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Tenting with MalinowskiAuthor(s): Murray L. WaxSource: American Sociological Review, Vol. 37, No. 1 (Feb., 1972), pp. 1-13Published by: American Sociological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2093489 .

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AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWFEBRUARY,1972 VOLUME 37, No. 1

TENTING WITH MALINOWSKI *AmericanSociological Review 1972, Vol. 37 (February):1-13

MURRAY L. WAXDepartment of Sociology, University of Kansas

Using his recently published personal diaries and his monographs, as well as the ethno-graphic reports of Melanesia produced by other scholars, I examine, the circumstances bywhich Bronislaw Malinowski was led to the discovery of intensive personal fieldwork.Crucial features of the situation in which he worked include the colonial situation with itscaste barrier and exploitation of natives and the Cargo Cults which were emerging amongthe latter. By settling within a Melanesian society unusual in its stratified character,Malinowski was able to avoid some of the problems of parity between anthropologist andnative people. Nevertheless, it is hard to classify his work as participant observation, althoughhe did move the next generation of anthropologists toward that style of fieldwork.I shall invite my readers to step outside theclosed study of the theorist into the openair of the anthropological field, . . . There,paddling on the lagoon, watching the nativesunder the blazing sun at their garden work,following them through the patches of jungle,and on the winding beaches and reefs, weshall learn about their life (Malinowski, 1926/1955:99).An iconoclast all his life, Malinowski has inthis gross, tiresome, posthumous work (thediaries), destroyed one final idol, and one hehimself did much to create: that of the field-worker with extraordinary empathy for thenatives (Geertz, 1967:12).

I N the developmentof a science, an im-provement in the quantity and qualityof data has far-reaching effects. Such has

been the case with anthropology, which was

markedly stimulated in its growth by thediscovery early in this century of the per-sonal field-trip intensively focused on asingle people. This anthropologicaldiscoveryalso influenced sociology, reinforcing thedevelopmentof a researchtechniquealreadypracticed by people like Paul Gbhre andBeatrice Potter Webb.Like many other scientific discoveries ofmajor impact, the intensive field-trip ap-pears an obvious step in retrospect.By now,anthropologists take its presence so muchfor granted that they sometimes attributethe discovery to simple accident. They ar-gue that Malinowski was an enemy alien inBritish colonial territories during the firstWorldWar, and not allowed to travel. Hav-ing to remainin residenceamong the Mela-nesian natives, he thereby discovered theadvantages of intensive fieldwork. This ex-planation as we shall see is false to fact anddiminishesthe nature and significanceof hisdiscovery.Social and cultural anthropologists todayexpect that each professionalwill engage inintensive fieldwork and base his scholarlywriting directly on privately gathered data.Yet, it is not at all obvious that he should doso. In many sciences the theoreticianworks

*Sabbatical leave granted by the University ofKansas provided me with the opportunity to com-pose this essay. Conversations with Karl Heiderfurnished some valuable background informationabout Malinowski. In initial drafts, the essay wasread and criticized by George W. Stocking, Jr.,who is himself engaged in research on that contro-versial figure; I have profited greatly from hiscomments. In a number of ways the present essaydevelops further the ideas about the history of so-cial science and its field techniques outlined in thewritings listed in the bibliography of Rosalie H.Wax and myself.


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2 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEWwith data obtained by those who specializein experimenting and observing. Indeed,much of the anthropological theorizing ofthe 19th and early 20th centuries was builton the observations of missionaries, traders,explorers, and government administratorswho happened to have contact with exoticpeoples. Necessarily, these data were uneven,and often obtained under erratic conditionsby careless or unreliable observers. To mod-ern students of anthropology it comes assomething of a shock to realize that scholarsas renowned n their time as Edward B. Ty-lor, James G. Frazer,Lucien Levy-Bruhl, orEdward Westermarck should have basedtheir argumentssolely on data obtained thisway.As with any major scientific advance,historians could engage in a complex analy-sis of just which individual should be cred-ited with which feature of the fieldworkdiscovery and in what paradigm. We havenoted that some explorers, adventurers,andmissionaries served as observers in fieldsituations, and one could argue that some oftheir work might qualify as "intensive per-sonal fieldwork among a single people."Charles Doughty, Arminus Vaimbery,andVladimir G. Bogoraz, to name an outstand-ing few, could well sustain intensive histori-cal study. Yet, despite the excellenceand in-terest that still attaches to their reports, theydid not influence the conduct of anthropo-logical scholars. The case of the TorresStraits Expedition of 1898-99 is instructive,as in the judgment of Evans-Pritchard(1951:73), it

. . . had many weaknesses.Howeverwell themen who carriedit out might have beentrained n systematicresearchn one or an-other of the naturalsciences,the short timethey spent among the peoples they studied,their ignoranceof their languages,and thecasualness ndsuperficialityf theircontactswiththenativesdidnotpermitdeep nvestiga-tion.The acquiescence of renowned scholarsto this kind of superficial fieldwork withexotic peoples cannot be explained by theirignorance of science or indifference to itscanons. Somethingmore is involved. For wemust account for the fact (Evans-Pritchard1951:71-72) that. . . with the exceptionof Morgan's tudyof

the Iroquois,not a singleanthropologiston-ducted field studies till the end of the nine-teenth century. It is even more remarkablethat it does not seem to have occurred othem that a writer on anthropologicalopicsmightat leasthave a look,if only a glimpse,at one or two specimens f whathe spenthislife writingabout.WilliamJames ells us thatwhen he asked Sir James Frazerabout thenativeshe hadknown,Frazerexclaimed,ButHeavenforbid!'Together with other historians of anthro-pology and sociology, I would suggest thatfieldworkin the 19th century was inhibitedby the ideology and politics of the time.Ideologically, the doctrine of social evolu-

tionism predominated.Leading social think-ers, like August Comte, Herbert Spencer, orEdward B. Tylor looked to the exotic or incurrent parlance "technologically primitive"peoples of the world to learn about the evo-lution of man. These exotic peoples were"savages," "Stone Age men," who bore theremnants of primitive antiquity. Theymerited study, not in their own right as hu-man beings, but because such study mightilluminate the origins of civilized, EuropeanSociety and might help explain such puz-zling, less civilized, features of that societyas its religious institutions.Discoverer and Exemplar

