zukin sharon 2006, referencia de lloyd

3
Neo-Bohemia: Art and Commerce in the Postindustrial City Sharon Zukin Contemporary Sociology; Nov 2006; 35, 6; ProQuest Social Science Journals  pg. 598 598 Populattotl Communlties rul tbe Envlromnent on venue by outlining how the fmancial inter mediaries can support the production and preservation of quality, affordable housing (Michael Swack). Read this book and fall in love all over again. eferencea Hartman, C. 1975. Houstng nd Social Po/tcy. Bev- erly Hills, CA: Prentice Hall. Pynoos, ., R. Schaefer and C. Hartman. 1973. Houstng Urban Amerlca. Chicago, IL: Aldine. Pynoos, ., R. Schaefer, and C. Hartman. 1980. Houstng Urban Amerlca. Chicago, IL: Transac tion. Neo-Bohemia: rt and Commerce tn the Posttndustrlal Ctty by Richard Uoyd New York, NY: Routledge, 2006. $19.95 paper. ISBN: 0415951828. SH RON ZUK N Brooklyn CoUege and Ctty Untversity Graduate Center [email protected] Richard lloyd's study of the recent transfor mation o f Wicker Park, in Chicago, from a rundown, inner city neighborhood into a na tionally known avatar of hip culture spans three on-going debates. The flfSt debate con cerns the effects o f gentrification- discov ered in London fifty years ago, but rapidly spreading in many cities since then, with young, highly educated professionals moving into relatively cheap housing in the central city and quickly establishing entrepreneurial beachheads in living lofts, art galleries, music clubs, and bars. The second debate focuses on whe ther cities should cater to the cre ative cla ss, whos e t raining, occupations, and cultural capital overlap in part with those of gentrifiers, but who have the potential to spearhead urban economic revival. On both these issues-gentrification and the creative class- lloyd's study provides closely ob served documentation. Connecting with the third debate, however, pushes the book be yond the category of community studies. Neo-bohemia, as lloyd terms the concen and wait for new media projects or recording contracts to pay their rent: a Back-of-the Yards for the 21st century. Neo-Bohemia relates this neighborhood re-creat ion to the one-two punch of the post Fordist economy. First, the factory workers whose farnilies had lived in Wicker Park since the 1920s o r 1930 s began to move away in the 1970s-some to better neighborhoods and the suburbs, and others, especially the Latinos who had recently arrived, to regions that still offered industrial jobs. Second, the dynamic growth of college and art school graduates from the 1960s brought many young people to Chicago, where they settled down to pursue their creative vision, and gradually formed a visible community in the very areas the working class had left. Through interviews and participant-obser vation, lloyd shows how this community carne together during the 1990s. Young artists and musicians were drawn to Wicker Park because they couldn't afford to live in already gentrified neighborhoods nearby; be sir les, Wicker Park loo ked like the authen tic urban neighborhoods they had seen in movies and on 1V, and it was familiar to them as the location of The Real World o n M1V, which began production in 1992. Sorne o f them kn ew that the pre-eminent hipster of literary Chicago in the 1940s, Nelson Algren, had lived there. All of them found the area exotic, dangerous, and edgy: its combination o f ethnic diversity and capital disinvestment provided inspiration for aesthetic innovation aiming to go beyond mainstream commercial forms. By the time Rolling Stone said that one of the new neighborhood caf és was the coolest place [in Chicago] to suck down a cappuccino (p. 112), Wicker Park had be come a cool place to live. lloyd wisely insists that the growth of venues for cultural consumption was only one reason for the area's growth. Justas im- portant, Wicker Park became a post-indus trial production site (p. 43), wh ere artists ex changed services and honed skills that they would be able to sell in the new economy just taking shape. The Intemet's constant hunger for content, especially for the aes

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Page 1: Zukin Sharon 2006, Referencia de Lloyd

8/9/2019 Zukin Sharon 2006, Referencia de Lloyd

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/zukin-sharon-2006-referencia-de-lloyd 1/2

Neo-Bohemia: Art and Commerce in the Postindustrial CitySharon ZukinContemporary Sociology; Nov 2006; 35, 6; ProQuest Social Science Journals

 pg. 598

598 Populattotl Communlties rul tbe Envlromnent

chapter on social fmancing follows a similar

venue by outlining how the fmancial inter

mediaries can support the production and

preservation of quality, affordable housing

(Michael Swack).

