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Zulfikar Ali Bhutto و ٹ ھ ب ی عل ار ق ف ل وا ذSubmitted To: Submitted By: Prof. Zafar uz Zaman Anjum

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Page 1: Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Leadership Preview

Zulfikar Ali Bhuttoبھٹو علی ذوالفقار

Submitted To: Submitted By:

Prof. Zafar uz Zaman Anjum Ata ul Hassnain

20th May,2014

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Biography:9th Prime Minister of Pakistan

(14 August 1973 – 5 July 1977)

4th President of Pakistan(20 December 1971 – 13 August 1973)

Speaker of the National Assembly(14 April 1972 – 15 August 1972)

Minister of Foreign Affairs(15 June 1963 – 31 August 1966)

Personal Details:

Born5 January 1928Larkana, Sind, British India(now in Pakistan)

Died4 April 1979 (aged 51)Rawalpindi, Pakistan

Political party Pakistan People's PartySpouse(s) Nusrat IspahaniRelations Bhutto family

Children

BenazirMurtazaSanamShahnawaz

Alma mater

University of Southern CaliforniaUniversity of California, BerkeleyChrist Church, OxfordInns of Court School of Law

Profession Lawyer, politicianReligion Islam

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Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (5 January 1928 – 4 April 1979) was the ninth Prime Minister of Pakistan (1973–77) and its fourth President (1971–73). Revered as Quaid-i-Awam (People's Leader), he founded the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and served as its Chairman until his execution in 1979.

Educated at the universities of Southern California and Oxford, Bhutto trained as a barrister at Lincoln's Inn in London. His political career began as a member of President Iskander Mirza's cabinet, before being assigned several ministries during the presidency of Field Marshal Ayub Khan from 1958. Appointed as Foreign Minister in 1963, Bhutto was a proponent of covert infiltration in Indian Kashmir, leading to war with India in 1965. An agreement brokered by the Soviet Union ended hostilities, but Bhutto fell out with Ayub and was dismissed from the government. After uniting the left-wing mass, Bhutto founded the PPP in 1967, and contested 1970 general election held by President Yahya Khan, Ayub's successor. The East Pakistani party Awami League surprisingly won a plurality of seats, but neither Yahya nor Bhutto were ready to cede power to them. Subsequent uprisings led to the 1971 secession of the East as Bangladesh, as Pakistan were defeated in a war against Bangladesh-allied India. Bhutto was handed the presidency in December 1971 and emergency was imposed.

By July 1972, President Bhutto had recovered ~93,000 prisoners of war and 5,000 square miles of Indian-held territory after signing the Simla Agreement with Indian premier Indira Gandhi. In foreign affairs, he strengthened ties with Soviet Union, China and Saudi Arabia, and recognised the sovereignty of Bangladesh. Domestically, Bhutto's reign saw parliament unanimously approve a new constitution in 1973, after which he endorsed Fazal Ilahi's bid for president, and assumed instead the newly empowered office of prime minister. He also played an integral role in initiating a Nuclear-Weapon Programme. His economic programme was based on the nationalization of much of Pakistan's fledgling industries, healthcare, and educational institutions; this led to severe economic stagnation. In an attempt to restore peace, Bhutto dissolved the Balochistan Assembly which was met with unrest; Bhutto subsequently ordered a military operation in the province in 1973, causing thousands of civilian casualties.

Early Life:

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was born into a Prominent Landowning Family of Sindh to Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto and Khursheed Begum near Larkana. His father was the dewan of the princely state of Junagadh, and enjoyed an influential relationship with the officials of the British Raj. As a young boy, Bhutto moved to Worli Seaface in Bombay to study at the Cathedral and John Connon School. He then also became an activist in the Pakistan Movement. In 1943, his marriage was arranged with Shireen Amir Begum. He later left her, however, in order to remarry. In 1947, Bhutto was admitted to the University of Southern California to study political science.

In 1949, as a sophomore, Bhutto transferred to the University of California, Berkeley, where he earned a B.A. (Honours) degree in political science in 1950. In June 1950, Bhutto travelled to the United Kingdom to study law at Christ Church, Oxford and received an LLB, followed by an

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LLM degree in Law and an M.Sc. (Honours) degree in political science.Upon finishing his studies, he was called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn in 1953.

Bhutto married his second wife, the Iranian-Kurdish Nusrat Ispahani, in Karachi on 8 September 1951. Their first child, Benazir, was born in 1953. She was followed by Murtaza in 1954, Sanam in 1957 and Shahnawaz in 1958. He accepted the post of lecturer at the Sindh Muslim College, from where he was also awarded an honorary doctorate in law by college president Hassanally A. Rahman before establishing himself in a legal practice in Karachi. He also took over the management of his family's estate and business interests after his father's death.

Political Career:

In 1957, Bhutto became the youngest member of Pakistan's delegation to the United Nations. He addressed the UN Sixth Committee on Aggression that October and led Pakistan's delegation to the first UN Conference on the Law of the Sea in 1958. In 1960, he was promoted to Minister of Commerce, Communications and Industry. Bhutto became trusted ally and advisor of Ayub Khan, rising in influence and power despite his youth and relative inexperience. Bhutto aided his president in negotiating the Indus Water Treaty in India in 1960 and next year negotiated an oil-exploration agreement with the Soviet Union, which agreed to provide economic and technical aid to Pakistan.

Bhutto was a Pakistani nationalist and socialist, with particular views on the type of democracy needed in Pakistan. On becoming foreign minister in 1963, his socialist viewpoint influenced him to embark on a close relationship with neighboring China. At the time, many other countries accepted Taiwan as the legitimate single government of China, at a time when two governments each claimed to be "China". In 1964, the Soviet Union and its satellite states broke off relations with Beijing over ideological differences, and only Albania and Pakistan supported the People's Republic of China. Bhutto staunchly supported Beijing in the UN, and in the UNSC, while also continuing to build bridges to the United States. Bhutto's strong advocacy of developing ties with China came under severe criticism from the United States. President Lyndon B. Johnson wrote to Ayub Khan demanding him to dismiss Bhutto and maintain ties only with the "free world". Bhutto addressed his speeches in a demagogic style and headed the foreign ministry aggressively. His leadership style and his swift rise to power brought him national prominence and popularity. Bhutto and his staff visited Beijing and were warmly received by the Chinese, and Bhutto greeted Mao Zedong with great respect. There, Bhutto helped Ayub negotiate trade and military agreements with the Chinese regime, which agreed to help Pakistan in several military and industrial projects.