In the final analysis, the major credit fordiscovering the technique of intensive per-sonal fieldworkamong a single people mustgo to Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942).11 Because Franz Boas (1858-1942) was such aforceful critic of armchair theorizing on anthro-pological data of poor quality, he is sometimescredited with being the initiator of intensive field-work. But except for his youthful field trip toBaffinland in 1883-84 as an "anthro-geographer,"his own field research was composed of a largenumber of brief visits touching on a multiplicity ofareas (for further details see Stocking 1969: chap.7; Rohner 1966). Boas perceived that the techniqueof working through interpreters was less than

satisfactory, and he (1911:60) advocated thatfieldworkers learn the native language, "becausemuch information can be gained by listening toconversations and taking part in their daily life."However, he also recognized that this ideal usuallycould not be realized. Boas and his early students,e.g. Alfred L. Kroeber and Robert H. Lowie, con-ducted their field researches under severe pressuresof time and money and in the face of a despairthat native cultures were rapidly disappearing. In


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TENTING WITH MALINOWSKI 3His researchesamong the TrobriandIsland-ers during the years 1916-18 yielded a seriesof epochal volumes which revolutionizedthe content and practice of anthropology.He was well aware of the novelty of whathe had done. In chapter 1 of his first com-mercially published monograph, Argonautsof the WesternPacific (1922), he discussesat length how to conduct anthropologicalfield research; and, as if to dramatize thepoint, places first in the book a photographicplate of "The Ethnographer'sTent on theBeach of Nu'agasi."2ThroughoutArgonautsand his subsequentbooks, Malinowski emphasized his methodof research in the Trobriands, and polemi-cized against the theorist in "the closedstudy." Ironically,the quoted passage whichopens this essay appears in an address de-liveredby Malinowski in honor of Sir JamesFrazer, a model closeted theorist. Malinow-ski's eloquence n book and lecturedecisivelyinfluenced he next generation of anthropolo-gists. A numberof his students accomplishedheroic and ingenious feats of personal field-work, out of which flowed a series of splen-did monographic reports. One of the firstand most eminent of his students (Evans-Pritchard 1951:74-75) pays tribute to hisinfluence:

It canbe fairly said that the comprehensivefieldstudiesof modernanthropology irectlyor indirectlyderive from his [Malinowski's]teaching, or he insisted that the social lifeof a primitivepeople can only be under-stoodif it is studied ntensively,and that itis a necessary art of a socialanthropologist'straining o carryout onesuchintensivestudyof a primitive ociety.Though we may agree that Malinowskimust be credited with pioneering personalin depth field study of a single people, theprocess by which he developed this pro-

cedure is by no means clear. He tells thereader of Argonautsthat he pitched his tentin the village of Omarkana n the TrobriandIslands, but it is not clear how he came tolive there rather than, as was more custom-ary, in the household of a missionary ortrader.One would expect an enthusiastic recep-tion for diariesborn of such intimate circum-stances as Malinowski's with the Trobriandnatives. Instead in 1967 when two diariescovering portions of the years 1914-18 weretranslated from the Polish and published,they were greeted with a chorus of anthro-pological dismay (e.g. Hogbin 1968; Hoebel1967; and a more balanced appraisal inStocking 1968). Reviewers expressedshameand regret that a hero of cultural anthro-pology should have revealed himself as "acrabbed, self-preoccupied,hypochrondriacalnarcissist" (Geertz 1967) and racist. In de-fense of her teacher, Hortense Powder-maker (1967) contended that some of theoffensive terminologycould be an artifact oftranslation. Unfortunately, for her thesis,the polyglot Malinowski used words andphrases from many languages in these dia-ries, and "nigger"was among them (1967:xxi, 154).3

a sense, Malinowski'sresearchesamong the Tro-briandstranslatednto dramaticrealitywhat Boashad earlierseen as an almost unattainable dea.2 For those readerswho think of Malinowski'sMelanesianresearchesas having been confinedtothe village of Omarkana (Kiriwina District,Boyowa Island,TrobriandArchipelago), his plateis a helpful reminderthat his place of residencewas not quite so stationary.As his diariesreveal,he traveleda great deal, and especiallyduringhissecond trip to the Trobriands,made journeys tosuch neighboringareas as the Amphlett Islands,where Nu'agasiis located.

3 With the exception of Stocking (1968:194)none of the reviewers or commentators com-plained because the original text was not pro-vided or because "a few extremely personalobservations" (Malinowski 1967:viii) had been de-leted from the published text. The practice ofethnographic field research is difficult, and manyanthropologists have found it hard to be as frankabout their experiences as scientific disclosurewould require. But editorial deletions at this datefrom the journals of a man of this stature onlysuggest fear of damaging an idol wobbly on hispedestal. Also, considering the care and devotionof the translator and annotator, the absence ofany sort of index to the volume is inexcusable.4The diaries do remind us that he twice jour-neyed from New Guinea to Australia and thaton the second of these occasions he remainedthere from about May 1916 to September 1917.This travel should deflate the myth that he hadto do fieldwork because as an enemy alien he wasconfined to the area of New Guinea. Conceivably,he might have located himself in some Australianuniversity setting for the remainder of the war,rather than returned to a tent in the Trobriands.Of course, it is true that as an Austrian subject,he was technically an enemy alien. But as Marettreminisces (cited in Symmons-Symonolewicz 1959:20): "Nothing, however, could have been moregenerous than the treatment by the Australian


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4 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEWTo a reader curious about Malinowski'sfield experiences, he diariesappear strangelybare. Crucial events are seldom indicated,and no diary has been located for the stra-

tegic period when he first began work amongthe Trobriand Islanders.4 Nonetheless, thediaries are helpful if viewed in their cultu-ral and historical context and addressedwiththe right questions. When we treat his dis-covery as a thing born of chance and bredof desire, when we give him heroic statureas the first and finest of ethnographicfield-workers,we aremakingmyth and not rightlyunderstanding his achievement. To under-stand the processof Malinowski'sdiscovery,we must discardthe imageof fieldworkas theunilateral action of a researcher ndependentof people and circumstance, and insteadstudy the interaction of the man and "hispeople" within a largercontext. That largerperspectiveis the focus of this essay.Europeans and Melanesian Natives

