Anantasūra’s Inscriptions: Why Among Others?

Toe Hla

Professor of History, Mandalay University and Head, Myanmar Historical

Commission (Retd)

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ABSTRACT

This paper assesses the thirteenth century inscriptions of Anantasūra and his wife at Maṅ:nansū (Minnanthu) Village in East Bagan. The identity of the donor and significance of the couple’s donation of a monastery, pagodas, lands, slaves and other goods is detailed. The explanation of the primary information from the inscriptions underlines the historical value of the epigraphy of Bagan and its role in understanding the social and religious life of this period.

Figure 1. Lehmyethha temple in scaffolding after 2016 earthquake

Introduction

I once prepared a paper entitled “Anantasūra Kyokcā Le,-lā-khyak, AD 1224-

1235-- A Study of Anantasūra’s Inscriptions, AD 1224-1235” that attempted to

portray the life of Pugaṁ (Bagan) people and their belief system with special

reference to Buddhism. This paper translates, summarizes and updates my

previous publication. It is a study of three inscription stones, erected by a

Pugaṁ aristocrat and wife in which they recorded their meritorious deeds of

building a temple, two stupas, many monasteries, a library, a preaching hall,

rest houses, and a big brick water tank, two wells together with over two

hundred kywans (slaves) and several thousand pè of land. The donors said

that they primarily desired to attain enlightenment (Buddhahood) so that they

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could liberate all beings from Saṁsᾱra (rounds of births and rebirths).

Moreover, they also intended to enhance welfare of the local populace in

worshiping the Buddha images in shrines, holding religious ceremonies,

observe Sabbaths and listen to sermons given by monks in these buildings.

Furthermore, having dug a large water tank and wells, people were free from

concern over water. It brought forth much fruit for all living beings.

Background: King Aniruddha and Pugaṁ

Let me begin my study with King Aniruddha (AD 1044- 1077), the first

founder of Myanmar Empire. People in Pugaṁ had professed Buddhism of

Northern School prior to King Aniruddha. The great king introduced Theravada

Buddhism to Arimuddanapura1(Pugaṁ) of the Tanpradit2 Land. It was done

under guidance of Rhaṅ Arahaṁ, an Arahant(saint) who came from

Sathuṁ(Thaton). Native historians unanimously agreed that King Aniruddha

was the first in his Kingdom to convert to Theravādin Buddhism. Moreover, the

king carried out many constructive works for propagation and perpetuation of

his new creed. He built large and splendid Buddhist stupas (pagodas) for

popular worship and introduced Myanmar alphabets for transliteration of the

Tipitaka (three baskets) texts originally written in Mon-Pāli script.

The earliest use of Myanmar alphabets to write Pali3 can be seen on

king Aniruddha’s votive tablets that read “Eso bhagavᾱ mahᾱrᾱja sirī

Aniruddhadevena kato vimuttatthaṁ sahatthe nevᾱti”— meaning “his great

majesty made it (this Buddha Image) by his own hand in order to be freed from

1 Arimaddana is the name of the old Pugaṁ (Bagan) Capital in Pāli and Taṁpradit was the name of the Region wherein the former was located. See “Rājakumar Inscription” in four languages, Bamā, Mon, Pāli and Pyu in Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. I, part i. Yangon, GPP. 1952, Reprint. 2 Taṁpradit is a corrupted word, derived from Tampadīpa in Pāli—meaning coppery land. This word is found in the inscription of Shaṅ Disā Prāmok in about AD 1287. 3 As far as we know there is no Pali alphabet. Buddha’s Pitaka Scriptures were transcribed in the script of each place. It was transcribed for example in Sri Lankan alphabet for Sri Lanka; in Thai alphabet for Thai and in Myanmar alphabet for Myanmar; etc.

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saṁsᾱra”. We, therefore, owe a great debt of gratitude to his majesty for

introducing Theravada Buddhism and for inventing Myanmar alphabets. Since

then, Buddhism as well as Myanmar language and literature has gradually

prospered. Numerous lithic inscriptions and ink glosses on interior walls of

Pugaṁ temples are the silent witnesses of literary developments in this period.

Needless to say, the great task of inventing Myanmar alphabets and

transliterating Mon-Pali Buddhist Scriptures into Myanmar-Pali fell on the

shoulders of learned monks under patronage of King Aniruddha. How and

when it was implemented is not known exactly. No evidence except logical

assumption is so far available. The king built a Pitakat Tuik—library wherein

these Tipitakat scriptures were deposited.4 Along with the invention of

Myanmar alphabets monastic education came into existence. Throughout the

Pugaṁ Period kings and people alike built libraries, copied Buddhist texts on

corrypher palm leaves and made cᾱtuiks--manuscript chests to keep copied

Buddhist texts in, and donate them to monasteries for enhancing Pitaka

scriptural studies and monastic education.