Bhutto signed the Sino-Pakistan Boundary Agreement on 2 March 1963 that transferred 750 square kilometers of territory from Pakistan-administered Kashmir to Chinese control. Bhutto asserted his belief in non-alignment, making Pakistan an influential member in non-aligned

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organizations. Believing in pan-Islamic unity, Bhutto developed closer relations with the likes of Indonesia and Saudi Arabia. Bhutto significantly transformed Pakistan's hitherto pro-West foreign policy. While maintaining a prominent role for Pakistan within the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and the Central Treaty Organization, Bhutto began asserting a foreign policy course for Pakistan that was independent of U.S. influence. Meanwhile, Bhutto visited both East and West Germany and established a strong link between two countries. Bhutto preceded economical, technological, industrial and military agreements with Germany. Bhutto strengthened Pakistan's strategic alliance with Germany. Bhutto addressed a farewell speech at the University of Munich where he cited the importance of Pakistan and German relations. Bhutto then visited Poland and established diplomatic relations in 1962. Bhutto used Pakistan Air Force's Brigadier-General Władysław Turowicz to establish the military and economical link between Pakistan and Poland. Bhutto sought and reached to the Polish community in Pakistan and made a tremendous effort for fresh avenues for mutual cooperation.

During his term, Bhutto was known to be formulating aggressive geostrategic and foreign policies against India. In 1965, Bhutto's friend Munir Ahmad Khan informed him of the status of India's nuclear programme. Bhutto reportedly said, "Pakistan will fight, fight for a thousand years. If India builds the (atom) bomb (Pakistan) will eat grass or (leaves), even go hungry, but we (Pakistan) will get one of our own (atom bomb) We (Pakistan) have no other Choice!". In his 1969 book The Myth of Independence Bhutto argued that it was the necessity for Pakistan to acquire the fission weapon, and start a deterrence programme to be able to stand up to the industrialised states, and against a nuclear armed India. Bhutto obtained a manifesto and made a future policy on how the programme would be developed and which individual scientists would start the program. Bhutto selected Munir Ahmad Khan and Abdus Salam as the first and main basis of the programme.

Pakistan People’s Party:

Following his resignation as foreign minister, large crowds gathered to listen to Bhutto's speech upon his arrival in Lahore on 21 June 1967. Tapping a wave of anger against Ayub, Bhutto travelled across Pakistan to deliver political speeches. In October 1966 Bhutto made explicit the beliefs of his new party, "Islam is our faith, democracy is our policy, socialism is our economy. All power to the people." On 30 November 1967, at the Lahore residence of Mubashir Hassan, a gathering that included Bhutto, Bengali communist J. A. Rahim and Basit Jehangir Sheikh founded the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), establishing a strong base in Punjab, Sindh and amongst the Muhajirs.

Hassan, an engineering professor at UET Lahore, was the main brain and hidden hand behind the success and the rise of Bhutto. The PPP activists staged large protests and strikes in different parts of the country, increasing pressure on Ayub to resign. Dr. Hassan and Bhutto's were arrest on 12 November 1969, sparked greater political unrest. After his release, Bhutto, joined by key leaders of PPP, attended the Round Table Conference called by Ayub Khan in Rawalpindi, but

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refused to accept Ayub's continuation in office and the East-Pakistani politician Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Six point movement for regional autonomy.

Following Ayub's resignation, his successor, General Yahya Khan promised to hold parliamentary elections on 7 December 1970. Bhutto attracted the leftist and ultra-leftist forces, who gathered under his leadership, becoming the full sum of force. The Socialist-Communist mass, under Bhutto's leadership, intensified its support in Muhajir and poor farming communities in West Pakistan, working through educating people to cast their vote for their better future. Gathering and uniting the scattered socialist-Marxist mass in one single center was considered Bhutto's greatest political achievements and as its result, the leftist and Bhutto's party won a large number of seats from constituencies in West-Pakistan. However, Sheikh Mujib's Awami League won an absolute majority in the legislature, receiving more than twice as many votes as Bhutto's PPP. Bhutto refused to accept an Awami League government and famously promised to "break the legs" of any elected PPP member who dared to attend the inaugural session of the National Assembly. Capitalizing on West Pakistani fears of East Pakistani separatism, Bhutto demanded that Sheikh Mujib form a coalition with the PPP. According to terrorism expert Hamid Mir, Bhutto sent his most trusted companion to East Pakistan to meet with Mujib and his inner circle, played a major role convincing Mujib to meet Bhutto. After Dr. Hassan achieved this task, Bhutto and Mujib agreed upon a coalition government for the sake of keeping Pakistan united. Under the terms of the deal, Mujib would have become prime minister and Bhutto would have succeeded Yahya as president. Yahya was unaware of these talks, and both Bhutto and Mujib kept substantial pressure on Yahya Khan. After his own talks with Sheikh Mujib failed, Yahya postponed the opening session of the National Assembly and ordered an army action against Mujib. Amidst popular outrage in East Pakistan, Sheikh Mujib declared the independence of "Bangladesh". According to historical references and a report published by leading newspaper, "Mujib no longer believed in Pakistan and was determined to make Bangladesh", despite Bhutto's urged. His daughter Hasina Wajid has not accepted Pakistan from the core of heart even today. As long as she is the prime minister, relations between Bangladesh and Pakistan cannot normalise, The Nation noted.

