world cup 2010: africa’s turn or the turn on africa?

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This article was downloaded by: [University of Waikato] On: 11 July 2014, At: 10:36 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Soccer & Society Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fsas20 World Cup 2010: Africa’s turn or the turn on Africa? Ashwin Desai a & Goolam Vahed b a Centre for Sociological Research, Humanities Research Village , University of Johannesburg , Auckland Park, South Africa b Department of Historical Studies , University of KwaZuluNatal , Durban, South Africa Published online: 16 Dec 2009. To cite this article: Ashwin Desai & Goolam Vahed (2010) World Cup 2010: Africa’s turn or the turn on Africa?, Soccer & Society, 11:1-2, 154-167, DOI: 10.1080/14660970903331482 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970903331482 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions

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Page 1: World Cup 2010: Africa’s turn or the turn on Africa?

This article was downloaded by: [University of Waikato]On: 11 July 2014, At: 10:36Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Soccer & SocietyPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fsas20

World Cup 2010: Africa’s turn or theturn on Africa?Ashwin Desai a & Goolam Vahed ba Centre for Sociological Research, Humanities Research Village ,University of Johannesburg , Auckland Park, South Africab Department of Historical Studies , University of KwaZulu‐Natal ,Durban, South AfricaPublished online: 16 Dec 2009.

To cite this article: Ashwin Desai & Goolam Vahed (2010) World Cup 2010: Africa’s turn or the turnon Africa?, Soccer & Society, 11:1-2, 154-167, DOI: 10.1080/14660970903331482

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970903331482

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the“Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis,our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as tothe accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinionsand views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Contentshould not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sourcesof information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoeveror howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to orarising out of the use of the Content.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Anysubstantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

Page 2: World Cup 2010: Africa’s turn or the turn on Africa?

Soccer & SocietyVol. 11, Nos. 1–2, January–March 2010, 154–167

ISSN 1466-0970 print/ISSN 1743-9590 online© 2010 Taylor & FrancisDOI: 10.1080/14660970903331482http://www.informaworld.com

World Cup 2010: Africa’s turn or the turn on Africa?

Ashwin Desaia and Goolam Vahedb*

aCentre for Sociological Research, Humanities Research Village, University of Johannesburg, Auckland Park, South Africa; bDepartment of Historical Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South AfricaTaylor and FrancisFSAS_A_433326.sgm10.1080/14660970903331482Soccer and Society1466-0970 (print)/1743-9590 (online)Original Article2010Taylor & Francis111/2000000January 2010Dr [email protected]

The awarding of World Cup 2010 to South Africa was hailed as a great ‘victory’for the African continent and the cause of much celebration. It heightenedexpectations not only about the spectacle itself but about the benefits that wouldaccrue to South Africa and the rest of Africa. This essay examines the notion ofthe successful bid as an ‘African victory’ in the context of global power relationsin football, South Africa’s alleged function as a sub-imperialist power on thecontinent, and xenophobic attacks on African immigrants in South Africa. Aftertracing the politics around South Africa’s involvement in FIFA, this essaycritically interrogates the benefits touted for South Africa and Africa: developmentfor the SADC region, economic opportunities for ordinary South Africans,increased tourism in South Africa, and football development and peace andnation-building across the continent. Will the World Cup, as Thabo Mbeki wouldlike, be the moment ‘when Africa stood tall and resolutely turned the tide oncenturies of poverty and conflict?’

The basis of [South Africa’s] bid was a resolve to ensure that the 21st century unfolds asa century of growth and development in Africa … This is not a dream. It is a practicalpolicy … the successful hosting of the FIFA World Cup™ in Africa will provide apowerful, irresistible momentum to [the] African renaissance … We want, on behalf ofour continent, to stage an event that will send ripples of confidence from the Cape toCairo – an event that will create social and economic opportunities throughout Africa.We want to ensure that one day, historians will reflect upon the 2010 World Cup as amoment when Africa stood tall and resolutely turned the tide on centuries of poverty andconflict. We want to show that Africa’s time has come.1

President Thabo Mbeki, 2003

When Thabo Mbeki was recalled by the African National Congress (ANC) inSeptember 2008, one of the first public acts of new president Kgalema Motlanthe wasto assure FIFA president Sepp Blatter that South Africa ‘remains on course to host in2010 the best FIFA World Cup ever – an African World Cup’.2 The awarding of theWorld Cup to South Africa was a cause for much celebration across the continent. Forthe hosting country it is hugely symbolic. It was apartheid South Africa’s reaffiliationto FIFA in the 1950s that united African nations in calling for its exclusion. It is alsothe first time that the tournament will be held in Africa. The Olympic Games andFootball World Cup are the two most prized international sporting mega-eventsand Africa’s failure to host either of these reflects for many the continent’s political

*Email: [email protected]

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and economic marginalization. The wide exposure provided by World Cup 2010 willpresent an opportunity to show that Africa can match the best in Europe in terms ofinfrastructure, services and razzle-dazzle that is part and parcel of these mega-events.