King Aniruddha was successful in his nation-building. His achievements

can be seen in organizing all scattered petty states, in agricultural development

by constructing weirs and canals for irrigation, in prosperity of Buddhism in line

with the Theravadin School, and in establishment of monastic education that

gradually led to the blossoming of Pali and Myanmar literature both in prose

and in poetry. All books of Buddhist scriptures in Mon-Pali and Myanmar-Pali

were deposited in his royal Library. Since that time, monasteries became

important learning and teaching centers in the kingdom.

The major Buddhist texts were a set of Tipitaka—Three Baskets of

Buddha’s Teachings, to wit: Sutta—the Discourses; Vinaya—the Monastic

4 U Kala, Mahᾱ Rᾱjawaṅkri:(Great Chronicle) in 3 vols., Yangon, Yarbyei SaokTuik, 2006, 5th edition, vol. I, p. 166

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Disciplines; and Abhidhamma—the Theory of Doctrine5 and their

commentaries and sub-commentaries taken from Sathuṁ(Thaton) of Mon

Kingdom in AD 10576. No inscription except a short Pali verse in Myanmar

alphabet on his votive tablet was left by this great king as a record of his

achievement. Anyhow, Myanmar writing system was then on the track of

development.

Since that time, it has been a royal custom that every king soon after he

had ascended the throne was to build a pagoda and a monastery of

extraordinary size or grandiose type to receive the recognition of the monastic

community and of the people as Sāsana Dāyakā--Patron of Buddhism. Pugaṁ

aristocrats and wealthy people in the kingdom were devoted to building these

kinds of religious structures for the prosperity of Buddhism. Thus the Pugaṁ

Area had become crowded with religious monuments built in successive

periods, by successive rulers and people. Within a 10-mile radius there were

once over four thousand religious structures. Pugaṁ thus became a holy land

for Buddhist pilgrimage.

Anantasῡra and wife and their inscriptions

Now let us turn our attention to a couple of Anantasῡra and wife and

their inscriptions. There are ten lithic inscriptions kept in a brick shed in the

Le:myaknhā Temple precincts at Maṅ:nansū Village. Among them, three

belong to this couple. As these inscriptions indicate, the couple was so

generous that almost all of their wealth movable and unmovable were spent on

construction of religious structures, including a temple of medium size, two twin

pagodas, many monasteries, a preaching hall, rest houses, a large water tank,

two wells, together with over two hundred kywans and several thousand pè of

5 T. W. Rhys Davids and William Stede, Pali-English Dictionary, London, The Pali Text Society,1921-1925,p.79. 6 Phayaphyu Sayadaw, Kalyᾱnī Kyokcᾱ(Kalyani Inscription in Pali-Myanmar), Yangon, Hanthawady Press, 1938, p.76.

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land. 7 They also planted many toddy palm trees around their religious

establishments and a large water tank for landscaping. Anantasūra was a high

ranking official in the Pugaṁ Court. One inscription says that he was an

Amattyā Mahā Senāpati—Minister and Commander-in-Chief.8

Myanmar kings, officials and courtiers alike, used to build religious

establishments and endowed their edifices with kywans (slaves) to take care

of their meritorious works. These were then under the custody of the kywans

for land cultivation that funded maintenance. Their meritorious deeds were

inscribed in detail on stones which were erected nearby their establishments to

publicly proclaim the donation for future reference. These inscriptions are

indeed genuine documents and reliable sources of the period. They actually

shed light on, at least, three spheres: on administration, on social life and on

Pugaṁ’s Buddha Sᾱsanᾱ (Buddha’s Teachings). Epigraphic evidences are

ample enough if we can glean historical data painstakingly from these

inscriptions. Thanks are due to Pugaṁ well-wishers or donors for bequeathing

us their picturesque and grandiose religious structures and many informative

inscriptions as our deeply esteemed national and cultural heritage.

The donor Anantasῡra

Now let us study Anantasῡra.9 This name or title ‘Anantasūra’ cannot be

found in Pugaṁ chronicles. However, as some inscriptions reveal, we know a

person who held the title of Anantasῡ or Anantasῡra in no less than five

7 One pè is equal to 1.75 acres. 8 “Inscription of Anantasῡra and Wife,” A Four-faced Inscription, Pillar no. 2,dated AD 1223, U Nyein Maung (comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972, vol. I, ll.1- 2, p. 151. (Henceforth, Nyein, 1972). 9 All Myanmar chroniclers used to mention an officer by the title of Anantasῡrira who served under King Narapati Cañsῡ (1174-1211). But his rank was not mentioned. Having the same title and serving under the same king this person is thought to be the one who wrote a poem composed of four stanzas on the eve of being executed. But this Anantasῡ was not put to death by the king

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inscriptions10. As titles were different, so also were the occupations and ranks.

One Anantasῡ was Amattyᾱ Mahᾱ Senᾱpati (Minister & Commander-in-

Chief)11 Another Anantasῡ was a Phun sañ (Cushion-maker).12 Another was

Skhaṅ (Lord) Anantasῡ.13 The other and the last one was a Saṁbyaṅ (lesser

official) Anantasῡ.14 What I would like to assume is that it was this Anantasῡ(ra)

with different spellings. In another words, this person who held the title of

Anantasῡ or Anantasῡra was engaged in different occupations and held

different ranks at various points in his life.

