1st D vs 2nd G = (4)Quarter FinalsFriday 21.06.02 Shizuoka 12:15 W (5) vs W (7) = (C)

Ulsan 17:15 W (1) vs W (3) = (A)

Saturday 22.06.02 Gwangju 12:15 W (2) vs W (4) = (B)Osaka 17:15 W (6) vs W (8) = (D)

SemifinalsTuesday 25.06.02 Seoul 17:15 W (A) vs W (B) = (AB)Wednesday 26.06.02 Saitama 17:15 W (C) vs W (D) = (CD)

FinalsSaturday 29.06.02 Daegu 16:45 L (AB) vs L (CD)

Sunday 30.06.02 Yokohama 16:45 W (AB) vs W (CD)

Group A Group B Group C Group D

France Spain Brazil KoreaSenegal Slovenia Turkey PolandUruguay Paraguay China USADenmark South Africa Costa Rica Portugal

Group E Group F Group G Group H

Germany Argentina Italy JapanSaudi Arabia Nigeria Ecuador BelgiumIreland England Croatia RussiaCameroon Sweden Mexico Tunisia

Portugal+ Very talented midfield led by Figo and RuiCosta, excellent qualifying run- Finishing has been a problem due to

inefficient attack

Portugal have been called the Brazil of Europe, and the current genera-tion of young Portuguese players had a brilliant run in Euro 2000, only tobe stopped by Zidane’s golden goal penalty in the semi-final. Portugalhave been in excellent form over the past few years, and topped theirdifficult qualifying group which included Ireland and The Netherlands. Thelatter will not be playing in Japan and Koreaafter failing to qualify.

Everyone knows what Luis Figo cando—his incredible dribbling and runs canturn any game around. However it is ACMilan’s Rui Costa who will be decisive tothe Portuguese campaign. Like Figo, RuiCosta has the ability to take an entire gameinto his own hands and has done so manytimes with his former club Fiorentina. Thequestion is whether he can perform asconsistently for his national side.

Portugal also play arguably the mostattractive football of any European side,their fluid midfield passing combination hasleft most of their opponents out of thegame. But the team tends to crowd themidfield at times, and sometimes doesn’tuse its possession effectively enough—their only major problem is inefficiency inscoring goals despite dominating posses-sion. This could be a cause for concernespecially in world class matches whereevery opportunity counts.

Although Portugal lack the more “complete” squads of their illustriousrivals, their recent performances give you the feeling that they will createa huge impression this year on the world stage.

Players to Watch: Luis Figo, Manuel Rui Costa, SergioConceicao

Italy+ Vast talent, excellent defence- Finding the right combination could be aproblem, especially in attack

The biggest strength of the Azzurri is undoubtedly their defence. Withsome of the best defenders in the world—veteran Paolo Maldini,Alessandro Nesta, Fabio Cannavaro and Marco Materazzi—Italy couldvery well win the World Cup simply because no one would be able toscore against them! Their stinginess anddefensive pedigree showed in Euro2000, when they let in only three goals ineight matches.

Italy’s other strength is thetalent of its squad. How-ever, choosing theperfect combinationcould be coachGiovanni Trapattoni’s biggestconcern. With so many stars tochoose from, the right combinationwill be vital. Certainly a key playerfor the Azzurri will be FrancescoTotti. The Roma maestro wasoutstanding last year,when his club won theScudetto. He has theability to lift the playersaround him, and hispassing and commitment are second to none. If combinations are amajor problem for Italy, there couldn’t be a better person for the job, as“Trap” is one of the most experienced and successful coaches infootball today.

In attack, Christian Vieri appears to be Italy’s first-choice striker,but like Michael Owen, the Inter Milan player is very injury-prone. Alsoin the frame are former Juventus team mates Alessandro Del Piero,Filippo Inzaghi, as well as Roma teammates Vicenzo Montella andMarco Delvecchio.

It is obvious there is a plethora of talent, but will too many possibili-ties undermine the team’s consistency?

Players to watch: Francesco Totti, Alessandro Del Piero,Vicenzo Montella, Fabio Cannovaro

England+ A young and determined squad that keepsimproving- Injury proneness, bad defensive record and

likely absence of David Beckham

After a complete revival under Swedish coach Sven-GoranEriksson, England have gradually emerged as challengers for thetitle. They have been impressive in qualifying, notably againstGermany in Munich where they won 5-1. England may have beenthrashing their opponents in the pre-World Cup friendlies, but theird e f e n s i v e shakiness could show against the likes of

Argentina and Nigeria, whom theyjoin in Group F.

England is also a young teamthat seems yet to reach peak

form, even with prolific strikerMichael Owen scoring very consist-

ently. Another big blow is the injury toDavid Beckham who may or may not fullyrecover in time for the tournament. Havingsaid that, England showed how well they

can do without him after thumpingParaguay 4-0 in Anfield. England have

the stuff to have a good run in theWorld Cup, but their shortcomings

may come back to haunt them.

Players to watch: MichaelOwen, David Beckham

Starting 31 May, 32 teams will battle it out in Japan and South Korea in what promises to be the closest FIFA World Cup inrecent years. Nepali Times brings you this intro to the biggest global sporting event of the year.

The FavoritesArgentina+ Very talented squad with depth andexcellent qualifying campaign- Lack of a solid central defence

After an emphatic qualifying performance and a convincing 1-0 awaywin against Germany last week, the Albicelestehave emerged as the biggest favourites to takethe World Cup this June. Colombia coachFrancisco Maturana said of the then runawaygroup leaders: “It is hell playing againstArgentina.”

Maturana’s assessment is understandablewhen you consider the likes of Batistuta,Lopez, Veron, Aimar and Zanetti all superstarsin their respective clubs. The Argentines have somuch talent, they could probably field two teamsthat would be serious contenders for the title.The only question is whether they can replicatetheir past performances in a month’s time inJapan and Korea, for a FIFA World Cup-winning coach needs his players to hit form at

the same time, and within the same limitedtime frame. Injuries are another worry, but

the sheer depth of this side in attackand defence means the Argentineshave almost everything going for

them, including the young prodigies,Aimar and Saviola.

Argentina’s main weakness, however, lies incentral defence. Coach Marcelo Bielsa needs to

decide who is going to partner Roma’s Walter Samuel. There is veteranNestor Sensini, who is nearing the end of his career and is not exactlyblessed with speed. Roberto Ayala is dominant in the air, but he some-times commits the mistake of holding onto the ball too often.

Players to watch: Pablo Aimar, Javier Saviola, Claudio Lopez,Juan Sebastian Veron

France+ All-round solid team- Out of form goalkeeper Barthez

If Les Bleus can recapture the defensive solidity that won them theWorld Cup in ’98, and break forward with the devastating fluidity thatsaw them lift the Euro 2000 crown, they will be a difficult side to beatthis time round.

Coach Roger Lemerre has it all at hisdisposal: a solid defence, an inspirationalmidfield and an efficient attack. LikeArgentina, there is an abundance of talentin this team, which has dominated thefootball world for the last threeyears. The French have beenknown for their poise indefence, and that shouldnot change in the finals,with Bixente Lizarazuand Lilian Thuram havingbeen in top form of late.

And then there isZidane. The Real Madridstar will again be theteam’s creative lynchpin, andthe ferocious skills of Arse-nal’s Patrick Vieira can besupported by a host of defen-sive or offensive players as theneed arises. The Zidane-Vieiracombination means Franceeasily has the most devastatingcentral midfield in the tournament.

While Lemerre faces selection headaches that many of his peerswould love to have, the current French side does show a certainweakness in central defence. Laurent Blanc’s retirement from theinternational scene paved the way for his Manchester United teammateMikaël Silvestre to join captain Marcel Desailly in the centre, a pairing thathad trouble containing the talents of Raul in Spain’s 2-1 victory overFrance in March last year. Goalkeeper Fabien Barthez has made severalhorrific mistakes this past season, and may have to be replaced.Another major blow is the loss of midfielder Robert Pires due to injury.Lemerre should be able to sort these problems out, but does France stillhave the winning mentality that has brought them glory in the past fewyears?

Players to watch: David Trezeguet, Zinedine Zidane, LilianThuram, Patrick Vieira

1010101010 26 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMESWORLD

by JOSEPH E STIGLITZOPINION

he IMF finally recognises the failure of its big bailout policies—all tooevident in Thailand, Indonesia, Korea, Russia, Brazil, and most recently,in Argentina. Big bailouts allowed countries to briefly maintain over-

valued exchange rates, which allowed the rich in these countries to get theirmoney out at more favourable terms than they might have done otherwise. Thatallowed western banks that lent imprudently to get repaid. As overvaluedexchange rates—even if maintained for only a short period—further depressed theeconomy, the country had to repay billions of dollars in IMF loans.