By 1914 when Malinowskiarrivedin NewGuinea to undertakehis researches, the re-lationships between the European Colonialadministratorsand the natives of Melanesiahad evolved into a rigid caste structure. InEuropean eyes, the natives were "Niggers"to be missionized, educated, ultimately civi-lized, and in the interim,employed for meniallabor in households and plantations. Onlythe very lowest ranks of the British civilservice were open to natives. All other posi-tions were reserved for Europeans. Even aslate as 1947 a Melanesian as talented, ex-perienced, and influential as Yali could notbe promotedto the rankof Patrol Officerandadmitted by the British to the status of so-cial equality (Lawrence 1964:157-159).Melanesian societies had been thoroughlydisrupted and their populations reduced byEuropean contact, trade, governance, andmissionizing.In the British areas, a systemof indirect rule had been imposed,so that ineach village native officialswere responsibleto the central administrationfor executingBritish laws. Some of these laws were rea-sonable, but many the natives perceived as

irrational and impracticable. Though it hadbeen a highly ritualized affair integral tothe religious and status systems of manysocieties, native warfare had been termi-nated. Taxation had been imposed whoseavowed intention was to force native meninto plantation labor. In some cases, accord-ing to Worsley, as much as 20 percent ofthe male population were forced from theirlocal residence, setting askew local systemsof food production and social organization.Europeans had preempted native lands forplantations or mines. Missionaries spreadthroughout establishing styles of livingwhich elevated them socially and politicallyabove their flock. Corporal punishment re-inforced British law.Workingconditions for Melanesianlabor-ers were sometimes appalling. In the Mam-bare goldfields, the death rate was 21% in1903-4 and in 1906 it was still 17.7%(Worsley 1968:57). By law the minimumwage at Mambare was ten shillings permonth. In Rabaul in 1929 the averagelaborer earned six shillings per month, andwhen the natives struck non-violently, theemployers retaliated with corporal punish-ment and long sentences to hard labor(Worsley 1968:47). The British administra-tion made some attempts to regulate condi-tions, but even these reveal the general at-titude of mind. Note Malinowski's diarycomment of October 1914, (1967:17): "Ihad little opportunity to work with Ahuia,for he was busy with the trial of Burnesconiwho had hung up a native for five hours."

These severedisturbances o the organizedlives of their communitiestriggereda seriesof radical "Cargo Cult" movements amongthe Melanesians. To comprehend thesemovements, we should bear in mind thatthe Melanesians had become dependent ontrade with the Europeans.Thus the cargoesdeposited by ships on the local wharves as-sumed great importance. The Europeanstook possession of these cargoes by a sys-tem the natives regarded as magical, andthey doled them out to the Melanesiansin amanner that appearedarbitraryand stingy.What rankled deepest was the European'sdenial to the natives of parity, that is, of so-cial equality, fraternityand commonhuman-ity. The social movementsor "Cargo Cults"thus triggeredamong the natives prophesiedauthorities of the young scholar, for they not onlygranted him a liberal custodia so that he couldexplore where he chose within their vast territoriesbut actually supplied him with the funds to do so."


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TENTING WITH MALINOWSKI 5a day when the ships would come bringingcargo to the natives and not the Europeans.My guess would be that Cargo Cult activi-ties were underway in Mailu, where Mali-nowski first did his researches.5 I suggestthis because Mailu was close to New Guineaand to commercial centers such as PortMoresby and because a missionary livedthere whom Malinowski portrays as quiteobnoxious. Such movements could accountfor his frustrated attempt to conduct re-search there and his later reference to "myMailu failure." In any case, his diary re-veals that duringthis first expedition,he metsome clearly antagonistic responses: nativeslaughed at his inquiries, stared at him, liedto him, and were rowdy in dealing with him(cf. 1967:31, 43).On the other hand, most authorities em-phasize that Trobriand Island society wasdifferently organized from societies else-where in Melanesia. It was less egalitarianand contained lineages of such differentialrank that Malinowski could speak (1929:chap. 2) of some natives as being aristo-cratic, and it contained men of such differ-ential ranking that one was recognized as"Paramount Chief." A native society thatacknowledged principles of hierarchy andcentralized political leadership, might notfeel the assertion of British governance asbeing as unfamiliar and disorganizing asmight the egalitarian communities describedby Burridge, for example. Nevertheless, forthe Paramount Chief himself, the resultswere traumatic (Worsley 1968:51-52): 6

SirWilliamMacGregor,he newAdministra-tor of British New Guinea,was very con-cernedto ensure that "therapacious cts ofthebenighted eathen" ave placeto "lawandgood order under the munificentand wise

guidance of a beloved Administrator." irWilliam was determinedo enforce recogni-tion of the new authorityof the Queen andher representative.n one of the most politi-cally developed ocietiesof New Guinea,heenforced his authority n a typical manner.During a visit to the Trobriand slands, henoted the ParamountChief seated on hishigh platform.This custom ensured hat no-body stood higherthan the chief, and madeit possiblefor his subjects to pass by himwithout their havingto crawl on the ground.Sir William"sawthe chief sittingon high,inhis seat of honour,walkedstraightup to him,seizedhim by the hair, and draggedhim tothe ground,and took his seat himself. "Noone," said Sir William, "shall sit higher inNew Guinea than I."

Subsequently,in 1915 when Malinowski ar-rived in Omarkana,he found (1935/1965:1,84) that the ParamountChief, To'uluwa was. . . a shrewd,well-balancedman, but hispride had been brokenby the European n-vasion,and he had retiredfrommost of hisoffices.7

Malinowski Leaves the Communityof WhiteColonistsWhen he arrived in New Guinea, Mali-nowski would thus have found himself in adifficult situation for social research. Be-tween the world of the Melanesian nativesand of the British colonial administrationwas a steep barrier of status, wealth, andpower. This barrierwas augmented by cul-tural and linguistic differences.Few of the

r I have not attempted to research the ethnohis-torical literatures for signs of Cargo cult activitiesin the areas where Malinowski worked (principallyMailu Island (1914-15, the Trobriands 1915-16 and1917-18). The problem is that a negative findingwould be far from conclusive (Worsley 1968:93):. . . there seems little doubt that many move-ments have flourished secretly without evercoming to the attention of the authorities. Butthe records which do exist show that an extraor-dinary number of cults did spring up over thewhole of Melanesia, and that they shared manyfeatures in common.6 Worsley seems here to be citing from the writ-ings of J. P. Thompson (1892) and of Sir HubertMurray (1928), but I find his references at thispoint confusing.