As his inscriptions show, the different spellings for writing his title has

been very perplexing for scholars. In east face of the Pillar no. 2, his title was

inscribed as Anantasῡrra (with double r).15 One can pronounce it either as

Anantasῡrara or as Anantasῡrira improperly. In another pillar dated AD 1227,

it is spelled as Anantasῡr (ending with r)16 or Maṅ Anantasῡ(without r)17. He

died on an unknown date before December 1227. Why we know this is because

his wife said in another inscription that “her husband has parted company with

her under unavoidable Law of Impermanence”.18 This inscription was dated AD

1235. It mentions his title as Anantasῡ19 or Maṅ Anantasῡ.20 According to dates

he served under King Cañsῡ II (1174-1211) and Nᾱtoṅmyᾱ (1211-?1231).21

The inscription also mentions Prince Klacwā with whom Anantasῡra had some

10 Pillar 2 (Nyein, 1972) p.151; Pillar 3 (Nyein,1972),p. 235; Pillar 6 (Nyein, 1972),p.193; Pillar 7 p.145; Stone 8/Kha (Nyein, 1972),p. 273. 11 Pillar 2, ll. 2-3(Nyein, 1972),p. 273 12 Pillar 3 ll. 1,10, 26, south face,ll. 3, (Nyein, 1972),p. 235, 236, 237, 238 13 Pillar 7 l. 18, west face,l.1, (Nyein, 1972)p. 245, 246 14 Pillar 7, l.19 (Nyein, 1972),p.247. 15 Pillar 2 ( Nyein 1972) l. 2, p. 151. 16 Pillar 6, l.1(Nyein, 1972),p. 193. 17 Single face inscription, No. 8/kha, l. 15, (Nyein, 1972), p. 273. 18 Pillar 6 ll.3-4,( Nyein, 1972),p. 193. 19 Single face Inscription, No. 8/kha,l.3 (Nyein, 1972),p. 273. 20 Single face Inscription, No. 8/kha,l. 15(Nyein, 1972),p. 273. 21 Than Tun, Khet hoṅ: mranmᾱ Rᾱjawaṅ(Ancient Myanmar Chronicle), Yangon, Mahᾱ Dagon Publishing House, 1989,p.120.

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sort of relations. In this inscription Anantasῡra is spelt as Anantasū22. And

Prince Klacwā was then in Iṁnim (literal meaning—in lower house) position.23

Anantasῡra was still alive while Klacwā was in lower house as heir apparent.

Anantasūra seemed to receive many thousand pès of land presumably

for his victory over the enemy. It was then a custom of giving ample parcels of

land to military commanders as rewards for their victory in war. Anantasūra and

wife donated many of their land to Buddha Sāsanā. Their meritorious deeds

were inscribed on three stones in order to let later generations know and carry

on renovation works on their behalf.

Maṅ:nansū Village and Temple

Now let us go to Maṅ:nansū Village. It can be assigned to the middle

Pugaṁ Period, in existence since the establishment of the Le:-myak-nhā

Temple, built by Anantasū(ra)24 and wife in AD 1223. Even the name of the

village seemed to derive from the title of the donor, Anantasū(ra). As he was

the lord over the village dwellers, Maṅ: for ‘’lord” in Myanmar was customarily

prefixed to his title, Anantasū(ra). Thus the village came to be known as

22 Pillar 2, l. 25(Nyein, 1972), p.158. 23 Pillar 2, l.8 (Nyein, 1972),p.155. 24 Pillar 2,(Nyein Maung, 1972) pp. 151-63, and 176-78.

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Maṅ:Anantasū Village. So it was he who settled his kywans and/or followers on

a new site to look after his meritorious works.

Figure 2. West facade of Le:myaknhᾱ temple

The Le:myaknhᾱ Temple stands on a raised square brick platform with

four entry porches at each side. They inscribed their endowments of numerous

kywans (slaves) and many pè of land, gardens, toddy palm groves and

domesticated animals. The donors were a far-sighted couple not only for

propagation of the Buddha Sāsanā but also for welfare of the local people.

The construction of edifices is very noteworthy. They primarily

considered the prosperity of Buddhism and then welfare of the local populace.

As Pugaṁ is located in dry zone area, the region is very hot in summer. So

they planted many toddy palm trees along the perimeter of the temple-yard and

around a large water tank to get shade in day time. Pugaṁ and its neighbouring

regions are rightly called ‘parched’ land as annual rainfall is scanty, less than

30 inches a year. Therefore, people used to call their region Tanpradit

(Tampadipa in Pāli)—coppery or brownish land. It seems to me that the

endowment of planted toddy palm groves to religious establishments was for a

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maintenance fund and for the beautiful landscaping to be enjoyed by the local

community.

The temple and monastery complex originally had a double enclosure

made of brick.25 It was to protect from wild fires. As Pugaṁ falls in the tropical

zone, fire often broke out, destroying everything it engulfed to ash. Therefore,

fire protection was made for great and splendid establishments in Pugaṁ. And

that is why massive brick walls were constructed around religious monuments.