The problem was most evident in the 1998 Russian bailout, where only afterthe “failure”—after the devaluation of the ruble—didgrowth resume. The billions lent to Russia quicklywound up in the Swiss and Cyprus bank accounts ofRussia’s oligarchs. All this was evident when the moneywas lent in July 1998, but today Russia’s people arepaying for the IMF’s mistakes. Argentina provided thecoup de grace to the IMF’s big bailout strategy.

I, and others, argued for years for a greater relianceon standstill agreements, restructuring, and bankruptcy.The IMF has come around, but the conflict of interestshould have been clear all along—the IMF, as a majorcreditor, could not also be the bankruptcy judge. TheFund recently proposed alternative procedures thatmight deal with the problem, and regrettably, the USTreasury immediately threw cold water on the propos-als. John Taylor, Undersecretary of Treasury forInternational Affairs, suggests matters should be left tothe market. All that is needed, he suggests, are “collectiveaction” clauses allowing the majority (or asupermajority) of a group of bondholders to imposetheir will on a minority, to prevent scavengers who, inthe past, bought up small stakes in a bond issue and used their position to extractlarge concessions.

Taylor, a distinguished macro-economist, has paid little attention to recentdevelopments in economic theory and experiences in economic policy in the arenaof bankruptcy. Collective action clauses are important, but not enough. The IMFlong advocated the hands-off market-oriented approach to bankruptcy resolution,and it has mostly been a disaster. Korea and Malaysia ignored IMF advice—theirgovernments took an active role and followed extensive restructuring. Thoseeconomies recovered fast. Countries that relied on IMF advice didn’t fare too well.

Economic theory holds that there are incentives for some market participants

We can’t let the US bankrupt theIMF’s new bankruptcy policy.to delay a resolution, and that these are particularly costly in situations such asthose in East Asia and Argentina, where corporate distress is prevalent and theeconomy faces a major downturn. Such negative incentives are why bankruptcylaw in America allows judges discretion to force recalcitrant creditors to accepta resolution that is in the broader interest. Why should principles that make

sense within countries not be applied in theinternational arena?

There needs to be an international arbiter. But whatguidance should be given to this international bank-ruptcy referee? There’s no simple answer to theappropriate design of bankruptcy law or regulation. TheUS has also experienced a fierce debate over bankruptcyreform. Bankruptcy can’t simply be delegated totechnocrats. There are efficiency issues, but alsodistributional concerns. The IMF, being linked tofinancial markets, is likely to push for rules favouringthose interests. More balance is needed. The principlesof America’s Chapter 11 bankruptcy law—the provisionwhich allows rapid reorganisation of firms to maintaineconomic activity—should underlay the new rules.

The fact that the US can veto even these modest IMFproposals illustrates a fundamental weakness of currentinternational economic arrangements. In the UN fivecountries hold a veto—largely a historical anachronism.India, once a British colony, does not; France does. Thenotion that a single country can exercise effective veto

power seems inconsonant with basic democratic principles. Were Americaless bent on pursuing unilateralist policies, this might not make much of adifference. But the Bush Administration not only ignores the basic princi-ples of economics, but also those underlying international cooperation. TheIMF is trying to create an alternative. The world cannot allow America to vetoits efforts. (Project Syndicate)

(Joseph Stiglitz, professor of economics at Columbia University,was formerly chief economist and senior vice-president of theWorld Bank.)

Hard lessons

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So you want to go to Canada?MONTREAL - Think Canada only wants immigrants with PhDs orcomputer degrees? Think again: Butchers and welders are just twogroups that have been admitted into the country recently as one of theworld’s richest nations deals with a shortage of blue-collar workers.“We’ve had a lot of people come in the trades areas—welders,carpenters, metal finishers, machinists, mechanics,” says GerryClement, assistant deputy minister of immigration in the westernprovince of Manitoba. “Our major source countries have beentraditional areas of immigration, with the Philippines the highest,followed by Germany, the former Yugoslavia, the Ukraine and China.”The country has long filled labour shortages with temporary workerswho are permitted entry only if they already have a job offer and withthe understanding that they cannot apply for permanent residencyonce here. In 2000, over 70,000 permits were granted to temporaryworkers, a slight increase over the previous peak a dozen yearsearlier. Other areas of shortage include construction, engineering,truck transportation and food services and accommodations. (IPS)

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Public goods, private providersGENEVA - The EU has denied that it seeks to privatise all publicservices, including water, as stated in confidential documentsattributed to the bloc that were distributed this week by non-govern-mental organisations. Internal EU documents, leaked by the NGOs,contain the petition for privatisation that the EU is to present in thenegotiations underway at the WTO, say activists. Sources from theWTO and EU denied—though with different levels of emphasis—thepossibility of such privatisation. Mike Moore, WTO director-general,said it was “simply untrue” that the organisation’s General Agreementon Trade in Services would “somehow require developing countries toprivatise public services, including water supply.” Anthony Gooch,spokesman for the European Commission’s trade division, stated, “Wedo not intend requesting that public services be done away with.” Theintent of the EU reportedly entails privatising all postal, financial andbanking services, the generation and supply of electricity, tourism andtelecommunications. (IPS)

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Three-way developmentLONDON - A three-year-study has brought out a new developmentmodel that brings together corporations, governments and communi-ties. The Tri-Sector Partnership proposal follows an experiment with30 projects in 20 countries. The projects, carried out by a group of120 companies, NGOs and government agencies calling itself Busi-ness Partners for Development (BPD), is a move to find a middle pathbetween hostility to corporations and absence of private investment.The approach is based on the idea of pooling the core competenciesof the three sectors. James Wolfensohn, president of the World Bank,which co-sponsored the projects, said: “The currency of communitydevelopment is not just money; it is knowledge and experience.” Anexample of the approach is a project in Venezuela’s Bolivar stateinvolving the Canadian mining company Placer Dome. The companybuilt a health centre in partnership with the central government, thelocal health authority and an NGO. (IPS)

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Another man’s freedom fighterCANBERRA – “Anti-terrorism” legislation proposed by the Australiangovernment would undermine international human rights standardsand should be rejected, human rights and community groups told aSenate committee inquiring into the draft bill this week. AmnestyInternational has expressed alarm that the proposed legislation—theSecurity Legislation Amendment (Terrorism) Bill 2002—would under-mine international rights standards by reversing the onus of proof tothose accused of “terrorism”, so that they must prove their innocence,and also remove the right to silence. The director-general of theAustralian Security Intelligence Organisation, Dennis Richardson,defended the proposed legislation, but agreed when asked if “terror-ism” is a value-laden term. The Law Council of Australia, whichappeared before the committee, described the proposed definition ofterrorism—modelled on the British Terrorism Act passed in November2000—as “unacceptably broad, imprecise and unwieldy”. It is particu-larly critical of actions qualifying as terrorism if they are done with theintention of “advancing a political, religious or ideological cause”. TheSenate Legal and Constitutional Committee, which is evenly balancedbetween government members and members from the oppositionLabor and a progressive minor party, is likely to be split on thelegislation. (IPS)

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Kyoto in trouble againOTTAWA - The Canadian government is hedging on its commitment toratify the Kyoto Protocol because the EU opposes Canada’s demandthat it be allowed to cut greenhouse gas emissions less than itoriginally agreed. Prime Minister Jean Chretien told the Canadianparliament this week that his government will ratify Kyoto “one day”but would not set a deadline. The prime minister said that clean energycredits are the major stumbling block to ratification. Canada wants a30 percent reduction on the greenhouse gas emission cuts requiredunder the accord because it exports natural gas and hydroelectric-ity—so-called “clean energy”—to the United States. The EuropeanUnion opposes large credits, and EU environment commissionerMargot Wallstrom said last week that her 15-state community willlikely oppose Canada’s quest to obtain export credits. An environ-mental spokesman for the Canadian government said he believes itstill wants to ratify the deal, but is feeling the heat from businesslobbyists and provincial governments in energy-producing regionsof the country. (IPS)

by HELEN MACKCOMMENT

nternational pressure encouragedGuatemala to become a democracyand supported the 1996 Peace

Accords that ended our decades-longcivil war. But for Guatemala to trulyenjoy the fruits of a new era, globalefforts must help our country developthe legal, judicial and political courageto confront its past.

