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Copyright 2001 SAGE Publications(London,Thousand Oaks,CA and New Delhi)
Vol 1(1):512 [1469-6053(200106)1:1;512;017627]
Journal of Social Archaeology A R T I C L E
5
Editorial statement
Momentous intellectual shifts in the social sciences have often been
marked by new publishing ventures, particularly journals, that chart
the progress of innovative developments. In anthropology, Public Culture
has occupied an important space in foregrounding a political anthropology
which focuses on contemporary valences such as postcolonialism and dias-pora. It is noteworthy that archaeologys developments in the last two
decades have not been marked by similar projects. This is surprising since
there have been major epistemic shifts in the subject matter, methodologies
and wider responsibilit ies of archaeology in the past 20 years. New con-
textual and interpretive approaches have emerged alongside challenges to
object-oriented, culture historical and scientific traditions that operated
under the guise of objectivity. With the acknowledgement of reflexivity
came the recognition that archaeology operates in the world and its materi-
ality and historicity have tangible effects on living people and communities.Few can now deny the political entanglements of the archaeological past
and contemporary narratives.
This journal offers a venue to investigate those imbrications by placing
archaeology within wider discourses across the humanities and the social
and natural sciences. Issues with contemporary salience include aspects of
identity, ancient and modern. Today, archaeologists routinely contribute to
analyses of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, class, race in short, social differ-
ence. Increasingly, social difference is formulated around theorizing the
body, not only in archaeology but in social theory generally. Archaeologyalso engages with questions of social commemoration whether in the form
of mortuary analysis, monumentality or landscape. This leads into larger
questions concerning temporalities, diasporas, and social memory, topics
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6 Journal of Social Archaeology 1(1)
articulated by Barbara Bender in this issue. Contemporary archaeology
considers questions of time and identity in lived experience, specifically as
manifest in ritual, household archaeology and material culture studies.
An explicit focus on the social in terms of ident ity, meaning and prac-tice can certainly be seen as a positive development in archaeology. It is an
outcome of a growing engagement with social theory in fields as diverse as
history, social anthropology, linguistics, sociology, human geography, litera-
ture, gender studies, queer studies, etc. In this sense, a social archaeology
forcefully expands upon Phillipss (Willey and Phillips, 1958: 2) dictum that
archaeology is anthropology, or it is nothing. Archaeology is shifting its
status from a discipline, with everything that that implies boundaries,
canons and institut ional forms of reproduction to a process of knowledge
production mediated by mater ial culture and experience.
Archaeologists frequently make overtures to interdisciplinarity, particu-
larly in the area of social theory. However, few have made substantive
inroads to these other fields. The profile of the editorial board is drawn from
anthropology, art history, social science, feminist theory and history, reflect-
ing a collaborative effort to establish a dialogic relationship between fields.
By having anthropologists, feminists and others comment on relevant
archaeological contributions, or by interviewing prominent social theorists,
the journal seeks to stimulate discussion and debate. Through these collab-
orations we hope to move beyond the simple importation of outside theory
into archaeology and instead to contribute to wider intellectual develop-ment in all fields. Archaeology is often critiqued for its attempts at theory-
building: this venture affords us a rare venue to explore that possibility. We
see the widespread support for interdisciplinary collaboration expressed in
areas such as cultural studies, feminist and ethnic studies as a testament to
the potential for academic exchange. Moreover, we actively encourage con-
tributions from anthropologists and other social scientists working on
material culture, the materiality and monumentality of the past and his-
torical issues. Bryan Turners contribution in the current issue inaugurates
this interdisciplinary dialogue.The journal will also stimulate intradisciplinary exchange by bringing
together widely separated discourses and traditions. Regional specializa-
tions are now subject to wider global dissemination. The journal will facili-
tate the breakdown of those arbitrary and hegemonic boundaries between
North American, Classical, Near Eastern, Mesoamerican, European and
Australian archaeologies and beyond. We propose no temporal or topical
limits, including the archaeology of ourselves and the very recent past. The
journal thus provides a forum in which archaeologists working on common
issues in different areas can engage with each other over questions oftheory. The central requirement of all published work will be that a serious
attempt is made to engage the social as not merely epiphenomenal, but as
central to an understanding of past and present identities and meanings.
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s THE SOCIAL
Social archaeology is difficult to define since it has shifted in its meaning
continuously. A historical view can be useful in seeing the shape of previousattempts to understand the past in social terms. There is a tendency in
historical accounts to see present forms of thought as leaping over the
inadequacies of past approaches. In fact, we suggest that each generation
continues to explore the questions framed by all its predecessors.