7 "When To'uluwa, the paramount chief of theTrobriands, was put in jail by the resident magis-trate, the latter, mostly, I am afraid because hewanted to humiliate his native rival, forbade thecommoners incarcerated with the chief to crouchbefore him" (Malinowski 1929/1969:33 n.2).Malinowski comments (1935/1965:1, 479-80)that the eclipse in the power of the ParamountChief modified the organization of Trobriandsociety:The paramount chief and his peers in otherdistricts are no longer the only people or eventhe main people who wield power and of whomone has to be afraid. There is a resident magis-trate who can put you in gaol, fine you, or even-as has happened once or twice-hang you. Hislaw has to be obeyed. There are the missionarieswho moralise, pester and shame you into doingthis or abstaining from that. There are the traderswho exercise a different but not less powerful in-fluence by giving or withholding things whichhave become almost a necessity. . . . The em-pirical facts which the ethnographer has beforehim in the Trobriands nowadays are not nativesunaffected by European influences but nativesto a considerable extent transformed by theseinfluences.


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6 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEWcolonists spoke native languages or under-stood native customs, and converselyfew ofthe natives spoke English or understoodthecustoms of Europeans.Born into the Polishgentry and educated at leading universities,Malinowski would have been expected tofind his basic social ties with the colonistsand to study the natives as might zoologiststheir animal specimens. Association withnatives on a level of parity would have beenregardedas a challengeto the caste structureand a betrayal of upper caste solidarity.One can read Malinowski's diaries as atestament of his difficultieswith this socialsituationand of uncertaintyabout his propersocial role.8Malinowski'swritings, both then and laterreveal a strong antipathy to the structureof colonial rule. From the outset the diariesexpress open outrage against the missions.The diariesalso indicate that he found someof his colonial associates distasteful andothers "loathesome"in their lack of finersensibilities:

This [missionary] disgusts me with his[white]9 superiority(1967:16, October21,1914).Beautifulmoonlitnights on the verandaatMr. and Mrs. McGrath's-I am filled withdislikefor theseordinarypeoplewho are in-capableof findinga glimmerof poetry n cer-tain things which fill me with exaltation(1967:21,October5, 1914).Comparedto his colonial associates, Mal-inowski was a remarkably well-educatedman. He finishedhis Ph.D. in 1908 in Phys-

ics and Mathematics, at the University ofCracow, and did further graduate study atLeipzig and the London School of Econom-ics. He spoke and read several Europeanlanguages. His diaries revealed a man whocontinually sought refuge in reading novelsof all levels, from classics to trash, in Eng-lish and otherlanguages.Later in life, he wasonce to remark to Mrs. B. Z. Seligman,"Rivers is the Rider Haggard of anthropol-ogy; I shall be the Conrad!" (R. Firth

1957/1964:6). In the light of such educa-tion and predispositions, his antipathy tothe colonists is not surprising.In the Argonauts, Malinowski furthercriticizes the colonists (1922/1961:5-6) fortheir subjective and unseriousview of nativelife:

Information which I received from somewhite residents n the district,valuableas itwas in itself, was more discouraginghananythingelse with regardto my own work.Here were men who had lived for years inthe place with constant opportunitiesofobservinghenativesand communicatingiththem, and who yet hardly knew one thingabout them really well . . . Moreover, themanner n which my white informants pokeabout the natives and put their views was,naturally, that of untrainedminds, unac-customedto formulatetheir thoughtswithany degreeof consistencyandprecision.Andthey were for the most part, naturallyenough, full of the biased and pre-judgedopinionsinevitablein the average practicalman, whetheradministrator,missionary,ortrader, yet so strongly repulsiveto a mindstrivingafterthe objective,scientificview ofthings. The habit of treatingwith a self-satisfied rivolitywhat is reallyserious o theethnographer; he cheap rating of what tohim is a scientific reasure,hat is to say, thenative'sculturalandmentalpeculiarities ndindependence-these eatures,so well knownin the inferioramateur'swriting,I foundinthe tone of the majorityof white residents.The diaries for his first field-trip,revealthat Malinowski was often miserable n NewGuinea and that on this first trip he livedmost of his time in conventional residences,slept in conventional beds, and walked tothe villages to conduct his ethnographic la-bors. True, the information in the diary isslender,but certainlycommentssuch as thatfor January 23, 1915 (1967:72), "Yester-day I walked to the village at 7," or, thatfor the following day, "I could barely dragmyself to the village," testify to a residenceoutside the native quarters. Furthermore,onboat trips, his gear did not include a tent.In some instances, (December 12, 1914;

1967:53) he reports that he "went to thedubu [clan clubhouse], . . . to spend thenight. Very bad night." In others (Decem-ber 22, 1914), he stayed with the missionar-ies or (February 2, 1915) in the M.G. (Mis-sion Government) station.The appeal to Malinowski of a tent resi-dence in a village is suggested in the lan-

8 For example, of a conversation (November 23,1917) with Judge J. H. P. Murray and his nephew,Leonard, important officials in the region, Malinow-ski remarks in his diary (1967:128): "I tried tocontrol myself and to remember that I workedwith immortality in view and that paying atten-tion to this crew simply banalizes my work."9This word is inserted by the editor of thediary.


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TENTING WITH MALINOWSKI 7guage of his first diary when he commentson February22, 1915, in the courseof a tripto Dikoyas, on a stay in a village on thenorth shore of WoodlarkIsland, (1967:88):

I am-n a tent of palmleaves pieced ogetherover a shakyfloor madeof sticks.The openside faces the village about60 m. away,be-low me, as on the palmof my hand....If I interprethis narrativecorrectly, on thissame trip we encounter all together his ec-static praise of the local landscape, his de-light in native company and his customarytesty commentson exchangeswith the Euro-peans.

]Diary references to his illness, lethargy,and irritation with fellow Europeans occuroften in his commentson the trip to Wood-lark Island: "Never before in N.G. [NewGuinea] have I felt so low." Often, as inthis instance his despondency appears(1967:88-89) in counterpointto his estheticpleasure with the landscape: "After landingin this village, I took a marvelous walkthroughthe tall luxuriantjungle, a la Kandy-I felt fine again, in my element."And, asfar as I have noted for the first time (1967:92) we encounter an explicit expression ofhis preferencefor life with the natives:

Then stop in the woods. The boys [NewGuineaservants]carriedmy things.Marvel-ous, enormouswilderness . . . Like LadyHorton'sdrivein Kandy. The candelabra fferns on the trees; the enormous runksofthe gigantictrees . . . After some time weentereda dry jungle. I was madly happytobe alone againwith N.G. boys. ParticularlywhenI sat alonein a hut, gazingout at thevillagethrough he betel [palms].