That history includes the brutal1990 murder of my sister, MyrnaElizabeth Mack Chang. At the time,Myrna’s murder symbolised thesavagery of a 36-year-old civil war inwhich government forces killed over200,000 Guatemalans. Now it is anicon of our democracy’s unfulfilledpromises. The 12-year judicialjourney we have made in pursuingher case underscores the intransigenceof the old order.

An anthropologist, Myrnastudied the Mayans and otherindigenous Guatemalans forced toabandon their ancestral homes duringthe worst years of the civil war. Shevisited remote areas and heard

The Case of Myrna MackTo recover from its decades-longinsurgency and counter-insurgencyGuatemala needs to confront its past.

villagers talk of watching “their landlaid to waste.” In reporting what shesaw and heard, she became an enemyof the state—her work exposed thebarbaric policies practised against thedisplaced populations, uncovered thetruth behind state actions, and calledfor the restoration of basic humanrights. Myrna’s scholarly work madeher an “internal enemy”. On 11September 1990, as Myrna left heroffice, two men stabbed her 27 times.Vinicio Cerezo, head of state at thetime, later informed law enforcementauthorities that Myrna was “targeted”because intelligence reports indicatedthat her work posed risks for thecounterinsurgency effort.

As chief petitioner in her case, I havesought justice in Guatemala’s courts for12 years. In 1993, ex-Sergeant MajorNoel de Jesús Beteta was sentenced to 25years in prison, making him the firststate agent and first member of the armyso punished. Beteta’s conviction was onlya partial victory. He was partlyresponsible for stabbing Myrna, but inGuatemala, human rights abuses beginat a much higher level.

Responsibility for Myrna’s deathmust be shared by the men in chargeof government security in September1990. My task is to insure that ageneral and two colonels are heldlegally accountable for their roles inthe chilling process that led toMyrna’s assassination. The SupremeCourt ordered an investigation of thesemilitary officials to determine theirresponsibility. A military court issueda warrant for their arrest. In 1999,another judge ordered their trial. InJune 2001 a date was set for the trial,making it possible at last to present theevidence against these individuals.This first effort of Guatemala to try

high military officials has been delayedindefinitely because the defendants’lawyers appealed the case. Achievingeven these successes has been difficult:the police investigator was assassinated,judges have been threatened, witnesseshave fled into exile. I have beenharassed and campaigns to discreditme organised.

Terror works. So do bureaucraticbottlenecks that provide easy cover fordefendants and permit the state toevade responsibility. Evidence andprocedural documents are lost ordestroyed, documents key to the legalprocess are altered, state security isinvoked to deny information. Add tothis many Guatemalan judges whofunction as agents of impunity ratherthan servants of justice, and a legalsystem that can be manipulated by thedefence through frivolous lawsuits.Still, the struggle has gone from thetechnical, legal, and political arenas,closer to a hearing in the courts. Theexposure has given the Myrna MackFoundation and other civic efforts thechance to propose ways to modernise

T

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and democratise the justice system.But there are many roadblocks—judicial reform, conceived 16 years agoand strengthened through the peaceaccords, is sadly still being debated.

In name Guatemala is a fledglingdemocracy. In reality, power continuesto remain with the military highcommand and political and economicconservatives. We lack a trulydemocratic climate where criminalbehaviour that the state previouslysupported is prosecuted. Such anenvironment needs the politicaldesire to dismantle state control,strong and independent agencies,adherence to international humanrights conventions, and a commit-ment to justice. The internationalcommunity must push Guatemalatoward a better, more just future. (Project Syndicate)

(Helen Mack is member of thethe Center for Justice andInternational Civil Rights. In1992, she was awarded theRight Livelihood Award .)

I

1111111111ASIA 26 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMES

by JAN KNIPPERS BLACKCOMMENT

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Rent-a-crowdISLAMABAD - In the run up to the 30 April referendum on givingPakistan President Pervez Musharraf five more years in power, thegovernment has been ultra-sensitive to media criticism of Musharraf’splan to stay in office through thevote. Reports have dubbed hisrallies ‘rent-a-crowd’ and called thegatherings less than what B-gradepolitical parties can muster. LastSunday, this tension resulted inpolice baton-charging journalistsduring a pre-referendum rally inFaisalabad. The government hasbeen especially irked by aneditorial in the English daily TheNews. Criticising Musharraf forusing the 200,000 councillorselected under his plan to establishreal democracy by devolving powerat the grass roots, the paper said:“Our correspondent’s report on howthe local body system is beingabused to fabricate a victory for President Pervez Musharraf in thereferendum is not surprising as it duplicates a tradition in politics thatthe military regime had sworn to eliminate.” The president is expectedto win the vote. (IPS)

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World’s cheapest anti-AIDS drugBANGKOK - Since the start of this month, a state-run pharmacy innorthern Bangkok has seen a two-fold increase in the number ofpatients seeking anti-HIV drugs. Close to 20 patients with HIV arepurchasing the drugs daily, say sales clerks at this drug store that sellsa range of drugs made by the Government Pharmaceutical Organisa-tion (GPO). That is double the number of people with HIV whosubmitted doctors’ prescriptions for the anti-retroviral (ARV) drugsbefore. The pill that the state drug-maker is marketing, called GPO-VIR, is sold for about 45 cents per tablet. A month’s supply thus costs$27, as opposed to the $450 that a month of AIDS drugs produced byinternational pharmaceutical giants would cost. Besides the price, thisnew pill is also unique as it contains three separate drugs, all part ofthe anti-AIDS drugs cocktail. Patients can now take one tablet twice aday instead of three tablets twice a day. (IPS)

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Rights in MalaysiaPENANG- Activists here fear the imminent leadership changes inMalaysia’s Human Rights Commission (Suhakam) could render thebody even more impotent. The changes come as detainees under theInternal Security Act (ISA), which allows indefinite detention withouttrial and has been used several times in the past 12 months, are onhunger strike to press the government to charge them in court orrelease them. This month the two-year terms of Suhakam’s inauguralcommissioners expire. Musa Hitam, chairman of the commission, hasdeclined reappointment. He had come under fire from rights groupsfor suggesting that in the aftermath of 9/11 human rights should “takea back seat”. Two other commissioners expected to be dropped or toleave service, a former Chief Judge of Malaya and former Universityof Malaya law professor, have earned plaudits for working courageouslydespite difficult constraints. NGOs say the selection committee shouldcomprise parliamentarians of different political affiliations, rightsgroups and civil society. Suhakam’s high point came last year when itproduced a scathing inquiry report against police brutality andrecommended easing curbs on freedom of assembly. (IPS)

Oil diplomacy

ANTOANETA BEZLOVA

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IN BEIJINGne of the last diplomatic toursof Chinese Communist Partychief Jiang Zemin before he

steps down this autumn underscorestwo fundamentals that will shapeChina’s foreign policy in the comingyears. Beijing’s criticism of UShegemony and the Chinese rush tosatiate the country’s growing oil andenergy needs underpin the two-weektour that took Jiang to Libya, Nigeriaand Tunisia and ends this weekend inIran’s capital.

With highly-publicised diplo-matic appearances in Libya and Iran—

which the US regards as “roguenations”—Jiang sent a message thatdespite its pledge to support the US‘war against terror’, Beijing disagreeswith Washington’s ‘axis of evil’ and‘rogue nation’ foreign policy. “Jiang’svisits show that China will carry onits own diplomacy and strengthenits traditional good relations withthe developing world,” saysProfessor Guo Xianggang, aresearcher at the China InternationalAffairs Research Institute.

That is only one side of Beijing’scharm offensive in Africa and theMiddle East. Grounding Beijing’sstatements of friendship signed in

capitals from Tripoli to Teheran isChina’s insatiable thirst for oil. A netimporter since 1996, China has beeneyeing oil exploration in Nigeria,Tunisia and Libya, while relying onthe Middle East for over half itscurrent oil imports. In Tripoli Jiangattended the signing of an oil pactbetween China National PetroleumCorporation, a state-owned Chineseoil giant, and the Libyan National OilCompany, which opened Libya’s oilfields to Chinese exploration. VisitingNigeria—Africa’s largest oil pro-ducer—Jiang promised a visit from aChinese trade mission of “thousandsof Chinese businessmen”. Already thesixth largest oil producer in the world,Nigeria plans to increase productionby 50 percent shortly and sell moreoil directly to China.