Enshrinement of Buddha’s relics

Enshrinement of Buddha’s relics is also very important for worshippers

in building temples, pagodas and the like. Without Buddha’s relics enshrined in

them, such buildings are not regarded as a holy Buddhist monument. Actually

Buddhists worship not the brick structures, but the Buddha’s relics enshrined

in them. Buddha images are also worshipped only after being consecrated by

revered monks, reciting a Pali verse of “Aneka Jᾱti saṁsᾱyaṁ” very respectfully

and solemnly. A Buddhist is instilled in his heart with the three Gems—the

Buddha, the Law and the Order of monks.

The inscriptions under study mention two occasions of enshrinement of

Buddha’s relics in detail in the Lemyaknhā Temple and in the twin pagodas.

One inscription reveals that relics were firstly put in a jeweled gold casket which

was encased again and again in caskets made of silver, copper, sandalwood,

ivory and a stupa-shaped sandstone container for final enshrinement. Buddha

images made of various metals, wood and stone together with many other

valuable things were arranged systematically and enshrined in chronological

order from the Nativity to Great Demise.

25 Pillar 4, l. 7(Nyein, 1972), I: 152. Nowadays, only one enclosure is extant; the outer enclosure is lost, probably due to Chinese invasion of AD 1287. Chroniclers firmly state that many pagodas and temples were dismantled down to get bricks for urgent construction of a fort to defend Pugaṁ against the Chinese invaders.

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Let me repeat here how Buddha’s relics were enshrined. They were

firstly put in a casket made of sandalwood; then, it was put in a glass casket,

then, in a red sandalwood casket, then, in a gold casket, then, in a silver casket,

then in a jeweled casket, then in an ivory casket, then in a copper casket, and

lastly in a stone miniature stupa for final enshrinement.26 Together with the

relics are enshrined three Buddha images: one made of gold weighing 30 kyats;

another made of silver weighing 50 kyats, and the last one made of marble

which was gilt. Moreover, there were many other sacred things including gold

and silver parasols arranged over them in the relic chamber.27

A temple or a pagoda has three sacred places in it: the shrine where

Buddha image is installed to pay homage; the relic chamber wherein Buddha’s

relics with many other valuable things, including silver, jewelries and gold are

deposited for reconstruction of it in case it is badly ruined or collapses; and the

topmost part where finial or umbrella is put up. In Pugaṁ, majority of early

pagodas and temples had no umbrella. But it was in this Le:myaknhā Temple

a stone miniature stupa with a gold umbrella on top of its finial was put up and

kept in the relic chamber.28 The main temple itself had a bronze finial without

an umbrella.

Le:myaknhā Temple and Twin Stupas

In the shrine there are four Buddha images in Bhūmişpaś Mudrā –a

posture known as the Victory Symbol, with the right hand touching the earth

calling to witness. They are thought not to be originals but the later donations.

On the inner walls of the shrine, from about ten feet above the floor up to ceiling

were a myriad of Buddha images and selected scenes from 550 Jataka Stories

were painted.29 The paintings seem to be designed to educate illiterate

26 Pillar no. 2, ll. 8-10 ( Nyein, 1972)p. 152. 27 Pillar no. 2, ll. 13-14(Nyein, 1972)p. 152. 28 Pillar no. 2, ll. 11-13(Nyein, 1972) p.152. 29 Pillar no. 2, ll.1-16 (Nyein, 1972) pp. 152-53

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onlookers to know about the life of Buddha, His fulfillment of ten perfections

and His good leadership. By looking at these scenes worshippers might learn

or emulate some good deeds of Bodhisattas (would-be-Buddha).

Figure 3. Brick monastery of the chief Abbott

The donor mentions in his inscription how a finial, made of bronze

weighing 40 viss30, made from 39.75 kyat weight of gold and 195 kyat weight

of quicksilver, was put up. The finial was made of an alloy consisting of bronze,

gold and quicksilver so that it seems to have been shining in the sun.31 Now no

finial is found on top of the temple. It had been removed; when and why it was

taken away is not known. Instead, there stands an umbrella of later make.

The temple and its inscriptions bear unique features for historians and

scholars to study. As the inscriptions are the records of a particular temple,

they are very significant for reference in writing history. The Le:myaknhᾱ

Temple itself an impressive structure with its outer decorations of foliage with

intertwined mythical beasts and birds and inner wall paintings. Pugaṁ building

30 One hundred kyat weight makes a viss that roughly equals to 3.63 lb. 31 Pillar no. 2, sll.16-18(Nyein, 1972) p. 153

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decorations in every period naturally could attract the people to their

magnificence and picturesqueness juxtaposed with mythical beasts and birds

in foliage. We may imagine that onlookers were awe-struck in seeing them the

decorations with celestial beings and ogres in human form as well as royal attire

and pomp. All these are for us, also very interesting art objects. The inner

decorations are paintings on walls and corridor ceilings of the temple—mostly

are figures of Buddha sitting in cross-legged posture. One can say that these

are Buddhist propagating art because on the lower parts of the walls were

painted selected episodes of the life of Boddhisatta—Embryo-Buddha from 550

Jataka stories. They are thought to portray Great Conquerors who appeared

and entered Nivanna in previous aeons in conformity with a popular prayer,

beginning with “Sambuddhe—the Perfect Buddha”. It reads as follows:

The perfect Buddha twenty-eight, The twelve thousand, the five hundred thousand, I worship bowing down my head. Few are the sands of the Ganges, Innumerable are the Conquerors, Who had entered Nirvana.32

It means that there were been innumerable Buddhas (actually, 512,028)

who appeared and entered Nivᾱna. We all have missed these Buddhas. But,

if we are lucky enough, we can meet the last Buddha of this aeon. In

inscriptions, such prayers expressing a burning desire to see the last Buddha33

and cursing any vandals whose theft may prevent seeing Him are often found.

34 Indeed, the Le:myaknhᾱ Temple is thought to be built as a Saṁbuddhe

Temple for having a myriad of painted Buddha images in circles on the interior

walls. It also looks like a variegated cave with its numerous drawings of images

32 Pe Maung Tin(trans.), Buddhist Devotion & Meditation, An Objective Description & Study, London, SPCK, 1964,p. 36. 33 “Amatkri Siṅghasῡ’s Inscription dated AD 1190”, reverse, ll.30-32,(Nyein, 1972)p. 52. 34 Stone Inscription dated AD 1188, no. 12 in Pugaṁ Museum,ll.23-24(Nyein, 1972),p.49.

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of the Buddha. In this study, what we see is that evidence abounds in

inscriptions, wall paintings, fresco art, sculpture and architecture, from which to

enhance our knowledge in the study of Myanmar medieval history.

Figure 4. Monastery where monks resided

Le:myaknhā Compound: monastery, library, ordination and meeting halls

The Le:myaknhᾱ Temple is outstanding in richness of artistic and

aesthetic values and educative information. A nearby twin-stupa built by the

same donor also bears reliefs in shallow niches around the stupas. Monastic

establishments were important for propagation of Buddhism and education as

well. It is in this period that Buddhism-based education started to develop. One

can check it with inscriptions and with other contemporary sources. Buddhist

monasteries became learning centres for children and youths (or for novices

and young monks). Monks were greatly revered by kings, nobilities and

commoners alike. Indeed, monks played a very important role in the community

by educating the children of the people, by giving sermons to devotees for the

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good of their life. It is seen that Anantasῡra had lived in a peaceful and

prosperous period between the reigns of King Cañsü II and King Klacwā.

Figure 5. Pitakat Tuik (Library in ruins)

Le:myaknha Temple is of medium size, not as big and grand as the

temples of King Thiluiṅ (Kyansittha) and King Cañsü I, but it had unique

features with interior and exterior decorations, plus monastic establishments

and with inscriptions. Such features are lacking in the temples of above-said

Pugaṁ kings. In the Le:myakhnā Temple precincts, there are six structural

remains, viz., the main temple35, a library that adjoins to it,36 a brick monastery

for Abbot37, a spacious two-storied brick structure for other Theras—Elder

Monks, a Sima—Ordination Hall, and a Dhamma Sālā38. Except the main

35 Pillar 2, ll. 7-8(Nyein, 1972)p. 152. 36 Pillar 2, l.18(Nyein, 1972),p.153. 37 Pillar 2, l. 20, (Nyein, 1972), p. 153. 38 Pillar 2, l. 21,(Nyein, 1972), p. 153.

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temple all others are now in ruinous condition. There is a Dhamma Sālā—

preaching hall39 between the Abbot’s Flat and a two-storied building. In this

Dhamma Sālā the abbot, used to give sermons to the audience on every

Sabbath day40. It has now been totally ruined, but its foundation is left. In front

of the main temple, there is a brick rectangular foundation in north-south

alignment. It is a ruined Simā—Ordination Hall, but no inscriptional evidence is

found to be referred to, except its stone demarcations of a Sima set up. They

can still be seen intact. It might be a later development.

Figure 6. Ordination Hall (Sima Site)

The donor built many wooden monasteries for student monks to learn

Buddhist scriptures. Moreover, a great beautiful Tanchoṅ--roofed shelter in

front of the temple was built to hold religious ceremonies and other

celebrations. A spacious carap—rest house was also built for pilgrims or

passers-by to stay overnight free of charge. It was also intended for local

39 Pillar 2, l. 19( Nyein, 1972), p. 153. 40 Pillar 2, l. 19, (Nyein, 1972), p.153.

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people to hold such ceremonies as alms-giving, meetings for village or religious

affairs. Unfortunately, none of them survive.