Archaeology has always included a concept of the social, even if it was
not always dominant and is sometimes hidden. Evolutionists, Boasians and
V. Gordon Childe a ll attempted to understand past societies in their differ-
ent ways. Grahame Clarke in his bookA rchaeology and Society (1939) saw
archaeology as thoroughly social and, in fact, only justified by its social role.By the 1960s the origins of the term became oppositional: it was archae-
ology distinguished from more environmentally determined forms of expla-
nation or from diffusionism, both of which took social format ions and their
changes into account.
From the 1960s onwards there was a tendency to treat the social rather
narrowly as economics and social organization. With the emergence of
processual archaeology, Lewis Binford (1962) offered a systems view of
culture that purported to integrate the material expressions of technology,
society and ideology. In practice, only technology and society wereaddressed, perhaps a legacy of Christopher H awkes (1954) ladder of infer-
ence, which argued that technology was easier to access methodologically
than religion. In 1973, Colin Renfrew, as he discusses in this issue, gave an
inaugural lecture that challenged processual archaeology to transcend the
ecosystems approach and explore the emergence of symbolic systems and
art styles. Five years later, a similar dissatisfaction was expressed by Charles
Redman and others (1978) who argued for the need to go beyond subsist-
ence and dating to look at style and information exchange. By 1984
Renfrew had identified five basic topics for a social archaeology: societies
and space and how landscapes of power are created; networks and flows
(trade and interaction); structures of authority concerning monuments and
the structure of pre-urban societies; the dynamics of continuous growth as
approached through systems thinking; issues of discontinuity and long-term
change (Renfrew, 1984). In contrast, the social approach of processual
archaeology tended to define the evolution of social complexity as its
centra l focus (Yoffee and Sherratt, 1993). Today, Michael Schiffer (2000)
engages with power, political action, and representation from the perspec-
tive of behavioural archaeology. These various perspectives foreground
the centrality of the social and how it resonates today in archaeologicaldialogues.
With the development of postprocessual archaeologies, the social began
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8 Journal of Social Archaeology 1(1)
to address ideology and power. Some of these approaches draw inspiration
from the Marxist-inspired work of Childe (1936). Daniel Miller and
Christopher Tilley (1984) offer a critique of ideology that presupposes an
active construction and representation of the social world by past peoplesand maintains a critical attitude to the analysis of these practices. They
advocate an understanding of human agency as historically constituted by
social relations. Similarly, Randy McGuire (1992) has espoused a d ialecti-
cal Marxist perspective conceived as a theory of internal relations as a way
to resolve the dualisms of science and humanism, evolution and history,
materialism and mentalism etc. Mark Leone and Parker B. Potter (1999)
and others have been particularly interested in the institution of capitalism
as a system by which ideology and power relations are reproduced. Some
of the insights of these approaches, especially those of agency and power,
have also been more widely adopted (Hodder, 1986). Most neo-Marxists
would also place the social as central, in terms of the dialectic; both the
dialectic of conflicts between social groups and the dialectic of contradic-
tions within social formations. Just to emphasize this point, the recent book
by Kristian Kristiansen and Michael Rowlands, Social Transformations in
A rchaeology (1998), deals with the themes of objectivity and subjectivity,
world systems and the archaeology of colonialism. All of these perspectives
are encompassed within our understanding of social archaeology.
Some have construed the social as the social context of the practice of
archaeology. As early as 1939, Grahame Clark observed that archaeologyhas tended to flourish in those contexts where its value to the community
was demonstrated, and stagnated where its possibilities were unrealized.
Today, there are a number of ongoing debates about the roles of archae-
ology in nationalism (Kohl and Fawcett , 1995; Schmidt and Patterson, 1995;
Meskell, 1998), heritage management (Cleere, 1989), indigenous issues
(Layton, 1989; Biolsi and Zimmerman, 1997; Swindler et al., 1997), gender,
feminism and sexuality (Gero and Conkey, 1991; Gilchrist, 1999; Meskell,
1999; Schmidt and Voss, 2000) and postcolonialism (Gosden, 1999). In this
issue, Maria Franklin explores the context of African American archae-ology to demonstrate the potential for more meaningful and emancipatory
interpretations of black history.
s TOWARD A SOCIAL ARCHAEOLOGY
In using the term social archaeology, we advocate a more diverse archae-
ology that brings together and, at the same t ime, challenges different sensesof the social. Given the breadth of the social and of debates about the
social in so many different areas in archaeology, the generality of the term
social archaeology seems more than justified. Rather than indicating a
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9Editorial
specific approach we see it as characterizing a broad range of approaches
dealing with the social. It refers to a general direction and a general set of
interests rather than prescribing a part icular solution or paradigm. Today it
seems widely accepted that the environment, the economy and technologiesare fundamentally social. Thus the term social archaeology refers to a
broad orientation within the discipline, rather than to a particular theoreti-
cal position.