In the Argonauts(1922/1961:6) he tells thereader:. . .in my first piece of Eethnographic e-searchon the Southcoast, it was not until Iwas alone in the district that I began tomake some headway; and, at any rate, Ifound out where lay the secret of effectivefield-work....

Referring the reader to the photographicplates which show the location of his tentwithin the native village, he then instructshim in "The Proper Conditions for Ethno-graphicWork":These, as said,consistmainly n cuttingone-self off fromthe company f otherwhitemen,and remainingn as close contact with the

natives as possible,which really can only beachieved by campingright in their villages.Comparedthen to living among the Euro-peans, Malinowski found living among thenatives personally more pleasant and scien-tifically more productive. However, suchpreferences do not exactly explain the tent.The natives lived in what he described as"huts," and the administrators and mis-sionarieshad their fixed residences,the "sta-tions." Conceivably, Malinowski, had hewished to settle in some village for an inten-sive lengthy study, would have requestedthenatives to construct a dwelling for him or

might have asked the administrationfor anunoccupiedmission station. However, at thetime that Malinowski embarkedon his sec-ond field-trip,he was not sure where he wasgoing to work or settle, hence the necessityfor a tent (1935/1965:1, 453):Whenin my secondexpedition arrived nthe Trobriands June 1915) I had not pre-pared myself for work in that language,becauseI didnot intendto settle in that dis-trict for any lengthof time.

The tent testifies to the fact that prior to hisstay in the Trobriands, Malinowski had notyet discovered the full "secret of effectivefield research."He had learned that he coulddo better research by being alone with thenatives, but he had not yet hit upon theoverwhelming advantages of living inti-mately and for a prolonged period of timewithin a single native communitywhose lan-guage he had mastered. This was to dawnupon him as he settled in the village ofOmarkana, learned its language, and ob-served the lives of its inhabitants.Malinowski among the Savages

Anthropologists have experienced somedifficulty comprehendingMalinowski'sfield-work by reading into it a portrait of field-work as it subsequently evolved. By 1966,Hortense Powdermakerwas referringto an-thropological fieldwork as "participant ob-servation."That she should do so is of spe-cial significance, since she was amongMalinowski'searlieststudents,beginningherwork under him at the London School in1925, and like a true disciple, conductingher first field researchesamong a Melanesianpeople in the villages of Lesu, New Ireland,1929-30.


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8 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEWWhile anthropologistsor other social-sci-entists have not agreed on the exact referentof such phrases as "ethnographicfield re-search" or "participant observation," the

latter epithet carries a denotation quite ab-sent in the former,especiallyas ethnographywas practiced by Malinowski'spredecessorsearly in the century. The word "participa-tion" implies that the fieldworker seeks in-volvementin the daily activities of the grouphe is studying.To some romantics,and somegreen students of anthropology, the notionsuggests "going native," immersing oneselfin the life of the group, becoming indistin-guishable from a native. In the case of re-search among a people as exotic as theMelanesians, such an expectation is absurd.In the time at his disposal and given hisscholarly goals, no fieldworkercan hope tobecome a native; and no native could everbe led to conceive of him as such. On theother hand, in research focusing on Euro-American domestic institutions, it is some-times possible for a fieldworkerto immersehimself and becomean ordinaryparticipant.Many social institutions, such as prisons,mental asylums, or army basic training, areexplicitly designed to ingest outsiders andtransform them, willy nilly, into inmates,soldiers, or insiders. Similarly, something ofthe connotation of "participantobservation"derives from the sort of transformationofthe self that can occur in the process ofdomestic research (cf. R. H. Wax 1971).In the case of researchamong exotic peo-ples, participation implies social parity, arecognitionof common humanity, in whichdistinctions of ethnicity or skill are not tobe taken as symbols of superordination.10Participation further implies willingness toshare the experiences and hazards of life.Without participationand parity, the inter-action between the educatedprofessionalre-searcherand, for example,a colonizedgroupof Melanesian natives, rapidly degeneratesinto the relationship of a plantation man-ager to his laborers.The managermay thinkhe knows his men, he may even speak a fewof their phrases and perceive some of their

customs, but he never seeks to know in depththeir hopes and fears, their acts and avoid-ances, their picture of the world.In the generation after Malinowski, thefieldworking anthropologist learned thatsome effort at establishing parity was essen-tial to a mutually satisfactory relationshipwith an exotic people (cf. Powdermaker1966:263-264; Burridge 1960:1-13). Toattempt participation was one of the mostconvincing symbols of the fieldworker'sde-sire for parity. Particularlyin colonial situa-tions, the anthropologist was met with themask presented by the native to the Euro-American administrators, traders, and mis-sionaries. By entering and sharing in nativelife, the anthropologisthoped to build a dif-ferent kind of relationship, to get a fullerand more human kind of knowledge.But, we should not read the same desirefor parity and participation into Malinow-ski's labors, especially at their onset, norpresume that, because he came to engagein intensive personal research, while livingin a Trobriand village, he thereby too pur-sued social equality with the natives.1'Throughout his life Malinowski referred tothe Trobianders as "savages" and "StoneAge Men." Unlike his fellow colonists, Mal-inowski did view the Trobianders as men ascomplete as the Europeans and equally en-dowed with reason and morals. Indeed, in hismonographs,Malinowski is so concerned tomake this point that he sometimes sacrificesaccuracy, likening the natives to Europeansfar more than was the case. However, Mali-nowski's insistence on the natives' humanstature should not be misinterpreted o mean

10I take the term "parity" from the insightfulanalysis of Cargo Cults by Burridge (1960). Theterm is utilized and developed further in relation-ship to participant observation by Rosalie H. Wax(1971),

11 As one of his students has remarked (Leach1965 viii);In 1914, ethnographers, Malinowski included,still viewed their subject matter with consider-able contempt. They studied "the manners andcustoms of primitive savages" and "primitive"meant not only simple and childist but primeval.Primitive peoples were thought of as zoologicalspecimens; the behavior of a New Guinea nativewas expected to throw some light upon our ownStone Age ancestors but he was not regarded asinteresting as a human being in his own right.The standard methods of ethnographic researchwere such that the social superiority of the in-vestigator was being constantly emphasized. The"native" was a specimen to be measured andphotographed and interviewed-through an in-terpreter,


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TENTING WITH MALINOWSKI 9that he was indifferent to the criteria ofcivilization. Sometimes, Malinowski (1935/1965:211-212) speaks of Trobiander, Bri-ton, and Pole as being equally savage:

Cricket,which to an Englishmanhas be-comea synonymfor honourand sportsman-like behaviour, s to a Kiriwinian[Trobri-ander], a cause for violent quarrelingandstrongpassion,as well as a newly inventedsystem of gambling;while to another ype ofsavage,a Pole, it remainspointless-a tedi-ous mannerof time-wasting.Or, (1922/1961:21):

Again, n this type of work, t is goodfor theEthnographerometimeso put asidecamera,note book andpencil,and to join himselfinwhat is going on. He can take part in thenatives'games,he can follow them on theirvisits and walks, sit down and listen andshare in their conversations. I am not cer-tain if this is equallyeasy for everyone-perhapsthe Slavonicnatureis more plasticand morenaturallyavage han thatof West-ern Europeans-but though the degree ofsuccess varies, the attempt is possible foreveryone.Malinowski could consider himself, theBritish colonists, and the Trobriandnativesas equally human in the anthropologicalab-stract, but in the concretenessof daily inter-action, he consideredhimself a member ofan intellectualand esthetic elite, superiortoboth. When he speaks of himself as a Sla-vonic savage, he speaks in mock-deprecation,and it is with this understandingin mindthat we must confront the statements in thediaries (e.g. Malinowski 1967:372-May

11, 1918) so disconcertingto anthropologi-cal reviewers:At 10 I wentto Teyava,whereI tookpicturesof a house,a groupof girls,andthe wasi [ex-changeof food], andstudiedconstruction fa newhouse. Onthis occasion madeone ortwocoarse okes,andone bloodyniggermadea disapprovingemark,whereupon cursedthemandwas highlyirritated. managed ocontrolmyselfon the spot,but I wasterriblyvexedby the fact that this niggerhad daredto speak to me in such a manner [italicssignify originalsin English; other text inPolish].

What I would like to suggest about theforegoingpassage and others like it is thatanthropologicalreadershave been interpret-ing its meaning within the context of their

own time and place rather than Malinow-ski's.12What induced Malinowski to settle inOmarkana?Perhaps the very fact that thesociety of the Trobriand archipelago wasstratified. As a descendant of the gentry anda member of an intellectual elite, he maywell have found this untypical hierarchicalMelanesian society congenial.It is also pos-sible that the Paramount Chief and his peerswelcomed this strange Polish scholar as anally in their struggle with the British resi-dent magistrate and the colonial system.Here was a European who appreciated theiresoteric lore, respectedtheir status, and waseager to be instructed.ParamountChief andanthropologistencountered each other as in-telligent fellows, both devoted to specializedintellectual skills, and both having difficul-ties adapting to the self-righteousand auto-cratic rule of the British colonists.Then, too, given "the magical orientation"of the Melanesians,Malinowski might haveseemed the bearer of great mystical powerand lore. Anthropologistssince Malinowski(e.g. Lawrence 1964) have discovered theMelanesian belief that the secret of "theCargo" ay in the ChristianScriptures.SomeMelanesians hoped and expected that themissionarieswould make good their asser-tions of kinship and transmit to them in thenature of these magical secrets.13It is nottoo much to hazard that the ParamountChief and his peers, each of whom possessedimportantkinds of socially necessary magic,might have hoped that Malinowski in turnhad a magical power to assist them withthe British. Such an expectation would ex-

12 A major exception among anthropological read-ers is Stocking who has the insight (1968:190-191)to compare the situation of Malinowski to that ofKurtz in Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness ex-plaining that while "Malinowski was far frombeing Kurtz . . . like Kurtz, he was alone withhis instincts in the heart of darkness."13 ", . the natives'interpretationof the Scrip-

tures was no mere academic explanation of theorigin of cargo. It had its practical aspects. Itwas assumed that the friendliness of the mission-aries was evidence that, whatever other Europeansmight feel and do, they at least remembered andwould honour their ties of brotherhood with thenatives as common descendents of Noah. Theywould reveal the ritual secrets which would en-


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10 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEWplain his ability to elicit from them vastquantities of magical texts which otherwisemight have been withheld.By the very prin-ciple of reciprocityMalinowski himself wasto emphasize (1926) as vital to the normaloperations of native institutions, he wouldhave been expected to reciprocatewith lorein manipulatingthe Europeansystem.14However, the unhappy truth in Malinow-ski's diaries is that he neither participatedin the ordinary run of the native life norwas able to reciprocate native trust andhonor by helping them deal with the Britishadministrators, raders,and missionaries.Tothese latter, Malinowski was an uninfluen-tial enemy alien. He did speak up in defenseof the natives, and later in life he was towage a literary campaign against the morebrutal of colonialpractices,but at this timehe lacked the stature requisite for makingthe British take seriously his criticisms oftheir policies. Again, Malinowski seemsscarcely to have sought participation in Tro-briand life, and in any case he was a sicklyman and hence unfit to engage in theirstrenuousroutines.In his "Preface" to the Argonauts, SirJames Frazer says (1922/1961:vii) "Mali-nowski lived as a native among the natives

for many months together,"a descriptionofMalinowski's fieldwork repeated by others(e.g. Kardinerand Preble 1961: 163, 171-2).As nearly as I can find, Malinowski neverdescribedhis fieldworkin these words. Anyserious reading of Malinowski's Trobriandmonographswould reveal that only by mar-rying a Trobriandwoman, entering the webof kinship obligations and reciprocities,andengaging with the other men of the villagein intensive agriculturewould he have livedas a Trobriand. Instead, Malinowski estab-lished himself in the heart of native villagesin the style of a petty lord attended by alarge retinueof personalservants.Comparedto Britons elsewhere,he had few funds, butin the Trobriandarchipelagothe monies hedid control went a long way.'5 So situated,housed, and served, he was able to observeand gossip with the natives about villageevents, though he scarcely participated inthem. From his diaries, it is evident that thegreaterpart of his researchesinvolved quiz-

sure that God sent the natives supplies ofcargo."The foregoing is the essence of what Lawrence(1964: 76-77) denominates as the "Third CargoBelief" (1914-33, Southern Madang District ofNew Guinea). Conceivably, Malinowski encoun-tered natives who held this belief during the courseof his fieldwork.