Although Jiang’s visits werearranged some time ago and carefullyscripted, they occur amidst renewedtensions in the Middle East. Violencebetween Israel and Palestine and itsimpact on international oil marketsand prices have highlighted China’sgrowing reliance on imported oil.Despite inflated prices in the MiddleEast, last year China imported 70million tonnes of oil, compared with36 million tonnes in 1999. Withannual economic growth at 7 percent,China’s imports are projected to riseto 100 million tonnes by 2010,nearly a third of its projected total oildemand of 320 million tonnes.

Last week, Chinese oil officialscalled for more diversified oil suppliesto offset the country’s vulnerability tofuel cost fluctuations. “We will have toenhance our oil supply from south-

MONTEREY - Jose “Xanana” Gusmao was elected president of East Timor by alandslide in last Sunday’s elections. With 89 percent of the 378,538 ballotscounted, Gusmao (see pic), poet-guerrilla leader- statesman, had about 80percent of the votes. He will be inaugurated on 20 May, as the UN withdrawsfrom a two-year stint of transitional administration.

But before that, on 1 May, East Timor will declare its independence—for thesecond time. The first time the island did so, after Portuguese coloniserswithdrew in 1974, it was immediately overrun byIndonesian troops. Their occupation until 1999extinguished a third of the population (some200,000), but not the independence movement. Inthe 1999 UN-sponsored referendum, the EastTimorese voted overwhelmingly for independencebut Indonesian armed forces and their militias votedwith their weapons, leaving thousands dead,hundreds of thousands displaced, and physicalinfrastructure in ruins.

Mercifully, elections for a constituent assemblythat took place in August 2001 were peaceful, evenfestive, passing leadership to Fretilin, the partyperceived as representing the independencemovement. Emerging from centuries of colonialismand occupation, the East Timorese have been advisedby consultants from inter-governmental and non-governmental organisations, multinational corpora-tions, and overdeveloped states, on how to deal withthe challenges of independence.

But most of us hail from states where independ-ence as popular sovereignty is fast eroding and wherethis century’s technology camouflages social relationsof a much older order. Somewhere along the route toa civilised 21st century we got pulled back into the19th. The model of equilibrium or social contractachieved in the most advanced European social welfare states, and envisioned sinceWorld War II by so much of the world as a distant goal, has lost its resonancesince the early 1980s.

Utopias aside, the idea of a social system relatively open and democratic, fairand equitable, and creative and productive, is no pipe dream. We have seenmany at local and national levels in the past, and a few—the Scandinavian

Rediscovering “civilisation”countries for example—are still holding on. Many trajectories of long-termglobal trends suggest that we could eradicate mass poverty and achieve amore hospitable world.

The obstacles to civilisation are not lack of technical or economic know-how.We know how to produce and conserve, to regenerate and recycle essential goods.We know how to redistribute money and expand opportunity, how to providefor “human resource development” and how to care for those with special needs.

The resources are not lacking; they are mal-distributed. The black-hole density of the currentconcentration of economic power, and the techno-logical sophistication with which it is continuouslyre-concentrated, make the political task an awesomeone. The process of incorporating or re-incorporat-ing the non-affluent into economic decision-makingmust call forth all the vehicles mobilised in the lasttwo centuries—organised labour, racial-, ethnic-,and gender-based social movements, multi-sectorand multi-class political parties.

Like bacteria that have developed resistance toantibiotics, the untamed 19th century version ofcapitalism has returned in more virulent form.To limit the mobility of money, globalise thepopular regulation of it, or at least buffervulnerable peoples from the subversive potentialof some trillion dollars sloshing around incyberspace everyday looking for quick and dirtyways to reproduce, social activists need newparadigms and more effective strategies andorganisations.

Perhaps in this the East Timorese have moreto teach in this matter than we do. They havelearnt that each-against-all individualism reapsonly a nothing-left-to-lose kind of freedom; that

security can only be collective, and that it ultimately lies in the symbiosis andmutual commitments of a just community. (IPS)

(Jan Black is professor of international policy studies at the MontereyInstitute of International Studies and author of Inequity in theGlobal Village: Recycled Rhetoric and Disposable People.)

east Asian countries,” Li Yizhong, headof Sinopec, China’s largest oil firm,told the Boao Forum for Asia. South-east Asian oil is safer, but consideredinferior in quality to that from theMiddle East. Industry watchers alsobelieve China must look for less-explored territories where western oilcompanies are not firmly established.

In Libya, Nigeria and Tunisia,Jiang pledged investment andpresented China as a powerful ally tothe Muslim world. The first Chineseleader to visit Libya, Jiang visited thepremises where Libyan leaderMuammar Qaddafi’s daughter andsome 3,000 other people were killedduring a 1986 US bombing raid.“America destroyed houses but it willnot succeed in destroying Libyanvalues and principles,” Jiang said. Hespoke strongly in support of theisolated Arab nation, which Washing-ton has placed on its list of statesponsors of terrorism: “China isagainst linking the terrorism with acertain nationality or religion.”

These remarks distance Beijingfrom Washington’s commitment tofight the ‘axis of evil’—Iran, Iraqand North Korea. Oft-fragilerelations between China and the USare in trouble again because ofWashington’s increasingly publicshow of support for Taiwan.Mainland China regards thedemocratic island of Taiwan as arebel province, which split from themotherland after the 1949 civil war.Reuniting with Taiwan, by force ifnecessary, is one of the Chineseleadership’s primary goals in thenew century. (IPS)

China takes on US domination, andfinds new sources for oil.

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O

If we want to enter a civilised21st century, there are

lessons from East Timor.

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“Since Budanilkantha School hasbeen accepted as collateral, thisgentleman wants to put upSingha Darbar as collateral.”

Kantipur, 20 April

QUOTE OF THE WEEK

“Anyone can kill them (Maoistleaders), bring their heads in abag, and take away the prizemoney in the same bag.”

— Devendra Raj Kandel,Minister of State for Home in

Rajdhani, 24 April

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Praying for peaceAruna Uprety in Rajdhani,19 April

From 14 April (Baisakh 1) I haveheard of simultaneous pujasbeing performed in seven Nepalicities. We are supposedly prayingthat the ongoing war ends, andthat peace is restored. Lookingat the healthy pundits perform-ing the rites one gets theimpression that, if nothing else,the prayers will at least bring thepriests peace—all that they getfor performing the rites wouldnot have come their way withoutthe puja.

I want to ask the pundits: ifpraying works, why did they waitso long? They could have startedpraying back in 1990. They maysay there was peace in 1990 andthat so there was no need topray. But then another questionarises—what sort of pundits arethey if they couldn’t foresee thefuture? How could they notforesee what our leaders wouldturn out to be? Now wheneverything has gone down thedrain, they are praying and givingthe people false assurances.

If, as the pundits say, we canmake peace by praying, here is arequest to them. “Oh, learnedones, please perform a puja thatcan kill the germ that encouragesour ministers to be corrupt.Make them forget their hungerto steal money at all costs. Apuja that will make them returnthe money they have taken indifferent deals—Dhamija, Lauda,RNAC, Sajha Yatayat…”

If we can actually performrites to bring about peace, it ispossible our pundits will beinvited to Afghanistan, Israel andPalestine, opening anotheropportunity for foreign employ-ment and ending our foreignexchange problems. Our leaderswould be good, the countrywould have more industries, andno one would be hungry. Notonly would we be able to takefood to the Karnali region, buteven sweets.

Tell me, panditji, are youreally interested in bringingpeace in Nepal? If you are,instead of burning rice or prayingto stone idols or buildingtemples, why don’t you performthe rites of hard work andproductivity? Why have yourpujas been unable to teachanyone the values of hard work?Instead you teach people tobelieve in fate and bow to you inallegiance, hoping that will takecare of all their problems. Ifpujas could bring peace, therewouldn’t have been massmurders in Gujarat after theprayers in Ayodhaya. Or werethe killings in Gujarat directedby Ayodhaya’s Ram?

The reality is different—there is more chaos where thereare more prayers. There areprayers at Pashupati everymorning and evening. Why dothe poverty and stench aroundthe temple not disappear? Ifprayers brought peace thethulabadas (those in positions ofpower and influence) wouldn’tbe involved in stealing idols fromtemples and selling themabroad…. Our pundits pray andconduct pujas because theyhaven’t learnt any other form ofhard work. They explore theworld through the Internet andtelevision, but still want people

Media monopoly?to believe and live in a worldsome 5,000 years old—because ifthe villagers also becomemodern, they will stop offeringmoney (at the pujas).