Archaeologists increasingly feel a responsibility to contribute to other
disciplines from an independent and mature position. Our maturity and
confidence derives from advances in our understanding of material culture
and the long term. Material culture has emerged in recent decades as a sep-
arate area of study to which many archaeologists have contributed (Hodder ,
1989; Tilley, 1990, 1999) and which can be seen as contributing to ethno-
graphic study from a different and independent angle (Appadurai, 1986).
Archaeologists, whether evolutionary or historical, have specialized in
understanding the material traces of human presence through time. As
Martin Hall argues eloquently in this volume, the heart of archaeology as
an intellectual practice is the search for the ways in which we express our-
selves through the things that we make and use, collect and discard, value
or take for granted, and seek to be remembered by. As such, all archaeology
is inherently social. These concerns with the past inexorably, and appropri-
ately, link us with concerns for the present .
Our challenge is to be committed to understanding past societies in termsof their social contexts and lived experiences while, at the same time, to
remain cognizant of how the knowledge of the past that we produce is used
in the present. One avenue to accomplish this goal is to move from con-
ceptualizing society as an object, to thinking of society in terms of social
relations which constitute the core of any analysis. We can then examine
how material culture is cont inuously implicated in webs of signification in
the processes of creating meaning.
We recognize that there are differences of opinion on the significance of
the social discussed here. We hope that this journal will play a central rolein exploring them. One of the clear contrasts between cognitive archaeology
and interpretive archaeology is that in the former it is often claimed that the
cognitive can be studied as if separated from the social. Most interpretive
archaeologists take the view that meaning and mind are thoroughly social,
that knowledge is intimately linked to power, and that mind, body and prac-
tice are not easily separable. One of the dialogues that we hope to have in
this journal is whether perception, symbolization and decision making can
be studied as cognitive rather than as thoroughly cognitive and social.
It is particularly encouraging that archaeology and its debates are becom-ing of increasing significance for other disciplines. At times, this external
interest is largely symbolic. The clearest example is the use of the metaphor
of archaeology by Michel Foucault (1972), both in terms of his interest in
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10 Journal of Social Archaeology 1(1)
the temporal sequences of discourses and in terms of his engagement with
the mater iality of many discursive practices. Other examples are more sub-
stantive, including the use of a long-term archaeological perspective in
social geography (Soja, 2000). In Postmetropolis Soja draws on excavationsat atalhyk, past and present, to continue his contemplation of place-
making. This is an instance where archaeological narratives become the
subject of study for another discipline. Beyond Kinship (Joyce and Gil-
lespie, 2000) exemplifies other engagements where archaeologists collaborate
with ethnographers in the study of subjects of mutual interest such as social
relations and their materialization. In the current issue, Arjun Appadurai
discusses other archaeological issues that have widespread contemporary
relevance such as the authenticity of material objects and postcolonial
relationships with the past. Recent work outside archaeology resonates with
research by archaeologists themselves in identifying some form of agency
for material artifacts. For example, the work by Gell (1998) in relation to
the ethnography of art, or by Latour (1996) in discussing a wide range of
contemporary objects, has created a new and broad-ranging interest in
archaeological approaches to the material.
s JOURNAL GOALS
With these ideas in mind, the journal actively encourages contributions
from a variety of theoretical perspectives. It will be inclusive and innovative
rather than policing the boundaries of any one position. There are three
aims that distinguish this journal from those already in existence.
First, it will seek to explore the relations of archaeology to the humani-
ties and social sciences. In the past, archaeology has been regarded as mar-
ginal to developments in social theory. Although this situation is now
changing, archaeological writings are still not commonly cited by anthro-
pologists, geographers and sociologists. We believe that archaeology, withits focus on materiality and time, can contribute substantially to existing
theories of social meaning and should be integral in the construction of new
ones.
Second, the journal seeks to break down the divide that currently sepa-
rates North American and European archaeologies, which has been both
stimulating and divisive in the past few decades. One example of this polar-
ization is the differential influence of processual and postprocessual archae-
ologies on North American and British archaeologies (Preucel, 1995).
Continental and Latin American archaeologies cannot easily be subsumedby either processual or postprocessual approaches and have their own
distinctive traditions with which we will productively engage. Papers by
Criado and Politis in this issue attest to the unique perspectives as yet
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11Editorial
under-appreciated in Anglophone archaeology. The journal can thus serve
as a common ground for exploring the different inflections of these
approaches and result in a broadening of the discipline.
Finally, the journal will advocate innovative modes of writing, presen-tat ion and the use of electronic media. Among the challenges facing archae-
ology is the need to better understand how the way we represent our
knowledge influences those whom we address. A number of archaeologists
have begun to explore new ways of writing (Joyce et al., 2000). In a concrete
way the journal offers a structural vehicle for broader participation in
exploring the effects of new media. We encourage both traditional and inno-
vative writing styles to acknowledge the importance of modes of represen-
tation and multiple perspectives on the past.
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