This essay examines the notion of the successful bid as an ‘African victory’ in thecontext of the global political economy of football as well as South Africa’s oftenfraught relationship with Africa. It briefly traces the politics around the relationshipof South Africa, the Confédération Africaine de Football (CAF) and the FédérationInternationale de Football Association (FIFA), before examining the language andtenor of the World Cup bid and its supposed benefits for Africa. What does Africastand to gain from World Cup 2010 to warrant its billing as a pan-African event thatwill ‘provide a powerful, irresistible momentum to [the] African renaissance’?

2010: Africa’s turn

South African soccer officials and government ministers have justified the holding ofthe World Cup on a number of levels. The broad rationale is that it will be a boost forSouth Africa specifically and more generally the African Renaissance agenda, herald-ing the growing unity of the continent in its quest to escape the quagmire of poverty.

South Africa has played a major role in informing the way CAF related to FIFAin spite of not gracing the soccer fields of the African continent for most of the yearsof apartheid (1948–94).3 CAF’s struggle to exclude South Africa from FIFA was apersistent theme, as much as its own struggle for greater representation within FIFA.With the demise of apartheid, South Africa argued robustly that Africa should hostthe World Cup and put itself forward as a candidate. The South African FootballAssociation’s (SAFA) bid to host the 2006 World Cup was on the basis that it was‘the best qualified country in Africa’.4 The official Bid for 2006 held that ‘SouthAfrica will represent all of Africa in hosting this event’.5 The successful bid wasmade on the basis of a (Pan) African World Cup.

Claims about alleged benefits reflect the sheer scale of the event and the fact thatsoccer is by far the continent’s most popular sport. Successfully staging the World Cup,according to a government website, would ‘spread confidence and prosperity acrossthe entire continent … South Africa stands not as a country alone – but rather as a repre-sentative of Africa and as part of an African family of nations.’6 The governmentpledged to work with African countries on projects like ‘peace and nation-building,football support and development, environment and tourism, culture and heritage,communication, telecommunication, and continental security cooperation’.7

At the 2004 farewell banquet for the Bid team, the then Deputy-President JacobZuma predicted economic spin offs for the Southern African Development Community(SADC) region which ‘will fit in with our objectives of working for the sustainabledevelopment … of our continent. Our victory is therefore the victory of our sister coun-tries as well.’ Zuma added that the tournament would assist in ‘alleviating poverty,creating jobs and generally in social upliftment. Not to mention the … eradication ofstereotypes and Afro-pessimism’.8 African leaders bought into this idea. The 8thAssembly of the African Union (AU) in Addis Ababa in January 2007 affirmed itscommitment to make the World Cup a ‘truly African tournament’. Member states wereurged to develop national programmes to implement the 2010 FIFA World CupLegacy Programme.9

A March 2007 workshop of the World Cup Local Organising Committee (LOC),which included members of the AU and South African Government, officially launched

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an African Legacy Programme. It called for the development of an Africa-wide sportspolicy to harmonize the free movement of sports persons; use of football for socio-economic redress; ‘sport for peace’ campaigns; and the development of football as asuccessful commercial enterprise. A joint media statement was resolute that ‘the 2010FIFA World Cup is an African World Cup and it is upon all of us to make it a trulyAfrican World Cup’.10

This essay argues that such claims are hollow on two counts. First, the xenopho-bic attacks against African immigrants and refugees during 2008 and the govern-ment’s tardy response exposed a rabid inward-looking nationalism. The actualbenefits to African countries is never clearly spelt out and if post-apartheid history isanything to go by, it will more likely mean providing greater access for South Africancapital into the continent’s markets.11 Second, if the World Cup is a platform toconfront the progressive underdevelopment of Africa and its football, then the start-ing point has to be to challenge the very way in which FIFA functions, which theLOC has failed to do.

Hence the question, does the World Cup mark Africa’s turn or the turn on Africa?We address this by examining a few key issues surrounding the World Cup: the build-ing of stadiums, the commercial benefits for ordinary South Africans, developmentof football, economic benefits for SADC countries, and the xenophobic attacks onAfricans living in South Africa.

Stadiums and infrastructure

The government is spending massive sums on building and renovating football stadi-ums, with costs rising from an initial estimate of R2.5 billion to R8.4 billion by 2007(to a projected R10 billion by 2008). Overall, the government pledged R400 billionbetween 2006 and 2010 for infrastructure development, including upgrading road, airand rail transport. This will not necessarily have long-term economic benefitsbecause much of this infrastructure is geared specifically for the World Cup, and maydiffer from infrastructure needs related to historic patterns of development and indus-trialization.12 To cite an example, following two train crashes in February 2009 thatleft 131 people injured, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU)blamed under-investment in infrastructure. The union federation issued a statementthat when it ‘was opposing the Gautrain we argued that the billions being spent onthis prestige project for a rich minority of commuters should rather be spent onupgrading the existing public transport system, which is used by the poor major-ity’.13 The South African Road Federation estimated that the terrible condition ofroads was costing the country R200 billion a year due to vehicle damage, accidentsand traffic jams which led to higher fuel consumption, lost production hours andhigher transport costs.14

FIFA has played a heavy hand in deciding on host cities and location of stadiums.The number of cities was reduced from the 13 listed in the Bid to nine, while severalstadiums mooted by the LOC were rejected. The Moses Mabhida stadium in Durbanwill cost an estimated R2.5 billion when the existing rugby stadium across the roadcould have been upgraded for a fraction of the cost. Bid promoters wanted to refur-bish Athlone Stadium, both to reduce cost and because it was located in a historicallylow income ‘Coloured’ township.15 A representative was quoted as saying: ‘Abillion television viewers don’t want to see shacks and poverty on this scale’. Thethen ANC-led City and Provincial government capitulated. FIFA’s insistence that the