Figure 7. The Amanā Lake( Water Tank) Renovated

The temple complex would have been a pleasant, quiet, peaceful and

holy place for monks and pilgrims. The donors provided monks with four

prerequisites, viz., shelter, food, medicine and robe. For maintenance of these

edifices the donors also endowed them with paddy fields, dry cultivation lands

and many plots of reserved land, together with several hundred kywans

including monks, cultivators, artisans, masons, carpenters and so forth for their

service in renovation works, in cultivation works and in the works cultural and

ritual performances. The monastery complex had a kappiya Kuti –store room

to keep all gifts or offertories received. Unlike other inscriptions, the couple was

totally silent about the consecration or libation ceremony customarily held after

the completion of construction works. This being so, we cannot know from their

inscriptions of any of celebrated monks who attended this ceremony.

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Figure 8. Twin Stupas on a Single Platform built by wife

Pugaṁ Inscriptions and Society

In the Pugaṁ area there are over six hundred inscriptions in different

languages including Chinese, Mon, Myanmar, Pali, Pyu, Sanskrit, Tamil and

Yun. Some belong to the post- Pugaṁ period. The earliest inscription of

Anantasūra is dated 15 December 1223. It mentions their noble desire for

building a temple and pagodas; management on constructions; relics and other

sacred objects enshrined and money payable for costs of construction and

decorations of their buildings. It also records the Pitaka scriptures copied and

acquisitioned in the library adjacent to the main temple and the generous

endowment of slaves for temple maintenance.

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Figure 9. Exterior Stucco Relief

Myanmar society in Pugaṁ Period had no caste system even though

Myanmar has been under Indian cultural influence since the dawn of our

history. But we can see social stratifications in Pugaṁ inscriptions. At least five

social strata are distinct in this period.

1. At the apex of the society was the lord or king. He was an arbiter of life

and death of the people or the riy mliy khap sim so sakhiń--Lord of all

earth and water.

2. After him came royal siblings Mańñi—royal brothe r(prince), mańsā—

royal son (prince), mańsamī--royal daughter (princess) and Mań-

nhama—royal sister (princess).

3. They were followed by a thin stratum of amipurhyā--queens and

mońmatow—lesser queens or concubines.

4. Then came amatyā-builpā—ministers / high ranking military officials and

crown servicemen.

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5. Kywans are mentioned greatly in detail. But the inscriptions do not make

any mention of the common people.41

Basically, we can categorize Pugaṁ social structure into four levels: king

and royalty at the top; Amattyā, Builpā (High Ranking Officials) hereditary

chiefs and servicemen in the second rank, people in the third, and kywans in

the fourth place. Kywans can be divided into household kywans and religious

institutional kywans or redeemable and unredeemable kywans. They formed

the lowest class. We should give priority for discussing the kywans as evidence

of them abounds in inscriptions. From my point of view, they were not inferior

in social status to commoners. Even though they lost their freedom, they were

more secure than some commoners in their daily life. Moreover, they had

easier access to education. They had the right to enter monkhood. Most

importantly, they were free from military service and exempted from taxation.

There were literates and monks among kywans as has been said above.

An education system had already begun in Pugaṁ Period since the

introduction of Theravada Buddhism. We see that Myanmar writing was

gradually progressing whereas Pali language study seemed to be at its zenith.

Inscriptions tell us about the Pugaṁ education system. There were

monasteries and celebrated monks who were well versed in Buddhist

scriptures. Moreover, Pitakat Tuiks (libraries) were built by kings and court

officials wherein Buddhist Scriptures were deposited for study. These texts or

extracts were taught to young monks, novices and boys by elder monks.

Secular arts were not studied in these Theravadin schools as in those days

education meant the study or learning of the Buddha’s Teachings in

monasteries. The inscriptions indicate that even children received a

41 Pillar 2, ll. 2-4(Nyein, 1972), pp. 151-52.

21

rudimentary education in the ‘three Rs’ (reading, writing and arithmetic) for

children.

Pugaṁ inscriptions often show that there were literate people in different

social groups.42 Some inscriptions are found recording Buddhist scriptures

copied and donated to monastic libraries for use by monks and students.43

Ambitious monks studied Tipitaka Scriptures. It was they who later became

learned or celebrated monks, well versed in Pali scriptures and literatures.

Anantasūra and wife donated a set of copied Pitaka scriptures and deposited

them in a library that they had built in brick adjoining the main temple; it was

also close to the Thera’s residence and within easy reach of the monk-students.

Maintenance System of Pugam Pagodas

For maintenance of brick and wooden structures kywans were donated

to take care of them. The kywans were donated to the religious establishments

in family units. A large kywan family had five siblings. Some were widows or

widowers with or without sibling. Religious kywans came from various social

status groups. There was a Saṁbyaṅ (an official) and his family, who stood as

the head of the kywan community donations to this temple. The first group

consisted of 78 kywan, the second 34, the third 20 and the last 10, totaling 142

kywans donated to take care of the temple.44

They were assigned different duties for maintenance of the temple and

other religious edifices to ensure their longevity. Their duties were to clean the

temple and monastery compounds daily, and daily offering of cooked rice,

drinking water, flowers and fruits, and oil light to the Buddha image of the

42 “Ṅā Maṅ Klaň Saṅ Inscription” dated AD 1151, l.16, (Nyein, 1972), p.28; “Ah Tho Lat Inscription” dated 1265, ll. 4,5,7,(Nyein, 1972)p. 29. 43 Pitakat Lhuso Kyokca”--An Inscription of Pitakat Donation, dated AD 1197, l. 3, (Nyein, 1972), p. 58. Also see ‘’King Nā Toṅ Myā’s Inscription” dated AD 1207, l. 4, (Nyein, 1972), p.83. 44 Pillar 2, ll.31-53(Nyein, 1972),pp.154-56.