Bhutto was the country's first civilian chief martial law administrator since 1958, as well as the country's first civilian president.With Bhutto assuming the control, the leftists and democratic socialists entered in county's politics, later emerged as power players in country's politics. And, for the first time in country's history, the leftists and democratic socialists had a chance to administer the country with popular vote and wide approved exclusive mandate, given to them by the West's population in the 1970s elections.

President of Pakistan:

A Pakistan International Airlines flight was sent to fetch Bhutto from New York, who at that time was presenting Pakistan's case before the United Nations Security Council on the East Pakistan Crises. Bhutto returned home on 18 December 1971. On 20 December, he was taken to the President House in Rawalpindi where he took over two positions from Yahya Khan, one as

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President and the other as first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator, thus he was the first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator of the dismembered Pakistan. By the time Bhutto had assumed control of what remained of Pakistan, the nation was completely isolated, angered, and demoralized. As President, Bhutto addressed the nation via radio and television, saying:

“My dear countrymen, my dear friends, my dear students, laborers, peasants... those who fought for Pakistan... We are facing the worst crisis in our country's life, a deadly crisis. We have to pick up the pieces, very small pieces, but we will make a new Pakistan, a prosperous and progressive Pakistan, a Pakistan free of exploitation, a Pakistan envisaged by the Quaid-e-Azam”

—Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, 1971.

As president, Bhutto faced mounting challenges in both internal and foreign fronts. The trauma was severe in Pakistan, a psychological setback and emotional breakdown for Pakistan. The two-nation theory—the theoretical basis for the creation of Pakistan—lay discredited, and Pakistan's foreign policy collapsed when no moral support was found anywhere, including longstanding allies such as the U.S. and China. Since her creation, the physical and moral existence of Pakistan was in great danger. On the internal front, Baloch, Sindhi and Pashtun nationalisms were at their peak, calling for their independence from Pakistan. Finding it difficult to keep Pakistan united, Bhutto launched full-fledged intelligence and military operations to stamp out any separatist movement. By the end of 1978, these nationalist organizations were brutally quelled by Pakistan Armed Forces.

Bhutto immediately placed Yahya Khan under house arrest, brokered a ceasefire and ordered the release of Sheikh Mujib, who was held prisoner by the Pakistan Army. To implement this, Bhutto reversed the verdict of Mujib's earlier court-martial trial, in which Brigadier-General Rahimuddin Khan had sentenced Mujib to death. Appointing a new cabinet, Bhutto appointed Lieutenant-General Gul Hasan as Chief of Army Staff. On 2 January 1972 Bhutto announced the nationalization of all major industries, including iron and steel, heavy engineering, heavy electrical, petrochemicals, cement and public utilities. A new labor policy was announced increasing workers' rights and the power of trade unions. Although he came from a feudal background himself, Bhutto announced reforms limiting land ownership and a government take-over of over a million acres to distribute to landless peasants. More than 2,000 civil servants were dismissed on charges of corruption. Bhutto also dismissed the military chiefs on 3 March after they refused orders to suppress a major police strike in Punjab. He appointed General Tikka Khan as the new Chief of the Army Staff in March 1972 as he felt the General would not interfere in political matters and would concentrate on rehabilitating the Pakistan Army. Bhutto convened the National Assembly on 14 April, rescinded martial law on 21 April and charged the legislators with writing a new constitution.

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Bhutto visited India to meet Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and negotiated a formal peace agreement and the release of 93,000 Pakistani prisoners of war. The two leaders signed the Shimla Agreement, which committed both nations to establish a new-yet-temporary Line of Control in Kashmir and obligated them to resolve disputes peacefully through bilateral talks Bhutto also promised to hold a future summit for the peaceful resolution of the Kashmir dispute and pledged to recognise Bangladesh. Although he secured the release of Pakistani soldiers held by India, Bhutto was criticised by many in Pakistan for allegedly making too many concessions to India. It is theorised that Bhutto feared his downfall if he could not secure the release of Pakistani soldiers and the return of territory occupied by Indian forces.Bhutto established an atomic power development programme and inaugurated the first Pakistani atomic reactor, built in collaboration with Canada in Karachi on 28 November. On 30 March 59 military officers were arrested by army troops for allegedly plotting a coup against Bhutto, who appointed then-Brigadier Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq to head a military tribunal to investigate and try the suspects. The National Assembly approved the new 1973 Constitution, which Bhutto signed into effect on 12 April. The constitution proclaimed an "Islamic Republic" in Pakistan with a parliamentary form of government. On 10 August, Bhutto turned over the post of president to Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry, assuming the office of prime minister instead.

Prime Minister of Pakistan:

After the promulgation of the 1973 Constitution, the elections for the President, Prime Minister, Chairman of Senate of Senate—the upper house of Pakistan Parliament—Speaker, and Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly—the Lower house of Parliament of Pakistan—were to be undertaken. The 1973 Constitution had adopted a federal parliamentary system for the country in which the President was only a figurehead and the administrative power play with the Prime Minister.

Bhutto was sworn in as the Prime Minister of the country on 14 August 1973, after he had secured 108 votes in a house of 146 members. Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was elected as the President under the new Constitution. During his five years of government, the Bhutto government made extensive reforms at every level of government. Pakistan's capital and Western reforms that were began to take place and built in 1947 throughout the 1970s, were transformed and replaced with Socialist system. His policies were seen people friendly, but it did not produce long lasting effects as the civil disorder against Bhutto began to take place in 1977. Amid political distress and intensified law and order situation had badly shaken his reforms, and his credibility was diminished as his rivals both in Sindh and Punjab Provinces had tirelessly worked.

Constitutional reforms

Bhutto is considered the main architect of 1973 constitution as part of his vision to put Pakistan to road to parliamentary democracy. One of the major achievement in Bhutto's life was drafting of Pakistan's first ever consensus constitution to the country. Bhutto supervised the promulgation of 1973 constitution that triggered an unstoppable constitutional revolution through his politics

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wedded to the emancipation of the downtrodden masses, by first giving people a voice in the Parliament, and introducing radical changes in the economic sphere for their benefit.