14 It is entirely possible that the ParamountChief finally came to the judgment that Malinow-ski's powers were negative, as evidenced by thechief's blaming Malinowski for the failure of thekula in which Malinowski attempted to participate.(cf. 1922/1961:479, 1967:153). If so, this may ac-count for the fact that on his second trip Malinow-ski did not return to Omarkana but worked else-where in the Trobriand archipelago. Certainly,much of importance is implicit in Malinowski'sdiary account (1967:153) of the meeting with thechief, at the start of his third expedition (Decem-ber, 1917), after his absence from the Trobriandsfor more than a year and a half: "To'uluwa came.We greet each other as friends. He spoke about meand praised me. Despite everything there is acertain residue of sympathy. He stood over mewith a half-ironical, half-indulgent smile, tellingabout my exploits. Joke about our kula."

15 "The male term for old age, tomwaya, canalso denote rank or importance. I myself was oftenso addressed, but I was not flattered, and muchpreferred to be called toboma, literally 'the tabooedman,' a name given to old men of rank, but stress-ing the latter attribute rather than the former"(Malinowski 1929/1969:61). Malinowski was onlyin his early thirties, but as he was unmarried andpresumably unmarriageable, yet a person of maturestatus, it would have been natural for him to beplaced in the category of those past marriage andchild-rearing.As for his finances, he received about ?250 per

year for the six years which included his field-trips:"I defrayed out of this, not only all the expensesof travel and research, such as fares, wages to na-tive servants, payments of interpreters, but I wasalso able to collect a fair amount of ethnographicspecimens" (Malinowski 1922: Acknowledgments).Malinowski mentions (1935/1965:I, 41) that he"used to supply the [Paramount] chief with abouthalf a stick of tobacco a day, and usually with asmall bunch of betel nut." This would evidentlyhave been the price, or "tax," that Malinowskipaid for his presence in the village including pre-sumably the location of his tent and other ameni-ties. The value which the Trobrianders placed ontobacco in ceremonial presentations is shown else-where in his work (e.g. 1929/1969:94). In anycase, judging from the number of personal serv-ants or "boys" to whom Malinowski refers in hisdiaries and elsewhere (e.g. Ginger, Ogisa, Tomakapu,and others, cf. 1967:168), he lived like a pettylord or "sahib."


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TENTING WITH MALINOWSKI 11ing strategic informants; that is, his fieldtechnique closely resembled earlier ethno-graphic inquiry, with the important differ-ence that Malinowski'sinquiry took place inthe heart of the native habitat and could betested. In villages like Omarkana,this tech-nique worked very well. Malinowski appar-ently established relationships with thearea's aristocratic and priestly leaders whichyielded reams of texts of native myth andritual. Elsewhere-as the diaries make pain-fully evident-his key informants thwartedhim. He complains (1967:234, 236) irrita-bly that the natives are lying to him. Insuch a situation, a modern participant ob-server fieldworkerwould try to discover themeaning of the natives' attempt to deceivehim. Indeed, he might even inquire whyearlier they had been more truthful. ButMalinowski'snaive image of his status amongthe Trobriandersprecludes such inquiry. Hisresponse is to be angry with the natives forlying to him.

Similarly, a modern participant-observerethnographerhopes to establish parity withnative people in economic matters. This isnever easy since most native peoples seempoor in relationto ethnographers, hough inmany instances the natives possess the foodand shelter on which the ethnographerde-pends. The diaries indicate that in this re-spect also Malinowski had his troubles, forhe lived like a petty European ord. On someoccasions (e.g. 1967:216, 239), he worriesabout the theft of personal belongings; onothers,he complainsbecausethe natives helpthemselves to his stores of supplies. Hespeaks (1967:188) of "being iritated by theimpudence of Navavile and the Wawela fel-lows [they had eaten too much betel-nut]"while he was absent from the tent. Presum-ably he paid the natives in betel-nut fortheir work. To help themselves to his sup-ply was impudencefrom the European per-spective. Yet to withholdhis supply was forthe natives failure to acknowledge nativenorms of generosity. The native view is evi-dent in Malinowski's comment (1935/1965:40-41) on the Paramount Chief: were hisstores of tobacco or betel-nut "exposed topublic gaze, he would, on the principles of

noblesse oblige, have to distribute themamong the surroundingpeople." The diarypassage is particularlystriking in that Nav-avile was among those consumingthe betel-nut. Navavile was the local specialist in gar-den magic rituals and the equivalent of anaristocrat and leader, hence, a vital infor-mant to Malinowski, one whose favor ananthropologistwould ordinarily take painsto cultivate, whatever the cost in betel-nut.Thus, the passage exposes Malinowski's Eu-ropean biases and reveals how little heshared the perspective of a Trobriand aris-tocrat.Malinowski'sAchievementin Fieldwork

The significance of the foregoinganalysisis more than historical. It suggests the com-plexities of a relationship now taken forgranted by anthropologistsin modern, par-ticipant-observer ieldwork.Malinowski him-self did not practice this kind of fieldwork,but he moved a great distance toward it. Hediscoveredthe incomparablescientific valueof intensive personalfield research,in whichthe researcher earns the native languageandlives for many months among a single peo-ple. He was perhaps fortunate in that thepeople he settled with were willing to tol-erate his presenceas European sahib and toconfide in him all manner of ritually im-portant lore. But he merited some luck, forhe was diligent, linguistically apt, anddeeply dedicated to his scholarly task.Yet to assess his achievement we mustconsider, not merely his accomplishmentinthe Trobriands,but his influenceon his stu-dents and other anthropologicalreaders.Hisemphases in his monographs draw readerstoward the notion of participant-observerfieldwork. Again and again, he describes theTrobriand natives, and by implication allnatives, as rational moral human beings inwhose society a civilized man would be con-tent to live. Thus the monographsgeneratethe idea of parity between European andnative, ethnographerand native. Moreover,the monographs mply that Malinowski waspersonally involved with native life. Somuch is this the case that, at the publica-


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12 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEWtion of the diaries, some anthropologicalreadersfelt deceived and betrayed.Whetheror not they ought to have felt so is besidethe point. If Malinowski in the field reliedmoreheavily on questioningthanparticipant-observation, his books emphasize the dubi-ousness of the former procedure comparedto the latter.16Malinowski (1922/1961:7-8) seems tohave been far more an observerthan a par-ticipant in Trobriand life and one of themost obtrusivetype, who had to be toleratedbecause he was white and wealthy:

. .. as theyknewthat I wouldthrustmy noseinto everything, venwherea well mannerednative would not dreamof intruding,theyfinishedby regardingme as partandparceloftheir life, a necessaryevil or nuisance,miti-gatedby donationsof tobacco.