22

temple. They also renovated the buildings annually or upon other occasions.

They treated the Buddha images anthropomorphically. Some were to attend to

elder monks. For example, a group of kywans was bought for the temple. It

consisted of 11 men. A bought-kywan was worth of 33 kyats per head. In the

group were 7 men and 4 youths.45 The inscription also mentions under teenage

kywans their usefulness in their families or with their serviceable age from

infancy to boyhood. For example,

nuiw,cuiw--suckling baby or breast-fed infant 46

cā-tat—an infant who can take meal by himself (about 3-5 years

old) 47,

Mhura—an underage boy employed in errand jobs (about 5-10

years) 48

mrak-ra—a teenager employed in collecting fodder (about 10-15

years) 49

Of kywans many were found underage. Some attained their schooling

age. Unfortunately, as no inscription ever mentions the schooling of boys we

have no concrete evidence for the education of the Kywan children. Those who

were dedicated to pagodas and monasteries might have a chance of learning

basic education for reading and writing because they were kywans of a

monastery or a nearby pagoda. There were kywan monks whom we often come

across in inscriptions. Most of them might undoubtedly be literate. And they

could presumably teach the children of the kywans basic reading and writing

plus some paritta suttas—protection from evils and imminent dangers.

45 Pillar 2, ll. 4-6 (Nyein, 1972), pt. 1, p. 176. 46 Pillar 2, l. 9(Nyein, 1972), pt. 1, p. 176 47 Pillar 2, l. 11(Nyein, 1972), pt. 1, p. 176 48 Pillar 2, l.35, 36(Nyein, 1972), p.159 49 Pillar 2, l.36(Nyein, 1972),p.159.

23

There are 20 kywans bought and sold in AD 1225. Of them one was

literate; it is mentioned that “Ṅa Mwan himself a kywan had inscribed a list of

kywans on stone for future reference”. He was a recorder of a list of kywans.

He was literate. Inscriptions also mention the value of kywans or their current

price in selling or buying. Generally, a kywan was worth 30 kyats per head.

Four kywans were bought at ks 120 in silver, an average cost of a slave

amounted to 30 tical or kyat in weight of silver. 50

Some Kywans are found attached with their works, or traditional

hereditary handicrafts, like, for example, kywans of royal fan producer (Yap

tāwsaň (Yat-toau-thi) who bought 25 kywans.51 Of them, some were employed

at a garden as watchmen, some as paddy-rice trans-planters, some musicians,

dancers, and the like.52

Not all kywans were settled in or around Pugaṁ. Many were settled in

places far away away. Some are found at siphanchik (Tha-phan-seik)53 some

at Toṅplwun (Taungbyone)54 and some at Sacchin, (Thitseint)55 and at

Matarā (Madaya).56 Kywans bought and donated to the religion numbered 115

men. Silver lumps paid in kyat weight for them amounted to 11.95 viss.57 There

were other offerings consisting of rice fields, gardens, ox, buffalo, elephant, and

goat. Domesticated animals were not mentioned in number. Buffalo, ox and

elephant could be used for plowing, for tilling and for carrying grains, goods,

bundles of straws and stalks to be used as fodder. But we have no idea for a

donation of goat found in the list. It seemed to be intended only for meat in a

religious occasion. Indeed, such a donation for sacrificial purpose was against

50 Pillae 2, ll. 21-22(Nyein, 1972), p. 177. One viss is equal to 100 kyats. 51 Pillar 2, ll.31-32(Nyein, 1972), p. 177. 52 Pillar 2, ll.33-34, 40(Nyein, 1972), p. 178. 53 Pillar 2, ll.32-33(Nyein, 1972), p. 178. 54 Pillar 2, l. 40,(Nyein, 1972), p. 177 55 Pillar 2, l.45 (Nyein, 1972), p. 178. 56 Pillar 2, l.49 (Nyein, 1972), p.178. 57 Pillar 2, ll. 1-28 (Nyein, 1972), pp. 198-99.

24

the Buddha’s preaching. But Pugaṁ well-wishers used to hold a grand feast

after completion of a temple or monastery construction. It might be a tradition

of that age.

Life of the Pugaṁ People

Now let us turn our attention to Pugaṁ kywans and their social

conditions. We know their life more than common people. Their life and that of

commoners would not be greatly different except that the former lost their

freedom. It would be wrong to believe that the life of kywan was very hard and

miserable. Their life cannot be considered lower in living conditions than that

of commoners because they had enough land to work on. Some kywans would

receive crops as land rents from glebe lands for their maintenance. All crops

received as land rent were redistributed among them by their head or by the

temple trustees. Generally, their life seems to have been more secure than a

commoner who could fall into servitude at any time.