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stadium have Table Mountain as its backdrop will come at a cost of at least R2.5billion.16

Ordinary South Africans are being forced to make immediate personal sacrifices.The provincial government of Mpumalanga threatened to reverse a R63 million landclaim settlement unless the Matsafeni community surrendered a prime portion of itsancestral land for R1 to build Mpumalanga’s flagship R1 billion stadium. In August2008, the Pretoria High Court ordered that trustees of the Matsafeni Trust bereplaced.17 Jimmy Mohlala, speaker of the Mpumalanga municipality of Mbombela,was murdered in January 2009, allegedly for exposing these tender irregularities.18 Areport in the Mail and Guardian under the banner headline ‘Pupils burn tyres inprotest at World Cup Stadium’ stated that over a thousand pupils demonstrated angrilyat the stadium site in Nelspruit when the only two schools in the area were earmarkedfor demolition to make way for a parking lot.19

A small elite is benefiting from infrastructure development. As Alegi has shown,this includes old white construction companies like Group Five and Murray &Roberts, and the new Black elite like Tokyo Sexwale and Bulelani Ngcuka. Image iscrucial in the decision to build stadiums.20 World Cup related capital expenditure isimpacting on fiscal reserves and putting pressure on the economy in a context wherethe masses need jobs and service delivery. Public funds earmarked for basic servicesfor the poorest South Africans are siphoned off into mega projects. This is a classicexample of public funds being used for private profit.

Eddie Cottle, coordinator of the Campaign for Decent Work and Beyond 2010,made light of claims that the infrastructure development would create around 100,000sustainable jobs. On the contrary he stressed that the state would spend the sameamount in preparation for the World Cup as it would have spent on the more pressingneed of housing over a ten-year period (2000–10).21 Miloon Kothari, the UN SpecialRapporteur for Housing, told Worldpress.org on 30 October 2007 that ‘the promisesof the early years are now in reversal … All the progressive judgments have not beenimplemented, nor has the constitutional regulation and the right to housing in policybeen put into practice.’22

This neglect has led to increasing service delivery protests and rising inequality.Economist Stephen Gelb argued that funds allocated to stadiums would have built anestimated 90,000 new houses per annum over the period 2006 to 2010. This wouldhave helped in addressing the high levels of homelessness in the country. Gelb calledfor open discussion on South Africa’s priorities ‘to repair the social fabric and avoidfuture upheavals’.23

Opportunities for ordinary South Africans in FIFA’s corporate game

Soon after assuming the FIFA presidency in 1974, João Havelange met Horst Dassler,CEO of Adidas France, and with marketing guru Patrick Nally, spawned an incredibletriangle of the World Cup, growing television market and corporate sponsorship. Outof this relationship flowed the paradigm for major sports sponsorship: only multina-tional companies (MNCs) with global reach are considered as sponsors; sponsorshipand advertising is segmented by product type so that only one company per product(soft drinks, beer and so on) is the official World Cup supplier; FIFA, rather than thehost country, has monopoly of television rights, advertising, and stadium space; andfinally, FIFA does not negotiate sponsorship directly, but through an intermediarywho provides a guaranteed payment.24

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Corporatization of the global soccer economy has serious repercussions for thehosting of an ‘African’ World Cup. The Provincial government of KwaZulu-Natalhad to backtrack on its World Cup logo which added ‘KwaZulu-Natal’ to ‘2010 FIFAWorld Cup’ when it was rudely reminded that only accredited agencies were allowedto use World Cup branding and that its logo could not be displayed at the glitteringfunction in Durban on 25 November 2007 when the preliminary draw was made.25

This incident reveals in crude fashion the close attention FIFA pays to ensure that itwrings all economic advantage. FIFA’s ‘partners’ for 2010, at a cost of around $125million each, are Adidas, Sony, Visa, Emirates, Coca Cola and Hyundai-Kia Motors.‘Local’ sponsors include cellphone giant MTN, First National Bank, ContinentalTyres, Castrol, McDonalds, Indian IT company Satyam and South African telecom-munication network Telkom. Few ordinary (South) Africans will benefit from whatBlatter has described as the most commercially successful tournament ever.26 In thisbusiness model, ‘corporate interests [were] increasingly conflated with the“common” and “national” interests advanced in the nation-building project’ in SouthAfrica.27

The much vaunted ‘African’ feel to the World Cup is unlikely to materialize.Women vending food outside soccer stadiums is one of the discerning features ofprofessional soccer matches in South Africa. Mary Silanda is typical of thousandsacross the country who, ‘on the open space outside the stadium prepare pap, “idom-bolo” (dumplings), vegetables (chillies, tomatoes, beetroot and cabbage) and alsobraaied (barbecued) beef and chicken on a gas stove’.28 Mary is a Soweto mother offour who began travelling across the country from 1998. She arrives at the crack ofdawn and leaves long after the fans have left. During a cup final between KaizerChiefs and Sundowns in September 2008, she paid almost R200 to travel to Durbanby taxi. She was devastated when the match was rained off as she lost R2,000 ‘stock’instead of making a projected profit of a R1,000. ‘This is the price one pays for takinga risk. I do this for my children. I have to pay their school fees and make sure that theygo to bed with something in their stomach.’ Mary could not wait for the replay: ‘I justhave to go back home because I left my kids alone.’ The pain of her loss is nothingcompared to 2010. ‘When I think of today I get upset because this is what will happenin 2010 but the reasons will be different … It has been clear from the onset that wewill not get a slice of the 2010 World Cup.’29