Domestic reforms

The Bhutto Government carried out a number of reforms in the industrial sector. His reforms were twofold; nationalization, and the improvement of workers' rights. In the first phase, basic industries like steel, chemical and cement were nationalized. This was done in 1972. The next major step in nationalization took place on 1 January 1974, when Bhutto nationalized all banks. The last step in the series was the most shocking; it was the nationalization of all flour, rice and cotton mills throughout the country. This nationalization process was not as successful as Bhutto expected. Most of the nationalized units were small businesses that could not be described as industrial units, hence making no sense for the step that was taken. Consequently, a considerable number of small businessmen and traders were ruined, displaced or rendered unemployed. In the concluding analysis, nationalization caused colossal loss not only to the national treasury but also to the people of Pakistan.

Land, Food and Agriculture Reforms

During his period as the Prime Minister, a number of land reforms were also introduced. The important land reforms included the reduction of land ceilings and introducing the security of tenancy to tenant farmers. The land ceiling was fixed to 150 acres (0.61 km) of irrigated land and 300 acres (1.2 km) of non-irrigated land. Another step that Bhutto took was to democratize Pakistan's Civil Service. In Baluchistan, the pernicious practice of Shishak and Sardari System was abolished. In 1976, the Bhutto government carried out the establishment of Federal Flood Commission (FFC), and was tasked to prepare national flood protection plans, and flood forecasting and research to harness floodwater. Bhutto later went onto to upgrade numbers of dams and barrages built in Sindh Province

Economic policy

Bhutto introduced socialist economics policies while working to prevent any further division of the country. Major heavy mechanical, chemical, and electrical engineering industries were immediately nationalized by Bhutto, and all of the industries came under direct control of government. Industries, such as KESC were under complete government control with no private influence in KESC decision. Bhutto abandoned Ayub Khan's state capitalism policies, and introduced socialist policies in a move to reduce the rich get richer and poor get poorer ratio. Bhutto also established the Port Qasim, Pakistan Steel Mills, the Heavy Mechanical Complex (HMC) and several cement factories. However, the growth rate of economy relative to that of the 1960s when East Pakistan was still part of Pakistan and large generous aid from the United State declined, after the global oil crises in 1973, which also had a negative impact on the economy. Despite the initiatives undertaken by Bhutto's government to boost the country's economy, the economical growth remained at equilibrium level. But Bhutto's policy largely benefited the poor and working class when the level of absolute poverty was sharply reduced, with the percentage of the population estimated to be living in absolute poverty falling from 46.50% by the end of

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1979–80, under the General Zia-ul-Haq's military rule, to 30.78%.The land reform programme provided increased economic support to landless tenants, and development spending was substantially increased, particularly on health and education, in both rural and urban areas, and provided "material support" to rural wage workers, landless peasants, and urban wage workers.

Banking and Export expansion

Banking reforms were introduced to provide more opportunities to small farmers and business such as forcing banks to ensure 70% of institutional lending should be for small land holders of 12.5 acres or less, which was a revolutionary idea at a time when banks only clients where the privileged classes. The number of bank branches rose by 75% from December 1971 to November 1976, from 3,295 to 5,727. It was one of the most radical moves made by Bhutto, and the Bank infrastructure was expanded covering all towns and villages with a population of 5,000 in accordance with targets set after the nationalization of banks.

By end of the Bhutto government concentration of wealth had declined compared to height of the Ayub Khan era when 22 families owned 66% of industrial capital, and also controlled banking and 97% of insurance.

Balochistan Military operation

Following the secession of East Pakistan, calls for the independence of Balochistan by Baloch nationalists grew immensely. Surveying the political instability, Bhutto's central government sacked two provincial governments within six months, arrested the two chief ministers, two governors and forty-four MNAs and MPAs, obtained an order from the Supreme Court banning the National People's Party on the recommendation of Akbar Bugti, and charged everyone with high treason to be tried by a specially constituted Hyderabad tribunal of handpicked judges.

Iraqi intervention

Iraq under Sunni President Saddam Hussain deliberately sent Iraqi made weapons through Pakistan's warm water ports. The Pakistan Navy mounted an effective blockade. Saddam Hussein's government provided support for Baluchi separatists in Pakistan, hoping that their conflict would spread into rival Iran. In 1973, Iraq provided the Baluchis with conventional arms, and it opened an office for the Baluchistan Liberation Front (BLF) in Baghdad. This operation was supposed to be covert, but in 1973, the operation was exposed by M.I. when senior separatist leader Akbar Bugti defected to Bhutto, revealing series of arms stored in Iraqi Embassy. On the midnight of 9 February 1973, Bhutto launched an operation to seized control of Iraqi Embassy, and preparation for siege was hastily prepared. This operation was highly risky and any wrong step during this operation would attempt to start an international diplomatic incident between two countries. The operation was carefully analyzed and at 0:00hrs (12:00 am), the SSG Division, accompanied by Army Rangers stormed the Embassy, and the Military Police arrested the Iraqi Ambassador, his military attach, and his diplomatic staff. Following this

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incident, authorities discovered 300 Soviet submachine guns with 50,000 rounds of ammunitions and large amount of money that was to be distributed amongst Baluchi separatist groups. Bhutto was angered and frustrated, without demanding any explanations, Bhutto ordered the Military Police to immediately expel the Iraqi Ambassador and his staff as personae non-gratae, with any given available flight.

Passport reforms

Bhutto government gave the right of a passport to every citizen of Pakistan and facilitated millions of skilled and non-skilled Pakistanis to seek employment in the Middle Eastern countries through a signing a number combination of bilateral agreements. From Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, alone 35,000 workers were given the opportunity to work in the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Bhutto used the Pakistani community of London to lobby and influence European governments to improve the rights of expatriate Pakistani communities in Europe. The remittances from overseas Pakistanis, which are now in the vicinity of $25 billion p.a , constitute a dependable source of foreign exchange for Pakistan.