Read this book and fall in love all over

again.

eferencea

Hartman, C. 1975.

Houstng nd Social Po/tcy. Bev-

erly Hills, CA: Prentice Hall.

Pynoos,

.,

R. Schaefer

and

C. Hartman. 1973.

Houstng Urban Amerlca. Chicago,

IL:

Aldine.

Pynoos, .,

R.

Schaefer, and

C.

Hartman. 1980.

Houstng Urban Amerlca. Chicago,

IL:

Transac

tion.

Neo-Bohemia:

rt and

Commerce

tn

the

Posttndustrlal

Ctty by Richard Uoyd New

York, NY: Routledge,

2006.

$19.95 paper.

ISBN: 0415951828.

SH RON

ZUK N

Brooklyn

CoUege and

Ctty Untversity

Graduate Center

[email protected]

Richard lloyd's study of the recent transfor

mation of Wicker Park, in Chicago, from a

rundown, inner city neighborhood into a na

tionally known avatar of hip culture spans

three on-going debates. The

flfSt

debate con

cerns the effects of gentrification- discov

ered in London fifty years ago, but rapidly

spreading in many cities since then, with

young, highly educated professionals moving

into relatively cheap housing in the central

city and quickly establishing entrepreneurial

beachheads in living lofts, art galleries, music

clubs, and bars. The second debate focuses

on whether cities should cater to the cre

ative class, whose training, occupations, and

cultural capital overlap in part with those of

gentrifiers, but who have the potential to

spearhead urban economic revival.

On

both

these issues-gentrification and the creative

class- lloyd's study provides closely ob

served documentation. Connecting with the

third

debate, however, pushes the book be

yond the category of community studies.

Neo-bohemia, as lloyd terms the concen

tration of creative digerati who moved to

Wicker Park during the 1990s' dot-com

boom,

is

a model

of

the post-industrial,

working-class neighborhood where young

Contemporary Socto/ogy 35 6

college graduates hang out, get inspiration,

and wait for new media projects

or

recording

contracts to pay their rent: a Back-of-the

Yards for the 21st century.

Neo-Bohemia

relates this neighborhood

re-creation to the one-two punch of the post

Fordist economy. First, the factory workers

whose farnilies had lived in Wicker Park

since the 1920s or 1930s began to move away

in the 1970s-some to better neighborhoods

and the suburbs, and others, especially the

Latinos

who

had recently arrived, to regions

that still offered industrial jobs. Second, the

dynamic growth

of

college and art school

graduates from the 1960s brought many

young people to Chicago, where they settled

down to pursue their creative vision, and

gradually formed a visible community in the

very areas the working class had left.

Through interviews and participant-obser

vation, lloyd shows how

this

community

carne together during the 1990s. Young

artists and musicians were drawn to Wicker

Park because they couldn't afford to live in

already gentrified neighborhoods nearby; be

sirles, Wicker Park looked like the authen

tic

urban neighborhoods they had seen in

movies and on 1V, and it was familiar to

them as the location of

The Real World

on

M1V, which began production in

1992.

Sorne

of

them knew that the pre-eminent hipster

of

literary Chicago in the 1940s, Nelson Algren,

had lived there.

All

of

them found the area

exotic, dangerous, and edgy:

its

combination

of ethnic diversity and capital disinvestment

provided inspiration for aesthetic innovation

aiming to go beyond mainstream commercial

forms.

By

the time Rolling Stone said that

one

of

the new neighborhood cafés was the

coolest place

[in

Chicago] to suck down a

cappuccino (p. 112), Wicker Park had be

come a cool place to live.

lloyd wisely insists that the growth of

venues for cultural consumption was only

one reason for the area's growth. Justas im-

portant, Wicker Park became a post-indus

trial production site (p. 43), where artists ex

changed services and honed skills that they

would be able to sell in the new economy

just taking shape. The Intemet's constant

hunger for content, especially for the aes

theticiz[ed) information (p. 220) so useful to

design fums, media corporations, and the ad

vertising industry, places a premium

on

the

kinds

of

cultural innovation at which the

new

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