english verbs in welsh speech: borrowing or codeswitching? jonathan stammers & margaret deuchar...

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English Verbs in Welsh Speech: Borrowing or Codeswitching?

Jonathan Stammers

&

Margaret Deuchar

University of Wales, Bangor

The Project

• This, and the following two papers present results from an AHRC-funded project on “Code-switching and convergence in Welsh”, September 2005 – August 2010.

• Corpus of 40 hours of Welsh/English bilingual speech collected for the project

• Naturalistic recordings of informal conversations, typically between 2 speakers, & 30 minutes long

• Total of 149 speakers in 69 recordings• Questionnaire data from each speaker will allow us to

consider certain extralinguistic factors (age, gender, L1, level of education, etc.)

Borrowing or Codeswitching?

• Highly controversial distinction, especially for single-word other-language items

• This study is an attempt to assess the relative value of two approaches (Myers-Scotton and Poplack)

• Focusing on English verbs in Welsh as a case study

Poplack & Meechan (1998) Approach• Borrowing and CS are fundamentally different

processes. Theoretical distinction is important • Can be distinguished linguistically by “comparative

method”• Borrowings pattern morphosyntactically like recipient-

language items • Switches pattern like donor-language items• Frequency is irrelevant in distinction between borrowing

and switches• Non-frequent (integrated) items classed as “nonce

borrowings”

Myers-Scotton’s (1993; 2002) Approach

• Borrowing and CS on a continuum• Matrix Language Framework able to account equally

well for borrowings and switches• Theoretical distinction therefore not important• Lone (1-word) EL items no particular problem: MLF

assumes asymmetrical relationship between ML & EL• Distinction should be made extra-linguistically based on

frequency in the corpus, or inclusion in a dictionary

Is there a third way?

• Are Poplack’s and Myers-Scotton’s positions notational variants of one another, or is there a distinction between borrowings and switches based on linguistic criteria which both would recognize?

• Test case: English verbs in Welsh

English Verbs in WelshTypically: English verb stem + “–(i)o” +auxiliary.

pan dach chi’n defnyddio wide-anglewhen be.2PL.PRES PRON.2PL-PRT use.NONFIN wide-angle

lenses dach chi’n emphasize-io ’r foreground.lenses be.2PL.PRES be.2PL.PRES emphasize-VBZ DET foreground

“when you use wide-angle lenses, you emphasize the foreground.” [Fusser17: 792]

• How well integrated are English verbs in Welsh?• How well can Poplack’s quantitative methods tell us what is

a switch and what is a loan?

Analysis : English Verbs

• Analysis of 3 Transcriptions (total 1h45min)– 2 conversations between pairs of women in

their mid- 20s;

– 1 conversation between a married couple in early 40s.

• Every English-origin verb classified

Morphosyntactic integration of English Verbs in Welsh

Tokens Types %

Fully morphologically integrated (Welsh verbal suffix) 107 41 95.5

Non-integrated or partially integrated 5 2 4.5

Total 112 43 100.0

Non-integrated English Verbs• Of 5 non-integrated tokens, 1 had English inflection:

mae hi’n taking it day by daybe.3S.PRES PRON.3SF-PRT taking it day by day

“she’s taking it day by day” [Fusser29: 886]

• Remaining 4 tokens: “fancy”

dw’m yn fancy eistedd mewnbe.1S.PRES.NEG-NEG PRT fancy sit.NONFIN in

gornel efo hi trwy’r nos timod?corner with PRON.3SF through-DET night you know

“I don't fancy sitting in a corner with her all night, you know?”[Fusser29: 170]

• Bare form or partially integrated? (cf. poeni, profi)

Are there other criteria of integration?

• Need criterion other than morphosyntactic integration by derivational suffix

• Proposal: choice between synthetic and periphrastic verb constructions

Variation in ConstructionsPeriphrastic: (inflected auxiliary verb + non-finite main verb)

a be wnaeth ddigwydd?and what do.3S.PAST happen.NONFIN

“and what happened?” [Fusser19: 117]

Synthetic: (inflected main verb)

dyna be ddigwyddodd, wrth gwrs.there what happen.3S.PAST of course

“that’s what happened, of course.” [Fusser4: 682]

M. Deuchar
need to insert glosses and make clearer how these two constructions are different and give an idea of how they are to be relevant to your talk

Discussion

• Following results based only on main verbs in finite clauses.

• Excluded:• Verbs in non-finite clauses• Imperatives• Monolingual English clauses• Auxiliary verbs• Forms of bod (to be).

ResultsType of Verbal Construction

19 93946

0 0136

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

English - NOT inDictionary (all tokens)

English - IN Dictionary(all tokens)

Native (all tokens of 69types found in sample)

SyntheticPeriphrastic

Discussion

• At first sight it looks as though native verbs behave differently from all English items whether or not they are established loans

• BUT maybe frequency makes a difference?

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160

Total periTot synth

Distribution of verbs in alternative constructions according to frequency

Total frequency as main verb

mynd (to go) 142 27 19%

meddwl (to think) 116 0 0%

deud (to say) 102 12 11.8%

cael (to have) 93 33 35.5%

gwybod (to know) 88 5 5.68%

gwneud (to do) 67 7 10.4%

gweld (to see) 56 9 16.1%

rhoi (to put/give) 34 0 0%

gallu (to be able) 27 18 66.7%

dod (to come) 27 4 14.8%

medru (to be able) 27 18 66.7%

digwydd (to happen) 7 1 14.3%

penderfynu (decide) 4 1 25%

para (continue/last) 3 1 33.3%

all other types various (<20) 0 0%

Frequency synthetic

Percentage synthetic

M. Deuchar
Can you run a correlation of the numbers in the first and second columns if you have figures for all the verbs?I guess the answer to this was 'no'?I think this slide needs simplifying - too much detail for those who don't know Welsh. What is the main point here?

Conclusions• Based on these early results, distribution of native

Welsh verbs seems to vary from one verb to another, and according to frequency.

• Less frequent verbs tend not to appear in synthetic constructions at all

• So frequency may be more important than contrast between switches and loans

• Future research will test this result on a larger sample• If replicated, the result will be consistent with the idea

that Poplack’s and Myers-Scotton’s theoretical frameworks are notational variants of one another.

Diolch / Thank You

Jonathan Stammers elp22a@bangor.ac.uk

Margaret Deuchar m.deuchar@bangor.ac.uk

Key References:Myers-Scotton (1993) Duelling Languages: Grammatical Structure in Code-switching. pp163-207. Oxford University Press.

Myers-Scotton (2002) Contact Linguistics.

Poplack & Meechan (1998) (eds.) International Journal of Bilingualism 2 (2).

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