Foreign policy

After assuming power, Bhutto sought to diversify Pakistan's relations away from the United States and, soon Pakistan left CENTO and SEATO. Bhutto developed close and strengthened the Arab relations, and Sino-Pak relations. Bhutto in believed an independent Foreign Policy which had hitherto been the hand maiden of the Western Power, particularly independent from the United States' sphere of influence. With Bhutto as Foreign minister, and Prime minister, Pakistan and Iran had cemented a special relationship, as Iran had provided military assistance to Pakistan. The Sino-Pak relations were immensely improved, and Pakistan, under Bhutto, had built a strategic relationship with People's Republic of China, when PRC was isolated. In 1974, Bhutto hosted the second Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in 1974 where he delegated and invited leaders from the Muslim world to Lahore, Punjab Province of Pakistan. Bhutto was a strong advocate of Afro-Asian Solidarity and had cemented ties with Afro-Asian and Islamic countries and by 1976 had emerged as the Leader of the Third World.

Arab world and Israel

Bhutto sought to improve Pakistan's ties with the Arab world, and sided with the Arab world during the Arab-Israeli conflict. Colonel Gaddafi of former Socialist Libya considered Bhutto as one of his greatest inspirations and was said to be very fond of Bhutto's intellectualism. In 1973, during the Yom Kippur War, Pakistan's relations with the Arab world represented a watershed. In both Pakistan and the Arab world, Pakistan's swift, unconditional and forthright offer of assistance to the Arab states was deeply appreciated.

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Father of the Nuclear Weapons Program:

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the founder of Pakistan's atomic bomb programme, and due to his administrative and aggressive leadership to lead this nuclear deterrence programme, Bhutto is often known as Father of Nuclear deterrence programme. Bhutto's interest in nuclear technology was said to be began during his college years in the United States when Bhutto attended the course of political science, discussing political impact of U.S.'s first nuclear test, Trinity, on Global politics. While at Berkeley, Bhutto witnessed the public panic when the Soviet Union first exploded the bomb, codename First Lightning in 1949, prompting the U.S. government to famously launch the research on Hydrogen bombs. However, in 1958 when long before as Minister for Fuel, Power, and National Resources, Bhutto played a key role in setting up of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) administrative research bodies and institutes. Soon, Bhutto offered a technical post to Munir Ahmad Khan in PAEC in 1958, and lobbied for Abdus Salam as being appointed as Science Adviser in 1960. Before elevated as Foreign minister, Bhutto directed the funds for key research in nuclear weapons and its related science.

In October 1965, as Foreign Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto visited Vienna where nuclear engineer Munir Ahmad Khan working at a senior technical post at the IAEA, informed him of the status of Indian nuclear programme and the options Pakistan had to develop its own nuclear capability. Both agreed on the need for Pakistan to develop a nuclear deterrent to meet India's nuclear capacity. While, Munir Ahmad Khan had failed to convince Ayub Khan, Bhutto had said to Munir Ahmad Khan: Don't worry, our turn will come. Shortly, after the 1965 war, Bhutto in a press conference, famously declared that "even if we have to eat grass, we will make nuclear bomb. We have no other choice." as he saw India was making its way to develop the bomb. In 1965, Bhutto lobbied for Salam and succeeded to appoint Salam as the head of Pakistan's delegation at IAEA, and helped Salam to lobby for acquiring of the nuclear power plants. In November 1972, Bhutto advised Salam to travel to United States to evade the war, and advised him to return with a key literature on nuclear history. By the end week of December 1972, Salam returned to Pakistan, loaded with literature on Manhattan Project, in his huge suit cases. In 1974, Bhutto launched a more aggressive and serious diplomatic offense on the United States and the Western world over the nuclear issues. Writing to the world and Western leaders, Bhutto made it clear and maintained.

Shortly, roughly two weeks past after experiencing the 1971 winter war, on 20 January 1972, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto rallied a conference of nuclear scientists and engineers at Multan. While at the Multan meeting, arranged by Bhutto's Science Advisor Abdus Salam, scientists were wondering why the President who had so much on his hands in those trying days was paying so much attention to the scientists and engineers in the nuclear field. At the meeting Bhutto slowly talked about the recent war and country's future, pointing out the existence of the country was in great moral danger. While the academicians listened to Bhutto carefully, Bhutto said: "Look, we're going to have the bomb". Bhutto asked them: "Can you give it to me? And how long will it take it to make a bomb?" Many of senior scientists had witnessed the war, and were emotionally and psychologically disturbed; therefore, the response was positive when the senior academic scientists replied: "Oh...Yes. Yes... You can have it." There was a lively debate on the time needed to make the bomb, and finally one scientist dared to say that maybe it could be done in

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five years. Prime Minister Bhutto smiled, lifted his hand, and dramatically thrust forward three fingers and said: "Three years, I want it in three years". The atmosphere suddenly became electric. It was then that one of the junior scientist dr. S.A.Butt (a theoretical physicist), who under Munir Ahmad Khan's guiding hand would come to play a major role in making the fission weapon possible – jumped to his feet and clamored for his leader's attention. Dr. S.A Butt replied: "It can be done in three years". When Bhutto heard Butt's reply, Bhutto was very much amused and said: "Well.... Much as I appreciate your enthusiasm, this is a very serious political decision, which Pakistan must make, and perhaps all Third World countries must make one day, because it is coming. So can you boys do it?" Nearly all senior scientists replied in one tone: Yes... We can do it, given the resources and given the facilities". Bhutto ended the meeting by simply saying: "I shall find you the resources and I shall find you the facilities"

Before the 1970s, the nuclear deterrence was long established under the government of Suhrawardy, but was completely peaceful and devoted for civil power. Bhutto, in his book The Myth of Independence in 1969 wrote that:

If Pakistan restricts or suspends her nuclear deterrence, it would not only enable India to blackmail Pakistan with her nuclear advantage, but would impose a crippling limitation on the development of Pakistan's science and technology.... Our problem in its essence is how to obtain such a weapon in time before the crisis begins...