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Dress CodeYubaraj Ghimire in Kantipur,23 April 23, 2002

After the referendum [in 1980],BP Koirala had to return fromthe main gate of the royal palaceeven though he had an officialinvitation. He didn’t have theofficial grey coat. He had hisinternational image, personality,and nationality and had gone tothe palace in his national dress,but the colour of his coat wasmore important than his otherqualities. If we could be similarsticklers, as disciplined in ourproclaimed aims and theirimplementation, perhaps Nepalcould have gone much further.

Our government bodies stilltreat journalists and photogra-phers as though they weregovernment or civil servants. Ifnot, why is it still mandatory forinvited journalists to wear thenational dress during most state-organised programs? Things havechanged somewhat from 12 yearsago, when the postings, transferand even assignments handed tojournalists from Gorkhapatra,the RSS, and Radio Nepal weredecided by government bodies.Private sector media is estab-lished and is moving forward in acommercially-viable manner.

The success of the private mediahas compelled the state toloosen its control over state-owned media. Even within theseorganisations people are comingto believe that state-ownedmedia should be given morefreedom and their employeesshould be able to work like realjournalists. Journalists and civilservants have different mandates.Security officials must be able toaccept these changing senti-ments. After all, a photographermay have one or two officialevents to attend, but a wholehost of other assignments too,and it is uncomfortable to do allthis in a suit or daura suruwal. Theofficial bodies need to realise this,or the unfortunate day might comewhen labour unions themselvesraise this issue.

But moves to relax the dresscode must come from within theroyal family. In the past year HisMajesty has himself given manyaudiences not in strict nationaldress, but the national cap andunofficial attire. When the lateKing Birendra went to Londonfor his health check up, he gaveaudiences to individuals andgroups in the Royal GardenHotel. Nepal’s Ambassador tothe UK, Singha Bahadur Basnet,and under secretary to the presssecretariat Shekhar Dhunganawere also present with HisMajesty, who was wearing a kurta,aligarhi pyjama, and Nehru jacket.

by Gajendra Budathoki

Nepal Samacharpatra, 21 April

The recent government decision to allowKantipur Publications to operate a nationaltelevision service has sparked off new debatein Nepal. Kantipur Publications publishes fivenewspapers and newsmagazines and alsooperates an FM radio station.

It is internationally mandated thatallowing a media house to operate all

forms of mass media is dangerous,because that allows it to controlinformation to serve its own

interests. In order to avoidthis danger, even largerdemocracies such as theUS and the UnitedKingdom have notpermitted a single mediaorganisation to runbroadcast as well asprint publications.

The UK’s Radio Authority and Independent Television Commission also exercises some restrictions inthe broadcasting sector. Britain’s 1996 broadcasting law restricts an organisation involved in nationalradio broadcasting from getting involved in television, and vice versa. Similarly, a publication housecommanding more than 20 percent of market cannot enter national-level radio and television broadcasting.Publications commanding less than 20 percent of market are allowed to apply for licences, but permissioncan only be granted on the basis of public support.

The Nepali government issued a license to Kantipur Publications for terrestrial television broadcastingon 17 April. Kantipur has been publishing newspapers for nine years and since 1998 has been operatingKantipur FM in Kathmandu with its relay transmission centre in Dhankuta.

In Europe, mass media establishments are not allowed to work in both broadcast and print media sothat no individual organisation can “cross subsidise” its products, creating unfair competition or amonopoly. Senior journalist Hiranya Lal Shrestha believes allowing a single establishment in all sectors ofmass media could create a monopoly that will have a negative effect on the county’s politics andeconomy. “Allowing a monopoly of a single media house in all sectors of mass media is as dangerous asallowing foreign investment in mass media,” claims Suresh Acharya, president of the Federation ofNepalese Journalists. He added, “It is a threat to the whole nation. This could control the process ofinformation dissemination, and manipulate public opinion on various national issues.”

Experts believe that the lack of clear legal provisions on foreign investment and whether one mediaestablishment can operate in all kinds of mass media channels is resulting in confusion and that leavesthe regulations open to contrasting interpretations to suit individual interests. Some media experts believethat allowing an establishment to enter all sectors of mass media should not be interpreted negatively.Others claim that the issuing of the license constitutes a misuse of authority.

Journalist-turned-parliamentarian Hom Nath Dahal said Europe’s Time publication is linked with the TVchannel CNBC, India’s Sahara TV channel and India Today magazine are both involved both in publicationand broadcasting. The government’s decision must thus not be judged in isolation from internationalpractices.

“The government can be criticised if it allows one party to enter both print media and broadcast andprevents another party from doing the same. But if it selects one particular party from a competitive bid, itshould be allowed to do so,” said Dahal. However, he also believes that there is a threat of a monopoly ifthe same party is allowed to be involved in all kinds of mass media.

Kailash Sirohiya, managing director of Kantipur Publications claims that the creation of a monopoly isimpossible in the present open market economy. “Going against the national interest and creating amonopoly are out of question if an institution is aware, and committed to serving the nation’s needs andthe interests of the audience,” he said.

Minister of Information and Communication Jaya Prakash Prasad Gupta said the government decisionfully complies with the National Broadcasting Act and that the decision was taken in accordance with alllegal procedures. “Our concern should be our own needs and our own legal foundation. Internationalpractices and legal provisions should only be given secondary consideration,” Gupta said.

Nobody present was sporting thenational dress and yet theirnationality or respect for andloyalty towards the monarch werenot under suspicion. Why thenwas it compulsory for photogra-phers to wear the national dresswhen King Gyanendra laid thefoundation stone for the AshokBinayak in Kathmandu or duringPrince Paras’ program in theNatural History Museum?

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Talks, referendumInterview with Dr BaburamBhattarai in Jana Awaj, 9 April

On the possibility of talksand a negotiatedsettlement:“Yes, we’ve always kept thedoors open for talks and apeaceful resolution, and we willcontinue to do so. Rememberthat we aren’t talking only forthe sake of talking, but to find aforward-looking politicalresolution for finding a solutionto the people’s problems, whichare now like a festering wound.In the previous talks, thereactionary government side didnot understand the idea of aforward-looking politicalresolution (if it did, it pretendednot to). Through all threerounds of talks, it assumed wewere ready to surrender underthe existing political regime andneither presented an alternativeproposal for political resolutionnor had the courage to acceptour proposal, which led to thebreakdown of the talks…Forgetting this bitter truth SherBahadur (Deuba) stupidly wentaround telling intellectuals, andradio and television that wewere traitors. He lacks intellect.If there is anyone who has alittle more grey matter and canunderstand our forward-lookingpolitical solution and wants totalk, we are willing to immedi-ately declare a ceasefire and sitdown to talk. ChairmanComrade Prachanda’s pressreleases state this, and so theball clearly lies in their court. Ifthat situation arises, we want toremind you that even thefive-day Nepal bandh can becalled off.”

On a referendum onwhether a constituentassembly is needed:“That is another shrewd move bythe (king) to consolidate his positionby creating a rift between therevolutionary forces, the masses, andthe political parties that are talkingabout constitutional amendment.This is like (the late king) Birendra,who had a referendum to decidewhether Nepal should have areformed Panchayat or multipartydemocracy, and to protect thePanchayat in 1968 (2036). We’dadvise that there is no need foranother referendum to decidebetween a constituent assembly andreformed multiparty democracy….In order to take a political leaptoday, there are two basic precondi-tions: handing over the right tomake and promulgate the main lawsof the country—the constitution—to the sovereign people (orconducting elections to theconstituent assembly), andbuilding a national army orpeople’s army...”

(The newspaper’s press line statesit is published in India, andcarries the email address:np_az@yahoo.com).

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131313131326 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMESHISTORY AND CULTURE

by MANJUSHREE THAPANEPALITERATURE

n environmental journalist of the finest calibre, Kedar Sharma isalso a poet—a poet recently returned from a long sabbatical in theworld of NGOs and INGOs. (Poetry does not pay rent, after all.) In

the long poem below, he speaks against the exploitation of the Bagmatiriver, whose waters are used, without much heartache, for sacred rites andsewerage alike. Sharma decries the hypocrisy of those who hold thewaters of Bagmati holy, and he likens its abuse to the exploitation ofNepali girls who—when revered—lead the stunted lives of goddesses, or,when degraded, lose their lives servicing men.

From Baghdwar to Chobhar Flows the Bagmati

1All possibilities at birthall fancies of childhoodall upsurges of adulthood—

who can ever say they’ll come to pass?

Who can foretellwhere we’ll walkwhere we’ll flowwhether over the course of a lifetimewe’ll expand or wilt?