International visitors are unlikely to taste Silanda’s ‘pap and vleis’30 as these‘exclusive zones’ are the monopoly of FIFA. According to another vendor, SibongileNdlovu, she was told by the LOC to buy a moving kitchen at a cost of R60,000 to bidfor a World Cup food stall. This is beyond Ndlovu and the majority of women likeher: ‘Selling outside the stadiums is like a tradition to us which Fifa wants to kill.’31

Tim Modise, the then spokesperson for the LOC, said that, ‘inside the stadiums wewill have Fifa’s commercial partners, like McDonald’s, operating’. Delia Fischer,FIFA’s media officer, said that those who want to serve food would have to affiliateto a ‘master caterer’.32 These stories are a metaphor of how the World Cup operates.While the tournament will be held in Africa, the experience will be ‘Western’.

Doors are closed for everyday entrepreneurs hoping to ‘cash-in’. A spat betweenSouth African Tourism and Match Events, the company responsible for managingaccommodation for the World Cup, became public knowledge in November 2008when Moeketsi Mosola, chief executive of SA Tourism, announced that they wereleaving the advisory board of Match because it was using ‘its powerful position tobully the rest of the industry’ into lowering prices. The Zurich-based Match is a joint

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venture by professional service companies, Byrom in Britain and Eurotech GlobalSports in Switzerland.33

Economic gains are now peddled as ‘after the World Cup’ when South Africawould presumably gain from global exposure. These developments underscoreFIFA’s evolution into a massive business enterprise. There are other changes thatportend an even greater underdevelopment of the game in Africa.

Football support and development34

The LOC, AU and South African government pronounced that the World Cup willlead to ‘football support and development’ in Africa. The African Union declared2007 the ‘International Year of African Football’ (IYoAF). At the launch of IYoAFon 7 March 2007, South African Minister of Sport, M. Stofile, called for ‘goodmanagement skills, sound finance management skills and overall good governance …A better organized football league in each African country is a must. Better perform-ing African teams at home and abroad are a must.’35

The economic might of the European football confederation, UEFA, makes manyof these declarations hollow. UEFA has built its financial muscle through the cashcow that is the European Champions League and television revenue.36 Transnationalbusiness favours contests between mega-clubs over traditional competition betweennations, which are an important expression of national identity but lack economicimperatives.37 While UEFA has demanded greater voice in how the game is run,38 todate the fact that the World Cup remains the ‘most powerful single element in theglobal economic presence of football’ suggests that the ‘non-economic imperatives ofnational identity have been strong enough to assert themselves within the game’, eventhough the growing power of European clubs will continue to threaten FIFA.39

The best African players are lured to Europe. There were at least 730 Africansplying their trade in Europe at the end of 2007.40 The flow back is largely in the formof ‘experts’. CAF President Issa Hayatou complained that ‘rich countries import theraw material – talent – and often send their less valuable technicians’.41 While indi-vidual players who ‘make’ it benefit financially, ‘their movement … is part of a widerprocess which has under-developed African football’.42 Alvito’s description of theimpact of globalization on Brazilian football is instructive: ‘all clubs can do is traintalented players … and then consume them as products of the new football industry:t-shirts, video games, televised games and trading cards. This is our piece of the pieof what is globalized football.’43 Is this what the South Africa’s ‘state-of-the-art’facilities will lead to?

Danny Jordaan once called for a more interventionist approach in the governanceof global football. Writing before South Africa won the right to host 2010, he arguedthat Africa should have a greater say in decision-making within FIFA to help forge ‘adifferent future for the beautiful game and a different world in which people live,work and play’.44 Jordaan raised the issue of power but there has been a markedsilence on his part since becoming the local World Cup boss. The emphasis is whollyon providing infrastructure and maximizing the economic benefits of hosting thegame – showing the West that Africa is ‘world class’. It is difficult to imagine thehosting of the World Cup reversing the trend. An added irony is that if the WorldCup enhances South Africa’s image as a football country and as an economic powerthis may attract more African players to the country to the detriment of their domes-tic leagues.45

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Economic spin-offs for the Southern African Development Community

South Africa’s post-apartheid economic relationship with Africa has been decidedlyone sided. Trade with SADC countries in 1999 amounted to R20.3 billion. Of that,exports were R17.7 billion, an imbalance of 7:1 that rose to 9:1 in 2001, and continuesto rise. South African corporations have moved with speed into Uganda, Swaziland,Lesotho, Tanzania and Rwanda, where they are running railroads, managing airports,providing cellphone services, or controlling banks, breweries, supermarkets andhotels.46 The state has got in on the act through the Industrial Development Corpora-tion as well as direct interests in businesses. Accusations of exploitation are notuncommon.