After India's nuclear test – codename Smiling Buddha—in May 1974, Bhutto sensed and saw this test as final anticipation for Pakistan's death. In a press conference, held shortly after India's nuclear test, Bhutto said, "India's nuclear program is designed to intimidate Pakistan and establish "hegemony in the subcontinent". Despite Pakistan limited financial resources, Bhutto was so enthusiastic about Pakistan nuclear energy project, that he is reported to have said "Pakistanis will eat grass but make a nuclear bomb."

Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission's militarization was initiated in 20 January 1972 and, in its initial years, was implemented by Pakistan Army's Chief of Army Staff General Tikka Khan. The Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP-I) was inaugurated by Bhutto during his role as President of Pakistan at the end of 1972. The nuclear weapons programme was set up loosely based on Manhattan Project of the 1940s under the administrative control of Bhutto. And, senior academic scientists had a direct access to Bhutto, who kept him informed about every inch of the development. Bhutto's Science Advisor, Abdus Salam's office was also sat up in Bhutto's Prime Minister Secretariat. On Bhutto's request, Salam had established and led the Theoretical Physics Group (TPG) that marked the beginning of the nuclear deterrent programme. The TPG designed and developed the nuclear weapons as well as the entire programme. Later, Munir Ahmad Khan had him personally approved the budget for the development of the programme.

Wanting a capable administrator, Bhutto sought Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan to chair the commission, which Rahimuddin declined, in 1971. Instead, in January 1972, Bhutto chose a U.S. trained nuclear engineer Munir Ahmad Khan as chairman of Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) as Bhutto realised that he would wanted an administrator who understood the scientific and economical needs of this technologically giant and ambitious programme. Since 1965, Khan had developed extremely close and trusted relationship with Bhutto, and even

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after his death, Benazir and Murtaza Bhutto were instructed by their father to keep in touch with Munir Ahmed Khan. In spring of 1976, Kahuta Research Facility, then known as Engineering Research Labouratories (ERL), as part of codename Project-706, was also established by Bhutto, and brought under nuclear scientist dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan and the Pakistan Army Corps of Engineers' Lieutenant-General Zahid Ali Akbar.

Because Pakistan, under Bhutto, was not a signatory or party of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), Commissariat à l'énergie atomique (CEA), and British Nuclear Fuels (BNFL) had immediately cancelled fuel reprocessing plant projects with PAEC. And, according to Causar Nyäzie, the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission officials had misled Bhutto and he sought on a long journey to try to get Nuclear fuel reprocessing plant from France. It was on the advice of A.Q. Khan that no fuel existed to reprocess and urged Bhutto to follow his pursuit of uranium enrichment. Bhutto tried to show he was still interested in that expensive route and was relieved when Kissinger persuaded the French to cancel the deal. Bhutto had trusted Munir Ahmad Khan's plans to develop the programme ingeniously, and the mainstream goal of showing such interest in French reprocessing plant was to give time to PAEC scientists to gain expertise in building its own reprocessing plants. By the time France's CEA cancelled the project, the PAEC had acquired 95% of the detailed plans of the plant and materials.

By the time Bhutto was ousted, this crash programme had fully matured in terms of technical development as well as scientific efforts. By the 1977, PAEC and KRL had built their uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing plants, and selection for test sites, at Chagai Hills, was done by the PAEC. The feasibility reports were submitted by both organizations on their works. In 1977, the PAEC's Theoretical Physics Group had finished the designing of the first fission weapon, and KRL scientists succeeded in electromagnetic isotope separation of Uranium fissile isotopes. In spite of this, still little had been done in the development of weapons, and Pakistan's nuclear arsenal were actually made by General Zia-ul-Haq's military regime, under the watchful eyes of several Naval admirals, Army and Air Force's generals including Ghulam Ishaq Khan. In 1983, Bhutto's decision later proved to be right, when PAEC had conducted a cold test, near Kirana Hills, evidently made from non-fissioned plutonium. It has been speculated recently in the press that Dr. Khan's uranium enrichment designs were used by the Chinese in exchange for (UF6) and some highly enriched weapons grade uranium. Later on this weapons grade uranium was offered back to the Chinese as the Pakistanis used their own materials. In all, Bhutto knew that Pakistan had become nuclear weapon state in 1978 when his friend Munir Ahmad Khan paid a visit to him in his jail cell. There, Munir Ahmad Khan told Bhutto that the process of weapon designing is finished and a milestone in the complex and difficult enrichment of weapon-grade fuel has been achieved by the PAEC and dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan of ERL. Bhutto called for an immediate nuclear test to be conducted, no response was issued by General Zia or any member of his government.

Furthermore, in a thesis written in The Myth of Independence, Bhutto argued that nuclear weapons would allow India to use its [Air Force] warplanes that with the use of small battlefield nuclear devices against the Pakistan Army cantonments, armored and infantry columns and PAF bases and nuclear and military industrial facilities. The Indian Air Force would not meet with an adverse reaction from the world community as long as civilian casualties could be kept to a

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minimum. This way, India would defeat Pakistan, force it’s Armed Forces into a humiliating surrender and occupy and annex the Northern Areas of Pakistan and Azad Kashmir. India would then carve up Pakistan into tiny states based on ethnic divisions and that would be the end of the “Pakistan problem” once and for all.

We (Pakistan)..... know that (Israel) and (South Africa) have full nuclear capability—a Christian, Jewish and Hindu civilization have this [nuclear] capability ... the Islamic civilization is without it, but the situation (is) about to change!...