Were we to divide fieldworkerroles into in-terrogator, observer, and participant, thenMalinowski far more often played the firsttwo than the last. At one point only late inthe diaries (1967:280-281; May 24, 1918),does he remark: "To encourage them toplay . . . I began to kasaysuya [a rounddance and game] myself. I needed exercise,moreoverI could learn more by taking partpersonally."If the account I have presentedof Mali-nowski's fieldwork experiencesis correct, itclarifiesthe particularnature of his achieve-ment as a culturalanthropologist.The abun-dant materials collected through his field-work enabled him to describe manyimportantfeaturesof Trobriandculture.Butthe social distance remainingbetween Mali-nowski and the Trobrianders ed to his pro-found misreadingof such importantfeatures

of Trobriand ife as theirsystem of magicandreligion. Despite the quantities of materialshe collected on their ritual practices, he por-trayed them as Europeans in dusky skins.Similar criticismshave been leveled at otherof his theoretical interpretationsof Trobri-and culture (cf. Geertz 1967; and R. Firthed. 1957). The import of this critical assess-ment is that Mfalinowskiacquired a poorunderstandingof the Trobrianders.That thisshould then be the message of his diariesshould reassure rather than confound hisanthropologicalreaders. Much valuable in-formation and analysis can be conducted inthe absence of deep understanding. Mostimportant, Malinowski's own experiencesled to the discoveryof intensive participant-observer fieldwork.

16 Perhaps most striking is a lengthy and amus-ing passage in The Sexual Life of Savages (1929/1969:504-510) where Malinowski compares therealities of European sexual practices with whata man from Mars might elicit from a European in-formant about them, and then transfers the anal-ogy to the Trobriand situation. In this playfulcontrast, Malinowski is not counterpointing partic-ipation but emphasizing that "it is necessary tobecome acquainted directly with the behaviour ofthe native; and this can be done only through aknowledge of the language and through a prolongedresidence among the people."

BIBLIOGRAPHYBoas, Franz1911 Handbook of American Indian languages.Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Amer-ican Ethnology, Bulletin #40. Washington,D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.Burridge, Kenelm 0. L.1960 Mambu: A Melanesian Millennium. Lon-don: Methuen.Evans-Pritchard, E. E.1951 Social Anthropology. London: Cohn &West.Firth, Raymond1967 Introduction. Pp. xi-xix in Malinowski1967.

1957 Introduction: Malinowski as Scientist andlas man. Pp. 1-14 in Firth, ed. 1957/1964.ed.

1957 Man and Culture: An evaluation of thework of Bronislaw Malinowski. Reprinted:New York: Harper & Row, Torchbook1964.Geertz, Clifford1967 Under the Mosquito Net (review of Mal-inowski 1967 and of re-issuance of 1935[19651) New York Review of Books, vol.9, no. 4 (Sept. 14):12-13.Gihre, Paul1891 Three months in a workshop: a practicalstudy. Translated by A. B. Carr. London:

Swan Sonnenschein & Co. 1895.Hoebel, E. Adamson1967 Diary of Scientist Malinowski Not Meantfor Others' Eyes (review of Malinowski1967). Minneapolis Tribune, June 11.Hogbin, H. Ian1968 Review of Malinowski 1967. AmericanAnthropologist 70:575.


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TENTING WITH MALINOWSKI 13Krader, Lawrence1968 Bogoraz, Vladimir G.; Sternberg, Lev Y.,Jochelson, Vladimir. Pp. 116-119 in Vol. 2,International Encyclopedia of the SocialSciences, edited by David L. Sills. New

York: Free Press and Macmillan.Kardiner, Abram and Edward Preble1961 Bronislaw Malinowski: The Man of Songs.Pp. 160-168 in They Studied Man. Lon-don: Secker and Warburg.Lawrence, Peter1964 Road Belong Cargo. Manchester Uni-versity Press.Leach, Edmund R.1965 Introduction. Pp. vii-xvii in Soil-Tillingand Agricultural Rites in the TrobriandIslands (Coral Gardens and their Magic,Volume I) by Bronislaw Malinowski.Bloomington: Indiana University Press.Malinowski, Bronislaw1922 Argonauts of the Western Pacific. Re-printed, New York: E. P. Dutton, 1961.1926 Myth in primitive psychology. Reprintedpp. 93-148 in Magic, Science and Religionand Other Essays. New York: DoubledayAnchor, 1955.1926 Crime and custom in savage society.London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd.1929 The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western Melanesia. New York: Harcourt,

Brace & World, 1969.1935 Coral Gardens and Their Magic. 2 vols.(Reprinted with "Introduction" by Ed-mund R. Leach.) Bloomington: IndianaUniversity Press, 1965.1967 A Diary in the Strict Sense of the Term.Translated by Norbert Guterman. NewYork: Harcourt, Brace & World.Powdermaker, Hortense1966 Stranger and friend: the way of an anthro-pologist. New York: W. W. Norton andCo.1967 An Agreeable Man (response to Geertz1967). New York Review of Books, vol. 9,no. 8 (Nov. 9):36-37.

Rohner, Ronald P.1966 Franz Boas: Ethnographer on the North-west Coast. Pp. 149-212 in Pioneers ofAmerican Anthropology: The uses ofBiography, edited by June Helm. Seattle:University of Washington Press.Stocking, George W., Jr.1968 Empathy and Antipathy in the Heart ofDarkness: An Essay Review of Malinow-ski's Field Diaries. Journal of the Historyof the Behavioral Sciences 4 (2, April):189-94.

1969 Race, culture, and evolution: essays in thehistory of anthropology. New York: FreePress.

Symmons-Symonolewicz, Konstantin1958- Bronislaw Malinowski. Polish Review 3,

60 no. 4:55-76; 4, no. 4:17-45; 5, no. 1:53-65.

Vamb&ry, Arminius1865 Travels in Central Asia. NewYork: Harper

& Bros.Wax, Murray L.

1965 The tree of social knowledge. Psychiatry28:99-106.

1969 Myth and interrelationship in social sci-ence. Chapter 5, pp. 77-102 in Interdis-ciplinary relationships in the social sciences,edited by Muzafer Sherif and Carolyn W.Sherif. Chicago: Aldine.

Wax, Rosalie H.1971 Doing fieldwork: warnings and advice.

Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Webb, Beatrice Potter

1926 My Apprenticeship. New York: Long-mans, Green & Co.

Worsley, Peter1968 The Trumpet Shall Sound: A study of

"Cargo" cults in Melanesia. Second, aug-mented edition. New York: SchockenBooks SB 156.

x s10.4 tenting with ski

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