Darlene Miller’s research on Shoprite-Checkers in Zambia paints a picture ofapartheid South Africa. One worker spoke on labour conditions: ‘What I can say isthat they don’t have feelings about human beings. If they could feel other people’sfeelings, I don’t think they could treat us like this … It’s really sad.’ Workers’ percep-tion that South Africa was the net beneficiary was building anger: ‘Even the govern-ment is aware that these people, they are just using Zambia as a market just to sell theirthings and send all their profits to South Africa. So Zambia’s not benefiting from it.’47

Racism was rife: ‘The company is part of South Africa but it looks as if the “Boers”are still ruling South Africa … These Boers, they like that system of racialism whichthey are used to in South Africa.’48

The UN Report on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources in the war-tornDemocratic Republic of Congo named seven South African companies as culprits.Beauegard Tromp commented that South African businesses have been quick to useMbeki’s forays into Africa to cut deals ‘sometimes by hook or by crook’.49 As SahraRyklief put it, ‘Mbeki’s African Renaissance is the best thing that has ever happenedto South Africa’s (still overwhelmingly white) capital in a long time’.50 South Africais taking profits from Africa and leaving behind antagonism. As one Kenyan parlia-mentarian put it, ‘they bulldoze their way around. It seems like they still have the oldattitudes of the old South Africa.’51 These developments led Console Tleane of SouthAfrica’s Freedom of Expression Institute, to argue that ‘the relationship that SouthAfrica has with … the continent as a whole is that of self-imposing sub-imperialpower which will stop at nothing to exert its influence and extract as many benefitsfrom every relationship that it develops’.52

While there is reference to a boost to tourism, stadium improvements, trainingcamps and friendly matches, there is nothing to suggest that South Africa’s long-termeconomic hegemony will be reversed. In fact it may serve to deepen relationshipsbetween old white capital and the new Black elite as they make common cause, CecilRhodes-like, in carving an investment path from Cape to Cairo. Finally, we examinethe claim that the World Cup will pave the path of peace, nation-building and securitycooperation across the continent.

Xenophobia

May 2008. A series of xenophobic attacks aimed at African immigrants and refugeesleft 62 people dead, hundreds injured and thousands displaced. This was a prelude tothe sustained attacks on Africans that began on 12 May 2008 in Alexandra and spreadto townships across Gauteng and into KwaZulu-Natal and the Western Cape. Sporadicattacks were also reported in Mpumalanga, North West and the Free State. The mosthorrifying image was that of Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuave, a 35-year old father of three

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from Mozambique who was burnt to death. The image of this human fireball drewhaunting reminders of necklacing during the apartheid years.53 While these were notthe first xenophobic incidents in post-apartheid South Africa, the intensity, spread andgraphic violence highlighted by the media shocked the nation.

The relationship between football fans and foreign players in South Africa bringsinto sharp relief the ambivalence of the contemporary world. They are willing to toler-ate foreigners in their local football teams but not in their communities. They are tornbetween pride in ‘their’ foreign players and xenophobia. There are an estimated eightyplayers from various African countries plying their trade in the PSL. Many havecomplained of being stereotyped ‘as takers of jobs and resources’. Orlando Pirates’Zimbabwean striker Gilbert Mushangazike, for example, said: ‘We are heroes whenwe score goals but we are people’s enemies on the streets. Although I’m here legally,I’m so scared that I’m afraid to walk on the streets or go visit my friends. This wholething has affected me and many teammates.’ Foreign African footballers are also morevulnerable to police harassment. Leon Prins, CEO of Moroka Swallows, said thatSwallows players Mame Niang of Senegal and Henrico Botes of Namibia were‘routinely intimidated’ by police in Germiston.54

The attacks were especially poignant given that 2010 chief Danny Jordaan billedthe tournament as ‘a celebration of Africa’s humanity’. ‘Africa’, he said, ‘has toooften been a continent of division, of wars, of humiliation’.55 There were rumours thatthat the World Cup may be moved elsewhere. Danny Jordaan assured the world thatxenophobic attacks would pass by quickly.56 Some foreigners are targeted directlybecause of the World Cup. For example, pressure from Durban City Manager MikeSutcliffe to ‘clean’ the city before 2010, resulted in municipal police evicting 47 refu-gees from Albert Park on 1 November 2008. Constable Kwesi Matenjwa explained:

It is that 2010 (Soccer World Cup) … is around the corner. Because 2010 is going to behere, so the people from the other countries, when they come to this country, they musthave this image that South Africa, the city of Durban is clean, that there are no vagrantpeople, there are no traders in the streets. So that is why people like us are detailed todeal with certain complaints … Yesterday we failed to comply with his instruction.Because yesterday we were supposed to come here and demolish this place. Butbecause yesterday we decided not to do so because of our sympathy, because we arealso human beings … we feel for these people … Yesterday at about 9:20 I said to him‘The people are asleep and they have kids and women that are expecting. How do yousay to me ‘you must demolish the place’? That will result in him charging me forfailing to obey instructions.57

Across the country harsh steps were taken to force African immigrants out of campsand back to their home countries. According to Lawyers for Human Rights, policemethods ‘include removal of identity cards from residents, removing their propertyincluding clothes, arresting residents for ‘trespassing’ and then withdrawing thecharges after a weekend in detention’.58