—Zulfikar Ali Bhutto—called for a test from his jail cell, 1978, 

Decline: Popular Unrest

Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing unpopularity as his term progressed. Initially targeting the opposition leader Abdul Wali Khan and his National Awami Party (NAP), a democratic socialist party, the socialist and communist mass who gathered under Bhutto's leadership began to disintegrate, thus dividing and allying with secular fronts. Despite the ideological similarity of the two parties, clashes between them became increasingly fierce. This started with the federal government's ousting of the NAP provincial government in Balochistan for alleged secessionist activities, and ended with the ban on the NAP. Subsequently much of the NAP top leadership was arrested, after Bhutto's confidant Hyatt Scherpaoi was killed in a Peshawar bomb blast. Another notable figure, Chief Justice Hamoodur Rahman died due to a cardiac arrest while in the office. Between the 1974 and 1976, many of Bhutto's original members had left Bhutto due to political differences or natural death causes. In 1974, Bhutto's trusted Science Advisor Abdus Salam also left Pakistan when Parliament declared Ahmadiyyah Muslims as non-Muslims. With Salam's departure, the research on nuclear weapons slowed down the progress as Dr. Mubashir Hassan, now Bhutto's appointed Science Advisor, would focus on politics more than the science research. Many civil bureaucrats and military officers loyal to Bhutto were replaced by new faces. Bhutto founded himself with new advisers and collaborators.

Military Coup

On 3 July 1977, then-Major-General K.M. Arif secretly met with Bhutto on emergence, revealing the planning of coup has been taking in the General Combatant Headquarters (GHQ). At this secret meeting, General Arif stressed Bhutto to "rush the negotiation with the PNA, before it’s too late". Intensifying political and civil disorder prompted Bhutto to hold talks with PNA leaders, which culminated in an agreement for the dissolution of the assemblies and fresh elections under a form of government of national unity. However on 5 July 1977 Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops under the order of General Zia. It is generally believed that the coup took place on the pretext of unrest despite Bhutto having reached an

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agreement with the opposition. Bhutto had a very good intelligence in the deep circles of Army, and many officers such as Major-General Tajamül Hussain Malik were loyal to Bhutto and supported him till the end. However, General Zia-ul-Haq signed a training programme act with the officers from Special Air Service (SAS).

General Zia-ul-Haq ordered many of Bhutto's loyal officers to attend the first course. The teaching of senior officers was delayed until the midnight. None of the officers were allowed to let away from classes till late in the evening before coup. During this time, arrangements for the coup were made.

Arrests and Trial

On 5 July 1977 the military, led by General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, staged a coup. Zia relieved Prime Minister Bhutto of power, holding him in detention for a month. Zia pledged that new elections would be held in 90 days. He kept postponing the elections and publicly retorted during successive press conferences that if the elections were held in the presence of Bhutto his party would not return to power again.

Upon his release, Bhutto travelled the country amid adulatory crowds of PPP supporters. He used to take the train travelling from the south to the north and on the way, would address public meetings at different stations. Several of these trains were late, some by days, in reaching their respective destinations and as a result Bhutto was banned from travelling by train. The last visit he made to the city of Multan in the province of Punjab marked the turning point in Bhutto's political career and ultimately, his life. In spite of the administration's efforts to block the gathering, the crowd was so large that it became disorderly, providing an opportunity for the administration to declare that Bhutto, along with Dr. Hassan, had been taken into custody because the people were against him and it had become necessary to protect him from the masses for his own safety.

When Bhutto began his testimony on 25 January 1978, Chief Justice Maulvi Mushtaq closed the courtroom to all observers. Bhutto responded by refusing to say any more. Bhutto demanded a retrial, accusing the Chief Justice of bias, after Mushtaq allegedly insulted Bhutto's home province. The court refused his demand

Death Sentence and Appeal

On 18 March 1978, Bhutto was not declared guilty of murder but was sentenced to death. On 12 March 1978, Bhutto's former Legal Minister, A.H. Per-Zadah petitioned the Supreme Court for the release of Bhutto's Science Adviser Dr. Mubashir Hassan and to review the death sentence to Bhutto based on the split decision. The Supreme Court denied Dr. Hassan's release as he was held by Military Police but agreed to listen to the arguments. During 12 days of proceedings, the Supreme Court concluded that the President of Pakistan can change death sentence into life imprisonment. Per-Zadah filed an application to then-Chief Martial Law Administrator. However, General Zia-ul-Haq did not act immediately and claimed that the application had gone missing.

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Emotionally shattered, Perzafa informed Bhutto about the development and General Zia-ul-Haq's intention. Therefore, Bhutto did not seek an appeal. While he was transferred to a cell in Rawalpindi central jail, his family appealed on his behalf, and a hearing before the Supreme Court commenced in May. Bhutto was given one week to prepare. Bhutto issued a thorough rejoinder to the charges, although Zia blocked its publication. Chief Justice S. Anwarul Haq adjourned the court until the end of July 1978, supposedly because five of the nine appeal court judges were willing to overrule the Lahore verdict. One of the pro-Bhutto judges was due to retire in July.

Chief Justice S. Anwarul Haq presided over the trial, despite being close to Zia, even serving as Acting President when Zia was out of the country. Bhutto's lawyers managed to secure Bhutto the right to conduct his own defence before the Supreme Court. On 18 December 1978, Bhutto made his appearance in public before a packed courtroom in Rawalpindi. By this time he had been on death row for 9 months and had gone without fresh water for the previous 25 days. He addressed the court for four days, speaking without notes.

“I did not kill that man. My God is aware of it. I am big enough to admit if I had done it, that admission would have been less of an ordeal and humiliation than this barbarous trial which no self respecting man can endure. I am a Muslim. A Muslim's fate is in the hands of God Almighty. I can face Him with a clear conscience and tell Him that I rebuilt His Islamic State of Pakistan from ashes into a respectable Nation. I am entirely at peace with my conscience in this black hole of Kot Lakhpat. I am not afraid of death. You have seen what fires I have passed through”

—Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, My Dearest Daughter: A letter from Death Cell. ,

Re-opening of Bhutto Trial

The Governing party, PPP has filed a reference on 2 April 2011, to reopen Bhutto's trial, after 32 years past since Bhutto's death. Iftikhar Ahmad, Bhutto's former Media adviser, ran series of interviews of those personalities who played a major and controversial role in Bhutto's death which eventually promoted the PPP's to open the trial. This move was initiated by the Federal Cabinet and backed by the Provincial Government of Punjab led by Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif. President Asif Ali Zardari consented to this presidential reference Article 186 of the Constitution to Supreme Court which took up the reference on 13 April 2011. Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry is presiding the three-judge-bench, though it may be expanded with law experts from four provinces of Pakistan, and Babar Awan, Federal minister for Law, is counselling Bhutto's case. Babar Awan has resigned from his ministry post in order to legally counsel the ZAB's case, while Chief Justice Chaudhry praised and appreciated the move by the senior PPP leader and remarked the gesture as "historic". In a crucial advancement, Supreme Court of Pakistan has ordered to form Larger Bench to hear the case which would be responsible to decide the status of Bhutto's execution. After suspension of Babar Awan the case was adjourned.