Yeteven as it forms a few pools the river advancesIt moves towards a goal no matter the direction

The river can diverge anywhereIt can converge anywhere

When allowed to flow freelyit displays its own grandeurand much pride in itself

Certain things are fixedcertain things are unfixed

in this is the river’s being

A dam determines everythingand the river is stripped of force

2Without anyone noticing,the potted bodhi tree degenerateseven as it is daily worshipped

Just as hundreds of thousands ofpanchakanya virgins and navadurga goddesseslead diminished livesthough they are worshipped tens of times

Withered bodhi treeShrivelled lifeMastered river

The expansion of the treethe freedom of lifethe flow of the river

are they worshippedafter being forced to a halt?

Stop the ringing of bells and the blowing of conch shells!Put out all these incense sticks and lamps!Cast aside this sandalwood and these rice grains!Don’t place ugly stains on devotion!

Allow the tree to grow don’t pray!Allow people to progress don’t pray!don’t pray!

Your prayers have cloaked all wrongdoings

Let water flow in the riverLet water flow in Bagmati

3It is saida country is neither soil alone nor soulbut the soul of the soil, and the soil of souls

What then is a river—Water?Or shore?

Oh, those who buy and sell dreams of healing Bagmatiby piping in water from across the high mountains—

speak with your hand placed on your heartspeak on the vow that the king be holystanding by the riverside ghatspeak on the oath of your ancestors’ ashes

Will anything brought to a temple turn into a deity?Will anyone settled in this land turn into a Nepali?Will anything poured in from the shore turn this river into Bagmati?

4A girl sold to a whorehouse in Muglanis sent back to the villageafter contracting AIDS

Down a river of tears she flowsdisgrace revulsion pity struggle to survive will to liveShe must survive,so she’ll survive as long as her breath remains

A river is lifted from the shore and taken to the cityThere she is played with, made to dance and to give pleasureand when all that can be tasted is tasted and pollutedshe is chased back to the shore

Down a river of her own tears flows Bagmatidisgrace revulsion pity struggle to survive will to liveShe must flow,so she’ll flow as long as a trickle remains

5Banished from the city

the tired, infected, wounded waterreaches Bagmati’s shores and sigh

and hauling the city’s much-mourned corpsemoves forward like a funeral procession

The city is elated it sees itself purifiedthe city is eager it sees itself vitalised

but the death rites for its valuesare being performedalways, always in Bagmati

Yet the river is silent Keep going, keep goingIt has no choice

A silent war ragesbetween a city with countless prospectsand a river that has no choice

Let’s see who’ll survive till the end!

6A mockery:The highway of civility, itself, suffers an accident

Shattered milestoneShattered resting placeShattered journey

The river yields not creativity but oblivion

Standing at Bagmati’s shoresthe entire city sings a song of ingratitude

It’s not water that flows in Bagmati these daysit’s mockery

7Day after day the city is eagerfor costly speechescostly commitmentscostly seminarscostly news

But all at once and sometimes with no provocationall joys sizzle Their flames, dying outspill onto the streetsand flow towards Bagmati

(Fantastic!Even despair is costly in this city)

The city gets giddy on costly perfumesand costly boozeand loses itself in costly courtship plays

Dancing, leaping about, shining as brightly as it canit ejaculates before climaxthen goes to wash up in the Bagmati

(A mockery!Even the city’s impotence is costly)

Decked in costly outfitsThe city consumes costly resourceswears powder, lipstick, rougeand gorges on costly recipes

The city leads a costly life and in the endarrives in its entirety at Bagmati’s shore

(Ah, sometimes with price tags still affixed)

Three-fourths of the three cities’ earningsflow into these waterseveryone’s despairall impotencemany people’s dreamsand the waking states of many others

Treachery, sin, deeds performed for purification

Lookthe rainbow shades of blood and sweatand unseen forms, unwritten storiesare visible in Bagmati’s waters

Your form is visible/My form is visible in this waterA mirror flows in Bagmati

Nepal’s most expensive waterflows through the Chobhar gorge

8People can always floatford the shallowsbuild bridgesif not ride boats, ride shipsPeople will cross water by any means

But if by chance a riverflows into a current of peoplegets immersed in the ocean of a cityit can’t crossit can’t breathe It drowns

Through the Chobhar gorge flowsNepal’s most lifeless water

This poem is translated with the help of Wayne Amtzis.

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Double Dorje○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

DANIEL B HABERfirst met 19 year-old RajBajracharya (nicknamed “Buzz”)in an Internet cafe, beaming at

me from under his spiky haircutand latest space-age, aluminum-rimmed shades, signing out of achat line. We exchanged emailaddresses and he said, “You mustcome to my birthday party on 14February!”—also Valentine’s Dayand Lhosar.

Upon entering the gates ofThamel’s Station Pub, the doormangreeted me like Stanley meetingLivingstone, “Daniel, I presume”.They had been expecting me forsome time and so, without having topay the Rs 200 entrance fee, I wasushered upstairs to the pulsingrythms of a disco beat and strobinglights. And this was only 4:30PM.Even before the emergencyKathmandu’s discos offered weekend“day discos” and many teenyboppers

were bitten with Saturday AfternoonFever. There were about 25-30party-goers, all Nepalis in their lateteens or early 20s, mostly guys, andmost of the couples on the dancefloor were boy-boy or girl-girl—no

indication of their sexual preference.Laid-back Buzz was the epitome of

1950s cool, but some of the otherdancers were hot and sexy. One hunkyguy, who was the cynosure of the floor,really kicked up a storm although his

equally hunky partner proved to beless than twinkle-toes on his two leftfeet. The teenage disco dervish wore ablack tank-top that showed off hiswell-built chest and arms which hewas waving above his gyrating head,and he vogued like the hieroglyphicgestures of some ancient Nile priest.“Who is this guy,” I asked Buzz, butneither he nor his friends from goodmiddle-class families seemed to knowthe mysterious, male Cinderfella. I saton the couch taking in the talent, likeAndy Warhol at Studio 54, now thename of another hot, Thamel disco.

The DJ played a good eclectic mixfrom Harlem hip-hop to Hindi filmimusic. The most popular was “DumMaro Dum” from the 1970s filmabout pot-smoking foreign hippies inKathmandu. Then came the chorusthat everyone joined in, screeching“Hare Krishna, Hare Ram!” Here was

I, the only foreigner at the party, anex-hippie and ex-Hare Krishna forwhom Kathmandu was once an exoticdestination, second only to Marra-kesh. But in 2002, post-11September, here we were in Thameland except for moi, not a hippie ortourist in sight. Here was anotherlost generation going to afternoondiscos and as hip as their MTVcounterparts anywhere in the world.

When Dorje danced, he seemed tobe exorcising demons from his soul.Although he was born in Nepal andeducated in South India, his soul wasakin to those tantrik shamans andgalloping horsemen of the Tibetanplateau. I boldly walked up andcomplimented disco dervish after hefinished twirling like a Kansas tornado.To my surprise, the young manseemed quite touched, politely thankedme and, like some celebrity,autographed his name, Dorje Lama,in my notebook with the note,“Thank you for your kindness.”

When I asked him if he was astudent, he confessed that he was amonk. I had been just about to dubhim “Disco Dorje” but when he

Saturday afternoon fever in Thamel, and a dancing monk.

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went on about his double life—having to keep his disco gear in asecret trunk in the monastery,hidden from the stern head monk—I thought “Double Dorje” would bethe more apt moniker. He remindedme of the mischievous hero of theBhutanese movie The Cup, about theyoung Tibetan monks, secret footballfans who had to sneak around theabbot to watch the World Cup on arented television. Dorje confessed togoing to a friend’s house to watchMTV and learn the dance steps.

I left before the party was over,and as I said good-bye to Buzz and hisfriends, Dorje was sitting outside on thestairs perspiring after another dancenumber, contemplating the pedestriantraffic, some grungy backpackers, anewspaper hawker. He said good-byeand invited me to his monastery inBodhnath where he is a teacher of someof the 500 young monks housed there,but added, “Don’t tell my teacher!”

A couple of weeks later I got atelephone message at my office. “Hedidn’t leave his number,” the secretaryinformed me, “but he said his name wasDouble Dorje”.

1414141414 CITY 26 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMES

ABOUT TOWN

For inclusion in the listing send information to editors@nepalitimes.com

KATHMANDU VALLEY

Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue

27-14 28-15 28-15 29-15 30-16

DSES-24-04-2002 09:00 GMT

by NGAMINDRA DAHALNEPALI WEATHER

by MIKUYAK YETI YAK

For insertions ring NT Marketing at 543333-36.