The xenophobic attacks are part of a longer term pattern that lays bare claims ofan African Renaissance. Michael Neocosmos expresses it acutely:

Since liberation, Africa for South Africans has become the place ‘over there’, the placeof the ‘other’, to be acted upon, ‘led’ by politicians, ‘studied’ by academics, ‘developed’by investors or ‘visited’ by tourists in search of the natural and the authentic. The subjec-tive relations between South Africa and the continent have become quasi-colonial, inten-sified not only by South African economic dominance, but also by the role of South

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Africa as bridgehead for Western political liberalism on the continent. Under thesecircumstances, the slogan of the ‘African Renaissance’ has become simply a vehicle forSouth African hegemony.59

While the World Cup is portrayed by South African political and football leaders as acatalyst for the invigoration of the economy of the African continent and is billed asan ‘African event’, the experience of African immigrants in South Africa betrays adifferent reality. Will the World Cup help change perceptions? There are very littleindicators that this is the case in the build-up to 2010. Rather the showcasing of SouthAfrica as Africa’s powerhouse is serving to reinforce the country’s exceptionalismand national chauvinism.

Conclusion

Marketing the World Cup as an African event has added to the pressure on organiz-ers to ‘deliver’ not only the myriad of benefits promised to South Africans but alsomeet the expectations of African countries. But the global political economy of foot-ball makes it difficult to hold an ‘African’ event. FIFA’s World Cup ‘model’ meansthat most processes are virtually cast in stone. It is a model that allows FIFA toamass a fortune out of television rights, advertising and sales of licensed products.South Africa must fund ‘state-of-the-art’ stadiums, world class accommodation andrelated infrastructural developments. This has been a challenge for a countryhaunted by mounting inequality and fiscal constraints. The Gini coefficient, whichmeasures inequality of wealth distribution, rose from 0.62 in 1992 to 0.77 by2001.60 According to the 2005/06 Income and Expenditure Survey, the richest 10%of households in South Africa received over half the disposable income; the poorest40% less than 7%; and the poorest 20% less than 1.5%.61 The average Black citizenwas earning an eighth of his/her white counterpart, an Institute for Justice andReconciliation (IJR) survey found in January 2008. Inequality rose from 0.60 in2006 to 0.62 on a zero to one scale, on which one represents absolute inequality.62

The siphoning of public money is a decision that will have critical long-term devel-opmental consequences.

Danny Jordaan is adamant that the litmus test of the World Cup will be how wellSouth Africans embrace the tournament. ‘We want it to be remembered as thepeople’s World Cup, where the people celebrate the game’, he said. ‘I don’t thinkthere are any football fans like African football fans, with painted faces, with colourfuldress, with song and dance and celebration’.63 The cheapest tickets will be R150 (at afixed exchange rate of R7 to US$1). With an unemployment rate estimated between alow of 27% (a definition that includes hunting wild animals and begging as employ-ment) and a high of 40% (a definition that includes those who have given up lookingfor a job),64 and with many in employment earning around $150 or less per month itis difficult to imagine many ‘celebrating the game’ by actually going to the stadium.The issue of accessibility to stadiums is already playing itself out in Mpumalangaprovince. The first division side Mpumalanga Black Aces has fought a losing battle toplay at the flagship stadium. The Mpumalanga Rugby Union had leased the stadiumfor its Mpumalanga Pumas team, which competes in the national Currie Cup. It agreedto pay the local municipality R150 a month and by 2009 the figure stood at a sum ofR580. Aces had access to the stadium in the 2007/08 season. But all this changed, asjournalist Lucky Sindane points out, once they reached the final in the Nedbank Cup:

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[T]he team was perceived as rich. That’s when the problems began. The Puma[s] offi-cials raised their fees from R800 to R22,000 a game, ordered the development side tostop training at the stadium and the Aces players were told not to use certain change-rooms … Difficult as it is to fathom, this is the discrimination to which Aces have beensubjected at the hands of the white dominated rugby club-after 15 years of democracy.

Sindane went on to note that the Rugby Union are charged R10,000 to use thestadium, effectively cutting off Black schools from access. The danger Sindane pointsout is that in the aftermath of 2010 as stadiums come up for lease this scenario couldonce more play itself out. According to Thabo Moroape, the Aces public relationsofficer is quoted as saying that the rugby Puma’s are ‘eyeing the Mbombela (WorldCup) stadium and that will be a blow for us as well as we would like to play our homegames there’.65

Within South Africa the touted benefits include enhancing South Africa’s interna-tional popularity as a destination of choice for tourists and foreign investors, blackempowerment, infrastructural development and job creation. Intangible benefitsinclude forging national pride and nurturing the ‘rainbow nation’ identity. It is becom-ing increasingly clear that claims about the spin-off from the World Cup have beenexaggerated. It was touted as a catalyst for uplifting the poor through job creation andattracting longer term investment and tourism. Most jobs are temporary, requirelimited skills and have been the site of worker protests. The hope of longer terminvestment and tourism, given the global economic crisis, appears a forlorn gamble.In November 2008 Horst Schmidt, one of FIFA’s top advisers, warned that the 2008global meltdown could substantially reduce the ‘numbers we expect from abroad’. Atthe same press conference Danny Jordaan conceded that there was ‘an escalation ofcosts and it’s difficult times for South Africa’.66