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LegacyBhutto remains a controversial and largely discussed figure in Pakistan. While he was hailed for his nationalism, Bhutto was roundly criticized for intimidating his political opponents. By the time Bhutto was given the control of his country in 1971, Pakistan was torn apart, isolated, demoralized, and emotionally shattered after a psychological and bitter defeat at the hands of its bitter rival India. His political rivals had blamed his socialist policies for slowing down Pakistan's economic progress, as they caused poor productivity and high costs. However Bhutto and co countered that they were merely addressing the massive inequality built up over the Ayub Khan years.

Bhutto is blamed by some quarters for causing the Bangladesh Liberation War. In 1977, General Zia-ul-Haq released former general Yahya Khan from prison and his Lieutenant-General Fazle Haq gave him the honorary guard of honor when the former general died in 1980. After being released from house arrest after the 1977 coup Yahya said, "It was Bhutto, not Mujib, who broke Pakistan. Bhutto's stance in 1971 and his stubbornness harmed Pakistan's solidarity much more than Sheikh Mujib's six-point demand. It was his high ambitions and rigid stance that led to rebellion in East Pakistan. He riled up the Bengalis and brought an end to Pakistan's solidarity. East Pakistan broke away." Other army men who lay blame for 1971 at Bhutto's feet include future President Pervez Musharraf and East Pakistan's former Martial Law Administrator Syed Mohammad Ahsan. Bhutto is also often criticized for human-rights abuses in Balochistan by hardliner Islamists as well as conservatives. Bhutto's actions during the 1970s operation in Balochistan are also criticized for failing to bring about a lasting peace in the region.

Bhutto's international image is more positive, casting him as a secular internationalist. Domestically, despite the criticism, Bhutto still remains Pakistan's most popular leader. During his premiership, Bhutto succeeded in uniting all the parties in getting the 1973 constitution enacted. His determined and aggressive embrace of nuclear weapons for Pakistan has made him regarded as the father of Pakistan's nuclear-deterrence programme, which he pursued in spite of Pakistan's limited financial resources and strong opposition from the United States. In 2006, The Atlantic described Bhutto as demagogic and extremely populist, but still Pakistan's greatest civilian leader. Even though Henry Kissinger developed differences with Bhutto, in his 1979 memoir White House Years he conceded that Bhutto was "brilliant, charming, of global stature in his perception, a man of extraordinary abilities, capable of drawing close to any country that served Pakistan`s national interests".

While, Bhutto's former Law Minister Mairaj Muhammad Khan described Bhutto as "a great man but cruel". His family remained active and influential in politics, with first his wife and then his daughter becoming leader of the PPP political party. His eldest daughter, Benazir Bhutto, was twice Prime minister of Pakistan, and was assassinated on 27 December 2007, while campaigning for 2008 elections. While his son, Murtaza Bhutto, served as the Member Parliament of Pakistan, and was also assassinated in a controversial police encounter.

Roedad Khan, former statesman who served under Bhutto, further wrote in his book, "Pakistan—A dream gone sour", that "after 1971, Bhutto started extremely well, bringing the isolated,

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angered, apprehended, and dismembered nation back into her feet and gave the respectable place in the world, in a shortest period... With a gift of giving the nation a parliamentary system and furthermore the ambitious successful development of atomic bomb programme in a record time, are his greatest achievements in his life, for Pakistan and her people, but sadly deteriorated at the end". Bhutto remains highly influential in country's public, scientific, and political circles; his name yet continues to resonate in Pakistan’s collective memory.

With all the criticism and opposition, Bhutto remained highly influential and respected figure even after his death. In 2011, in a gallop survey managed and taken by Dawn, Bhutto was voted and listed as Pakistan's one of the few greatest leader, and came in second place while Jinnah—Pakistan's founder—listed and voted in first place. Bhutto is widely regarded as being among the most influential men in the history of Pakistan. His supporters gave him the title Quaid-e-Awam (Leader of the people).

Eponyms

Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science and Technology, a science and engineering institute named after Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, located in Karachi, Sindh of Pakistan.

ZA Bhutto Agricultural College, an agriculture engineering and science college named after Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, located at Larkana, Sindh, Pakistan.

F-22P Zulfiquar class frigate, Pakistan Navy Combatant vessel ordered in April 2006, launched July 2009.

Zulfiqarabad, a planned city in Thatta District of Sindh, Pakistan. The city is named after in the memory of the Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Bibliography

Peace-Keeping by the United Nations, Pakistan Publishing House, Karachi, 1967 Political Situation in Pakistan, Veshasher Prakashan, New Delhi, 1968 The Myth of Independence, Oxford University Press, Karachi and Lahore, 1969 The Great Tragedy, Pakistan People's Party, Karachi, 1971 Marching Towards Democracy, (collections of speeches), 1972 Politics of the People (speeches, statements and articles), 1948–1971 The Third World: New Directions, Quartet Books, London, 1977 My Pakistan, Biswin Sadi Publications, New Delhi, 1979 If I am Assassinated, Vikas, New Delhi, 1979 on-line My Execution, Musawaat Weekly International, London, 1980 New Directions, Narmara Publishers, London, 1980

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