CLASSIFIED

The satellite picture taken on Wednesday at noonshows the massive buildup of thunderstorm cells acrosscentral and eastern Nepal. The influence of moisturefrom the Tibetan plateau meeting rising hot air fromthe Indian plains will continue to bring rain into earlynext week. Expect the cool spell to continue till atleast Tuesday. When the heat picks up again, it will inturn trigger more localised thunderstorms caused byresidual water vapour. High passes covered with newsnow up to 4,000 m. Night temperatures will remain inthe 14-15 range.

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Radio SagarmathaP.O. Box 6958, Bakhundole, Lalitpur, NepalTel: ++977-1-545680, 545681 Fax: ++ 977-1- 530227E-mail: radio@radiosagarmatha.orgwww.radiosagarmatha.org

Mon-Fri 0615-0645 BBC World TodaySat 0615-0645 BBC Science in ActionSun 0615-0645 BBC AgendaDaily 2045-2115 BBC g]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfDaily 2245-2300 BBC g]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jf

on FM 102.4

/]l8of] ;u/dfyf

BOOKWORM

Courtesy: Mandala Book Point, Kantipath, 227711, mandala@ccsl.com.np

Nagarkot special at Naked Chef Bed andbreakfast, transport both ways, three-coursegourmet dinner. Rs 1,440 or $19. For reservationsring 441494, 680006

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The way to Mexico is too far. Botega Restaurant andTequila Bar is near Thamel Chowk. 266433. 15percent off season discount

Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths Chetan BhattBerg, Oxford, 2001Rs 1,700Bhatt examines the history and ideologies of Hindu nationalism and Hindutva from the end of the 19th

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Rs 1,328MN Srinivas’ work is seminal in the development of sociology and anthropology in India. His

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EXH IB I T IONEXH IB I T IONEXH IB I T IONEXH IB I T IONEXH IB I T ION Paris—city of lights Exhibition of photographs. 30 April-9 May, 9AM-6PM, except Saturday at

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151515151526 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMESCULTURE AND SOCIETY

by AVIDIT ACHARYATHEATRE REVIEW

hen does moral righteous-ness win over rule of law?Can the taking of one

human life by another ever bejustified? What about revenge—won’t an eye for eye only makingboth sides blind?

All appropriate and timelyquestions in the context of the presentconflict in Nepal. But these are thesame age-old questions of righteous-ness, justice and compassion thatpeople have been trying to findanswers to since the age of theMahabharata. And how pertinent thatStudio 7 should decide to adapt theHindu epic at the Hotel Vajra at thispresent time.

Directed by Sabine Lehmann, theproduction was staged in collaborationwith the renowned Yakshagana Theaterof South India. Yakshagana, a form oftheatre in which words and musicmerge with dance, gestures, eye andbody language, are competentlyadapted by the Studio 7 crew.Duryodhana’s rage and Krishna’sgrace are magnified by an accompani-ment of fast drums and gracefulmelodies. Shakuni’s exaggerated danceand eye movements combine with

Shanti, shanti, shanti.“How can you kill your own peopleand be happy?”

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It is the fact that many of thestaff on these cruises areNepali. And it’s not just ex-Gurkha security personnelprotecting cargo ships frompirate attacks in the Moluccas,there are now Nepali waitersand pursers as well.

On our first day on theGemini Superstar’s AndamanSea Cruise that was making itsway from Singapore throughMalaysia to Thailand, myAustralian friend Lealand Pentonand I made our happy waydown to the cocktail bar. Wewere served by a smiling manwith a face of the cast com-monly called “Mongolian” in thispart of the world. He could beFilipino, we thought. But it was anaggingly familiar kind of face.So we asked and, of course, hewas Nepali. Tej Gurung told usthat there were seven otherNepalis on board, all British

Gurkha alumni, trained for two years in the Philippines to qualify ascruise security officers.

If I was surprised to find so many Nepalis on a cruiseliner in theAndaman Sea, they were even more surprised. There is nothing tobeat being able to watch a fiery sun setting into a still sea reflectingmushroom-like limestone islands, and talk in Nepali about thefaraway Himalaya.

Dil Bahadur Thapa from Pokhara is a senior officer who has justcompleted his three-year term, and he said I was the first Nepali he’dhad the pleasure of serving on this boat. Another senior officer, LilThapa, who is originally from Kathmandu, described to me how busyhe is round the clock, responsible with the rest of the team for allaspects of security on board. It’s hard work, but they seemed happy,earning a good living, travelling and serving as excellent roving-ambassadors for Nepal. “After they talk to us, most guests tell us theirnext holiday will be in Nepal. There is tremendous goodwill for Nepal,”Dil Bahadur said. If there are people who deserve a medal for givingour country a good image and promoting Nepal, then these seven onboard the Gemini Superstar are it.

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Saroj Aryal’s lean physique inproviding the audience with a falsesense of raw and ruthless power, bothkey to his character. In addition, theexaggerated changes in tone andmanipulation of speech of SuryaMaharjan’s Baddarayan bring to lifethe role of the chamberlain inDuryodhana’s court.

The production is based on twoone-act plays of the Sanskrit dramatistBhasa, who lived 2,000 years beforethe much-acclaimed Kalidasa. In thefirst act, Krishna plays the Pandavaenvoy to Duryodhana’s court.Duryodhana’s belligerence as he triesto arrest the envoy is in stark contrastto Krishna’s mellow words of toleranceand wisdom. But even Krishna,brilliantly rendered by Salil Subedi,loses his cool when pushed to the edgeby Duryodhana’s uncompromisingand warlike stance.

Krishna and Duryodhana, playedby Sanjeeb Dhakal, are the onlycharacters that talk directly to theaudience. Krishna is composed andconvincing, Duryodhana is loud andcomes across as ludicrous. The scene isthus narrated through the lens ofKrishna’s judgement.

The second act of this shorter-than-usual Studio 7 production dramatisesthe battlefield at Kurukshetra. Afighting dance tells the story of thedeath of nobles and “cauldron of hate”,narrated by three soldiers, one playedby Lehmann herself. (Her best line:“How can you kill your own people andbe happy?”) The dance is followed by ascene in which the inability of Arjuna,played by Ishwor Dangol, to take uparms against his kin is influenced byKrishna’s reminding him of his duty.As Krishna bolsters Arjuna’s spirit, hiswords in the play concisely echo the textof the Gita.

Then there is the famous mace duelbetween Bhimsen (Karma Gelek) andDuryodhana, which ends inDuryodhana’s thigh being shattered bya powerful blow from Bhim. Krishnatells Bhim to break the rules of mace-fighting by hitting Duryodhana belowthe waist. The remaining part of this actis dominated by the judgement ofBalaram, played by Rajendra Shrestha,in which he takes the position thatBhim should be punished for breakingthe rules of war. By the end, however, apoignant discourse betweenDuryodhana and his young sonDurjaya ends in all accepting thetriumph of righteousness, and breakingthe cycle of revenge. Duryodhanarealises that this is retribution for hismany misdeeds in the past.Aswathhama (Purna Krishna Dangol),son of Duryodhana’s preceptor, is thelone dissenting voice.

The domination of Krishna’sjudgement in the first act and that ofBalaram’s in the second illustrate theriddles of morality: rules alone do not

ensure justice, so can breaking thembe justified.

Every sentence in the script hasechoes in modern society—globallyand within Nepal. Can a civilisationever be based only on legislativepowers? Can we fathom of the roots ofhuman evil, or the fountainhead ofenlightenment? The play forces us toask questions about the times whenhuman beings may be required bycircumstance to act outside the law, ortake the law into their own hands, for apurpose greater than the law canidentify. Can rules ever foreseeevents—like some that have transpiredin Nepal in the past 12 months—socataclysmic that the laws of the landjust don’t suffice?

Climax resolved, the play endsdramatically with a chant of peace:shanti, shanti, shanti. And yet it stillwhispers painful truths about our ownsociety and culture. We are inclined toask, “How do human actionscontribute to the evils in our midst?”As with all Studio 7 productions, theheavily-accented delivery is not adistraction after the first five minutes,and instead lends a certain authenticityto the English depiction. The propsare what we have come to expect at theVajra: superb. The timeliness of theselection, the rendering of the danceand music elements, the adaptation ofthe script and, last but not least, theintimacy of Vajra’s Naga Theatre makethis is a production worth watching.And, when you relate the on-stagedrama to the unfolding events in thenation at large, you are forced to thinkhard during the drive back across theBishnumati.