FIFA’s model has been a boost for old white capital and the new politicallyconnected black elite who have joined hands in securing lucrative contracts. TheANC-led government and the LOC have done little to challenge the model. The WorldCup affords a unique opportunity to confront FIFA. Giulianotti periodises the global-ization of football into five stages – ‘germinal’, ‘incipient’, ‘take-off’, ‘struggle forhegemony’ and ‘uncertainty’. The latter ‘involves greater political struggles throughever more complex relations between rising numbers of collective actors such asFIFA, continental bodies, national associations, clubs and sponsors’.67 Phases are notpre-destined to be progressive. That requires agency in taking cognizance of theprevailing balance of forces. Africa’s relationship with FIFA has been riven withconfrontation that successfully forced changes over World Cup representation and theinstitution of the boycott of South Africa.

Is it not time to organize to challenge the transformation of global football into aform of global apartheid? Will the World Cup provide a platform to confrontunequal power relations in global soccer which progressively underdevelop Africansoccer?68 African participation in FIFA has illustrated that sport provides an oppor-tunity for raising the banner of the political struggles of oppressed peoples. CanWorld Cup 2010 prove a catalyst to challenge the way global football is run? And,if so, where will that challenge come from and what will be its central demands?Joseph Blatter is insistent that, ‘South Africa needs a perfect organization to showthe world it is possible to do it here’.69 For Blatter the World Cup gets reduced to atechnical operation. But, as this essay has shown, the World Cup is much more thanthat. It is also about a particular economic model that serves particular interests andreinforces existing power elations. It is precisely this that FIFA wishes to have

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removed from the public sphere and which needs to be brought into the publicdomain.

While the May 2008 xenophobic violence in South Africa illustrates how protestsaround poverty and inequality can be turned against fellow poor community residents,there have also been powerful social movements that have raised a myriad of issues,from the provision of anti-retrovirals, the lack of adequate housing, to the commodi-fication of water and electricity. It is out of these movements, as Percy Ngonyamaargues elsewhere in this volume, that a critical mass of activists could lead this chal-lenge. There are post-apartheid examples to draw upon, most notably the UN spon-sored World Conference Against Racism (WCAR) and World Summit on SustainableDevelopment (WSSD) when thousands took to the streets.

At the beginning of this essay we quoted Thabo Mbeki as wanting to ensure that‘historians will reflect upon the 2010 World Cup as a moment when Africa stood talland resolutely turned the tide on centuries of poverty and conflict’. The irony is thatMbeki stands accused of piloting South Africa’s elite transition and its neo-liberalpolicies that oversaw deepening poverty and inequality in South Africa and a failureto translate the African Renaissance into movement that captured the imagination ofthe continent.

The examples highlighted in this essay of the way that preparations for the 2010World Cup have unfolded suggest that it is unlikely to become a platform to confrontthe progressive underdevelopment of African football. For the tournament to becomea catalyst for turning ‘the tide on centuries of poverty and conflict’, then the startingpoint has to be a change in the very operations of FIFA, rather than the slavish adop-tion of its modus operandi by organizers. The hosting of the World Cup in SouthAfrica is the perfect opportunity to bring the politics and economics of soccer backinto the public domain.

Notes1. Mbeki to Blatter. Letter in South Africa’s Bid Book, 2003, in ‘South Africa 2020’. http://

www.sa2010.gov.za/africa/legacy.php.2. ‘Montlanthe assures Fifa’. Mail and Guardian, September 27, 2008. http://www.mg.co.za/

article/2008-09-27.3. The first FIFA suspension came in 1961, and CAF was formed in 1957, so there was some

contact in the early years of apartheid. Some games by black and white South African sideswere played in Belgian Congo, Portuguese East Africa, Mauritius, and Northern and South-ern Rhodesia. South Africa re-entered FIFA in 1992.

4. Quoted in Bolsmann and Brewster, ‘Mexico and South Africa’, 3.5. SAFA 2006 Bid Book, 2.6. ‘2010 FIFA World Cup. African Legacy’. http://www.sa2010.gov.za/node/515.7. ‘World Cup 2010’. http://www.sa2010.gov.za/node/515.8. ‘Message by Jacob Zuma at the 2010 World Cup Bid Farewell Banquet’. http://www.sa

2010.gov.za/node/425.9. ‘2010 FIFA World Cup. African Legacy’. http://www.sa2010.gov.za/node/515.

10. Department of Sport and Recreation, Republic of South Africa. ‘2010 FIFA World Cup’.11. See Daniel, Naidoo and Naidu, ‘The South Africans’, 368–90.12. Cornelissen, ‘Crafting Legacies’, 251–2.13. IOL, ‘Underspending Blamed for Train Crashes’.14. ‘Potholes Hitting SA Pockets’. February 2, 2009. http://www.news24.com/News24/

South_Africa/News/ 0,,2-7-1442_2277989,00.html .15. See Alegi, ‘The Political Economy’.16. ‘Table Mounain or Bust’. The Antidote, January 18, 2007. http://theantidote.wordpress.

com/2007/01/18/fifa-table-mountain-or-bust/.

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17. Gcina Ntsaluba, ‘Stadium Show Must Go On’. Mail and Guardian, June 25, 2008. http://www.mg.co.za/article/2008-06-25-stadium-show-must-go-on.

