Book Review

AFRICA IN PERSPECTIVE: MYTHS AND REALITIES

By Olusegun Obasanjo

(New York, NY: Council on Foreign Relations, 1987, 51 pages)

Africa in Perspective: Myths and Realities is a good attempt by a former Nigerian head of state, Olusegun Obasanjo, to place Africa on the agenda of United States foreign affairs experts. This short book is based on a series of lectures Obasanjo delivered to the Council on Foreign Relations in 1987. As a result of these talks and similar kinds of activities in various international orga- nizations, Obasanjo has emerged as a senior statesman on African affairs.

The Forward to the book was written by Cyrus Vance, the former secretary of state in the Carter administration. Vance's contribution to the discussion of Africa's problems and progress, although welcome, could have had additional impact if he had included portions of Obasanjo's analysis in his recent collab- oration with Henry Kissinger. In the Summer 1988 issue of Foreign Affairs, Vance and Kissinger engaged in a bipartisan study of major international issues and conflicts facing the next United States presidential administration. Conspic- uously absent from their coverage of important geographic regions was Africa and the conflicts in Southern Africa in particular. Perhaps this chronic lack of recognition of African affairs in United States foreign policy circles accounts for the fact that Obasanjo was the first African to speak in the Council on Foreign Relations' Russel C. Leffingwell Lecture Series since its inception in 1969.

Although some American scholars of international relations appear to be in tacit agreement with South Africa's current policy of press censorship, Obasanjo is by no means silent on this issue. In his role as cochairman of the Common- wealth Eminent Persons Group on Southern Africa, Obasanjo has had the op- portunity to travel throughout the region and meet with important leaders of various organizations. As a result, he understands that apartheid is "a system maintained by pervasive violence that, of course, provokes counterviolence from its victims."

On the question of sanctions, Obasanjo believes that they have worked and will continue to work toward positive change in South Africa. He credits the "cracks in Afrikaner solidarity" to the positive effects of sanctions and encour- ages more nations to get involved. "Coordinated sanctions, combined with co-

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ordinated disinvestment that encourages Black entrepreneurship and manage- ment, constitute the necessary next step." To further support his argument for sanctions, Obasanjo reminds us that "South Africa, which vehemently opposes sanctions as an instrument of policy to be applied to itself, vehemently imposes economic sanctions on its neighbors, and effectively, too."

South Africa is a major destabilizing force in the region due to its "military incursions into neighboring territories," its covert sponsorship of terrorism and its interference with "the flow of goods, services, and labor" from neighboring African countries. As a counterbalance to South Africa's deleterious influence, Obasanjo encourages the United States to reassess its policy toward the Southern Africa Development Coordinating Committee (SADCC) countries. Rather than applying the East-West "bi-polar, ideological judgment of issues and personal- ities there," he recommends that United States officials look beyond the rhetoric that sometimes comes from these countries and provide more economic and nonlethal military assistance. In addition, for private sector companies divesting from South Africa, Obasanjo suggests that they "explore possibilities of invest- ment in Mozambique and other SADCC countries." On the question of Southern Africa, Obasanjo comes across as a dedicated Pan-Africanist, who is committed to the elimination of apartheid and the strengthening of SADCC.

In addressing the problems of political instability and corruption in African governments, Obasanjo proposes solutions that range from self-determination to requests for regulatory help from outside the continent. He places much of the blame for coups and insurrections in Africa on the inappropriateness of inherited political institutions, and specifically criticizes the use of a formal "opposition" in the African context. According to the author, these European institutions and concepts have frequently frustrated Africa's political development. As a result, he challenges African leaders to develop new political organizations and struc- tures that are based on traditional African values. Through this process, Obasanjo hopes that a new form of democracy will be achieved that will have its roots in the cultural values of Africa, as determined by Africans.

Obasanjo does not seem to be as confident about Africa's ability to solve the problems of corruption. In this case, he calls on Western bankers to monitor the deposits of Africans, expose any of "dubious nature," and repatriate such funds to the country of origin. He also recommends that foreign aid be given only to African countries that adhere to international agreements on curbing corruption. Certainly, some of the aid-donating countries may choose to adopt this posture in response to demands from their own taxpayers for a better return or results for the foreign aid portion of their tax bill. It is unlikely, however, that Western countries will respond affirmatively to a request for regulatory procedures that externally impose ethics and discipline on African leaders, unless it is considered to be in the West's self-interest. Such a request ignores the fact that ethics has little to do with much of the aid that flows to any country. It also naively assumes

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that all Western banking and aid transactions are based on a moral standard rather than on profit motive and political self-interest. If Obasanjo can expect Africans to be politically mature and innovative enough to develop a modern political system based on African cultural values, then it should also be possible for Africans to establish and enforce ethical standards within this new system with- out having to relinquish any portion of national sovereignty to external powers.

Obasanjo also failed to stress the need for African accountability when ana- lyzing the debt problem. According to Obasanjo, the African debtor nations were "goaded" by commercial bankers and creditor nations into accepting an exces- sive amount of foreign loans. Hopefully, African leaders in the future will not be so easily swayed by international bankers seeking to charge variable interest rates, but rather will be guided by sound economic development plans that serve the interest of Africa over the long term. For a more immediate solution to the debt crisis, Obasanjo goes further than the Baker Plan by advocating "interest rate and debt relief." He does not, however, endorse the "unilateral repudiation of debt." Obasanjo prefers to have the debt problem managed by restricting or limiting annual repayments so as to minimize any destabilizing effects for Af- rican debtor nations.

In the general area of economic development, Obasanjo proposes that African regimes spend less money on weapons and more on technical education, agri- culture, and light manufacturing in the rural areas. Through a combination of such suggestions and a lowering of trade barriers in the West, Obasanjo antic- ipates that Africa will reduce its import bill and accelerate its export earnings, which will have a positive effect on Africa's ability to service its debt.

The author appears to share some of the same concerns that Kwame Nkrumah had for African unity, when he states, "The Balkanization of Africa has weak- ened the continent both internally and in relation with the rest of the world." Unlike Nkrumah, Obasanjo does not devote the whole book or even a complete chapter to this topic. He does, however, offer some important observations. First, he recommends that African institutions devote more time toward prepar- ing leaders to "cooperate within and across national, regional, and institutional boundaries." Second, he reminds African leaders that their political borders were set by former colonial powers, when the world was not nearly as interdependent as it is today. The usefulness or inappropriateness of such artificial boundaries needs to be examined, and if warranted, adjustments to certain aspects of sov- ereignty should be worked out according to the best interests of those countries involved. According to Obasanjo, "The Organization of African Unity (OAU) must actively encourage countries that have any inclination to come together economically and politically to form larger and more viable units."

Finally, the author applauds the Economic Community of West Ati'ican States (ECOWAS) as a much needed attempt at regional cooperation. Despite its prob- lems and setbacks, Obasanjo sees "no viable future for many African states, and

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perhaps for all of them politically, however, unless such organizations as ECO- WAS become a living and active reality, leading to economic security, and political cooperation, consolidation, and integration within Africa's principal regions."

Obasanjo has provided us with an important African perspective on the current state and future potential of Africa. Hopefully, other African leaders will share their assessment of the continent, along with a critical analysis of their terms in office.

Vernis M. Welmon