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From left to right: Dil Bahadur Sarki (Pokhara), Nar Bahadur Gurung(Dang), Madan Rai (Itahari), Ganga Rai (Dharan), Lekh Bahadur Thapa(Pokhara), Om Gurung (Jhapa), Ambar Gurung (Kathmandu), and LilThapa (Kathmandu).

1616161616 26 APRIL - 2 MAY 2002 NEPALI TIMES

CDO Regd No. 194/056/57 Lalitpur, Central Region Postal Regd. No. 04/058/59

by Kunda Dixit

Under My Hat NEPALI SOCIETY

he Chief of Army StaffPrajwalla Sumshere Ranapaused after pinning the

first star on the shoulders of DrRadha (Shah) KC, and said toher: “I am proud you’ve become aBrigadier General and madehistory.” Hear. Hear. Radha thenshared a glass of bubbly withother new generals—all of themmen, except her. In fact, Gen KChas become the first-everwoman to earn stars in the RoyalNepal Army.

The career of BrigadierGeneral Dr Radha, a paediatri-cian with the RNA, began with ascholarship to study medicine in1968. She was the only womanamong four Nepalis chosen to doso at the Armed Forces MedicalCollege at Pune in India fromwhere she graduated and joinedservice as a Lieutenant. Shewent on to become the first

General dynamicfemale Colonel, and two weeksago the first Brigadier General.

Gen Radha says it has neverbeen her intention to be the first ineverything. “I just wanted to be amedical doctor,” she told us. “But Ialso wanted to join the armybecause my father was anofficer, and I liked its militaryorderliness and punctuality.” TheRNA does not have femalesoldiers, but women have servedin the medical forces. There arenow 25 female doctors and 40nurses, some of whom currentlyserve in recently-set up fieldhospitals in different parts of thecountry. The RNA’s legal wingalso employs women. The onlyother army unit that has women isthe paratroops, where womenfold up parachutes.

“There is talk about getting inmore women as supportingforces,” says Gen Radha. “I think

they can do well in the medicalservices, as engineers, in thelegal departments, as MilitaryPolice, in signals and in otherclerical jobs.” Today, the army’swomen medics take up assign-ments in UN peacekeepingoperations and have served inSierra Leone, Lebanon and EastTimor. Doing stints in fieldhospitals set up around thecountry is mandatory.

Radha’s anaesthetist hus-band Dr Amrit KC was alsoamong the Nepalis sent onscholarship to Pune in 1968. Heretired as a Major, and Radhacan’t help quipping: “But heprobably regrets his decisionnow.” Dr Amrit is sitting nearbyand nods, and says his job thesedays is to field congratulatoryphone calls from friends andwell-wishers. “That’s all I havebeen doing all week,” he says.

The doctor couple is happy,and they are clear about thereason for their success. “I madeit because I got the opportunity tostudy,” says Radha, “Most otherNepali women don’t. This showsthat women can all do better ifonly they get the chance.” Theirdaughter is doing an MBA inAustralia, and their son has justfinished high school.

Gen Radha now joins sevenother Brigadier Generals in themedical corps. This will be herlast promotion—unless rumoursare true that the RNA is consider-ing having a Major General fromthe medical corps. All we cansay is: “Salaam Jarsap!”

TFortune cookieseing a nation of chronic optimists, our jovial andcarefree temperament makes us Nepalis able toovercome any adversity and confront all challenges

that fate may have in store for us.Luckily, we have astrology to help us in our ability to

anticipate events and therefore psychologically prepareourselves for any mischief that the planets, in cahoots withthe constellations, may have up their sleeves. Without thisastrological Early Warning System we could very well becaught unawares as we go about our important task ofnational deconstruction.

For instance, if it wasn’t for the Department ofAstrology and Astrophysics at the Royal Nepal Academe ofScientologists and Technocrats (RONAST), the under-ground comrades would have been blissfully unaware that aplanetary conjunction would favour a five-day nationalshutdown. It is our good fortune that Nepal’s alertastrologers saw this coming, otherwise we may havesquandered the banned days by inadvertently going to work.

For those of you who may have missed this news itemin a Kathmandu daily last week about a conference that wasconvened precisely so we can predict the future even moreaccurately, I quote verbatim:

Crystal-gazing to stay: AstrologersKathmandu April 17—Although astrology has carved a considerable

niche among believers in Nepal and other places,sceptics still hound the scientific basis of the art ofprediction. In order to protect astrology from vanishing,an association called ‘Chinese-Tibetan AstrologersAcademy’ was established.

“Negative forces are decreasing the importance inour lives,” said Astrologer Ganesh Bajra Lama. At theinaugural session of the academy, astrologerspracticing both Chinese-Tibetan and Indian astrologytoday called for the protection of both forms ofastrology stating that they are facing a danger ofdisappearing.

Speaking at the conference, Dr Keshar JungRayamajhi, chairman of the Royal Council, said thatastrology is especially necessary during times of crises,and expressed concern over the “abnormal condition”of the country at the present moment.

As far as I can tell, the good doctor is spot on. He hashit the ball right on its head in the bulls eye. There is nogainsaying that we have been deficient in the employment ofthe Chinese-Tibetan astrological techniques. It’s time to findout which animal rules our year. As Mao said: “There is ananimal that hides in all our hearts.”

Year of the RAT: 1936, 1948, 1960, 1972,1984. Makes a great underground leader, butbasically a loner. Famous rats: Mick Jagger, HulkHogan, Zhou Enlai, Comrade Cloud.

Year of the OX: 1937, 1949,1961, 1973, 1985. Please don’t mind our

saying so, but rather stubborn in your ways.Famous oxen: Arnold Swarzenegger, Josef

Stalin, Ferdinand Marcos, Comrade Awesome.Year of the TIGER: 1938, 1950,1962, 1974, 1986. Cunning, sharp-witted, a creature of the night and canturn into man-eater. Famous tigers:Roxanne Barr, Margaret Thatcher,

Indira Gandhi, Anagha Neelakantan.Year of the RABBIT: 1939, 1951, 1963,1975, 1987. Opposite of tigers, but sure-

footed and sensitive. Famous rabbits:Ben Kingsley,

Roger Rabbit, Popeye.Year of the DRAGON:1940, 1952, 1964, 1976, 1988. Don’tover-commit, or push yourself too hard.Admit that not everyone finds youattractive. Famous dragons: EmperorBokassa, Osama bin Laden, Queen

Victoria, Puff.Year of the SNAKE: 1941, 1953,

1965, 1977, 1989. Maintain a well-balanced diet and slither regularly.

See a doctor if your venom countdrops. Famous snakes: Frank Zappa,

Che Guevara, Baby DocDuvalier, Comrade Hiss.

Year of the HORSE: 1942, 1954, 1966,1978, 1990. Others may think you don’thave much upstairs, so think before youneigh. Surprise them with flashes ofbrilliance. Famous Horses: Vladimir Putin,Dr Keshar Jung Rayamajhi,

Comrade Boxer.Year of the SHEEP: 1943,

1955, 1967, 1979, 1991. This isthe year to stop following and start

leading, but do you know whereyou are going? Famous sheep:

Johann Sebastian Bach, EnglebertHumperdink, the Duke of York,

Govinda Raj Joshi.Year of the MONKEY: 1944, 1956,1968,1980, 1992. Good at problemsolving, can be too smart by half and thisyear stop scratching yourself in public.Famous monkeys: King Henry VIII, MikhailGorbachev, Rotarian Dilip Poudyal, Tarzanof the Apes, Comrade Hanuman.

Year of the ROOSTER: 1945, 1957, 1969, 1981,1993. Being an early bird, you tend to get

the worm. But don’t underestimate theadvantage of laziness in this day and age.

Famous roosters: Michelle Pfeiffer,Chicken Little, Colonel Sanders,

Comrade Ginger.Year of the DOG: 1946, 1958, 1970,1982, 1994. This is an excellent year forromance, but partnerships may change.Lady Dogs should watch out for smoothtalkers. Famous dogs: Ernest Hemmingway,Emma Thompson, Chatyang

Master, Comrade Lassie.Year of the BOAR: 1947, 1959, 1971,1982, 1995. Although you may be scintillat-ing company, boredom is your biggestchallenge this year. Famous boars: WolfgangAmadeus Mozart, Zhao Ziyang, Napoleon,yours truly the Mad Hatter.

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