18. Nikolaus Eberl, ‘South Africa: Murder Enters the Field of Play’. BusinessDay, January 8,2009. http://allafrica.com/stories/200901080080.html.

19. ‘Student anger at Cup Stadium in Nelspruit’, Mail & Guardian Online, September29, 2008. http://www.mg.co.za/article/2008-09-29-student-anger-at-cup-stadium-in-nelspruit.

20. See Alegi, ‘“A Nation”’.21. Cottle, ‘A Frenzy for Profit’, 26.22. http://www.champnetwork.org/solidarity_project/2008/05/en/abahlali-basemjondolo-%E

2%80%93-the-south-african-shack-dwellers-mov.23. Gelb, ‘Behind Xenophobia’, 86.24. Goldblatt, The Ball is Round, 525.25. ‘Logo dispute over 2010’, Sunday Tribune, November 18, 2007.26. ‘South Africa’s 2010 Cup challenge’, BBC News, July 27, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/

hi/africa/5141582.stm.27. Alegi, ‘“Feel the Pull”’, 6.28. Lucky Sindane, ‘No 2010 Spoils for Chefs’. Mail & Guardian, September 26, to October

2, 2008.29. Ibid.30. ‘Pap and vleis’ is a staple in the diet of many township dwellers. Pap is a hard porridge

made from ground corn while ‘vleis’ is the Afrikaans word for meat. ‘Pap and vleis’ refersto a mixture of sausage with porridge.

31. Sindane, ‘No 2010 Spoils for Chefs’.32. Ibid.33. ‘Minister Steps into Row over Bullying’. Cape Times, November 5, 2008. http://www.iol.

co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=13&art_id=vn20081105061451474C728959.34. This is the term used by Harvey, The New Imperialism, 184–5.35. In Cornelissen and Solberg, ‘Sport Mobility’, 310.36. Sugden and Tomlinson, FIFA, 97.37. Hobsbawm, Globalisation, 91–2.38. Sugden and Tomlinson, FIFA, 225.39. Hobsbawm, Globalisation, 92.40. Cornelissen and Solberg, ‘Sport Mobility’, 304.41. Cited in Darby, ‘Africa’s Place’, 171.42. Darby, ‘African Football’, 495.43. Alvito, ‘Our Piece’, 540.44. Darby, Africa, Football, xi.45. Cornelissen and Solberg, ‘Sport Mobility’, 309.46. Daniel, ‘South Africans have Arrived’, 376–7.47. Miller, ‘South African Multinational’, 18.48. Ibid., 19. Also, see Miller, ‘“Retail Renaissance”’.49. ‘SA companies in DRC’, Business Report, January 22, 2004. http://www.busrep.co.za/

index.php?fArticleId= 3688908&fSectionId=2514&fSetId=662.50. Coventry, ‘Sarah Ryklief – Economic Apartheid’.51. ‘Awe and unease as South Africa Stretches out’, New York Times, February 17,

2002. Accessed at http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/17/international/africa/17AFRI.html?todaysheadlines.

52. Kobia, ‘South Africa’s Sub-Imperialist Overtone’.53. ‘Hostels Raided in South Africa Clampdown’. CNN.com, 22 May, 2008. http://

www.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/05/22/southafrica.riots/index.html.54. Luke Alfred, ‘Xenophobia could turn Africa against World Cup’. The Times, June 30,

2008. http://www.thetimes.co.za/PrintEdition/Sport/Article.aspx?id=792497.55. Rex Gower, ‘World Cup Chief Condemns Violence’. Accessed at Reuters UK, 23 May,

2008. http://uk.reuters.com/article/worldFootballNews/idUKPEK14299620080523?page-Number=2& virtualBrandChannel=0.

56. Nick Mulvenny, ‘Danny Jordaan Condemns Violence’. Mail & Guardian Online, May 23,2008. http://www.mg.co.za/article/2008-05-23-danny-jordaan-condemns-violence.

57. From: Patrick Bond, <[email protected]; Subject: Re: URGENT anti-Xenophobia actionin Durban. February 11, 2009.

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58. Pearlie Joubert, ‘Like a Concentration Camp’. Mail & Guardian Online, September 26, toOctober 2, 2008. http://www.mg.co.za/article/2008-10-02-like-a-concentration-camp.

59. Neocosmos, From ‘Foreign Natives’, 125.60. Schwabe, ‘Fact Sheet’.61. StatsSA, ‘Explanatory Note’.62. ‘SA Wealth Gap Widening’. January 24, 2008. http://www.fin24.com/articles/default/

display_article.aspx?Nav=ns&ArticleID=1518-25_2258159,63. Mulvenny, ‘Danny Jordaan Condemns Violence’.64. Pollin et al., Employment-Targeted Economic Programme, xiii–xiv.65. Lucky Sindane, ‘No Black (Aces)’. Mail & Guardian, February 6 to 12, 2009.66. Lebogang Seale, ‘Worry Over Effect of Financial Crisis on Soccer Showpieces’. The Star,

November 23, 2008.67. Giulianotti, Sport, 194.68. See Alegi, ‘Political Economy’.69. Quoted in Cornelissen and Swart, ‘The 2010 Football World Cup’, 117.

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