We also notice the children of kywan families. In the main inscription

pillar (No. 2) kywans dedicated to the temple numbered 110 of which no less

than 24 were children.58 On the west face of pillar 2, kywans with their families,

who moved out to a new village were recorded as 57 in number, of which five

were dead, two, children.59 Moreover, there were kywans of Toṅkha and

Myaṅkhuntuiṅ Villages, numbering 65. Some were received as gifts from the

king and queen and some received through court decision after winning an

inheritance case.60 The total kywans numbered 73 of which no less than 25

were children.61

Kywans who passed away are often found listed in inscriptions. One can

assume that by recording such dead kywans no dispute over them or over their

58 Pillar 2, Eastern Face, ll. 31-58, (Nyein, 1972) pp. 154-56. 59 Pillar 2, western face, ll.1-8,(Nyein, 1972, pp. 156-57. 60 Pillar 2, ll. 19-31(Nyein, 1972),pp.158-59. 61 Pillar 2,wetern face, ll. 32-55, (Nyein, 1972), pp.159-61.

25

families could take place any more. Such information makes us think about

their life span. Moreover, we can know which sex (male or female) was more

liable to untimely death and why it was so. But we do not know the diseases

that the Pugaṁ people suffered. No mention of diseases is found in

inscriptions. Because of the mention of the dead we come to know the increase

and decrease of kywan population during a particular period so we can partially

understand the conditions of the Pugaṁ people.

Kywans dedicated to three gems undertook different occupations

including klway thin—buffalo (cow) tender62, rahan—monk63, laksmā—

carpenter64, pasāsaň—drummer65, ?Ňhaṅ tat—(?player of) a kind of musical

(string) instrument 66, kuhāsaň—launderer 67, panthyan—? an artisan of

bronze work68, Uiwthin--potter69 , kwaṁ mwan tāw saň—royal betel quid

server70, Uyān Coṅ--garden watchman71, Uiw mliy coṅ--pottery soil watchman

at Putak72, and capā cuik kywan—paddy-transplanters.73

Another inscription stone was erected by his wife in commemoration of

her late husband, Anantasū(ra) who passed away in AD 1227. It is a four-faced

pillar. Ruminating that she also would face the law of impermanence one day,

she built a twin-stupa on a single platform presumably representing them as a

couple. Ojbects enshrined in them by her on 25 December 1227 (14 waxing of

62 Pillar 2, east face, l.47,(Nyein, 1972), p.155. 63 Pilla 2, west face, l. 21,(Nyein, 1972), p.158; south face, ll.8, 12, (Nyein, 1972), pp.161-62; Pillar 6, west face, l. 7, (Nyein, 1972), I:196. 64 Pillar 6, west face, l. 12, (Nyein, 1972), I:196. 65 Pillar 6, west face, l. 1, (Nyein, 1972),!:196. 66 Pillar 6, west face, l.21, (Nyein, 1972), I:197. 67 Pillar 6, west face, l. 17. (Nyein, 1972), I:197. 68 Pillar north face: 40((Nyein, 1972),p, 177, Pillar 6, east face: 18((Nyein, 1972),p. 194. 69 Pillar 2, east face, l. 44, (Nyein, 1972), p.155. 70 Pillar 2, west face, ll. 28-29, (Nyein, 1972), p. 159. 71 Pillar 2, north face, l. 33, (Nyein, 1972),p.177. 72 Pillar 2, south face,l l. 39, 52 (Nyein, 1972),p. 163. 73 Pillar 2, north face,l.33-34(Nyein, 1972),p. 177.

26

Plasuiw74 589 ME) were the same things arranged in the same way as her

husband had done previously in the Le:-myaknhā Temple. To attend to the

Three Gems—the Buddha, the Law and the Sangha Order, she donated over

150 kywans. They were assigned specific duties as had been done in the case

of the Le:myaknhā Temple.

Marital status of kywans is always mentioned when they were donated

to Buddhist institutions. Head of a family was recorded as Iṁthoṅ. Under an

Iṁthoṅ-- there were wife and offspring or siblings. As for their social status,

some are married (Iṁ thoṅ)75, some are widowers(Phut)76; some

widows(Kamay).77 The donor prepared lists of his kywans in detail and

inscribed them on stones as records for future reference. Unfortunately the

supplement stone (no. 6 in the shed) is damaged in some lines. But we can

figure out the number of kywans.

74 Tenth month of Myanmar calendar. 75 Pillar 2, east face: ll. 32,33(2), 34(2),35, 36(2), 37(2),38, (U Nyein Maung, 1972),, pp. 154); ll. 39(2)40 (3), 41(2), 42, 44 (U Nyein Maung, 1972),p. 155; Pillar 2, west face: ll. 22, 34, 37(U Nyein Maung, 1972),p.159; Pillar 2, south face : nil. north face: nil. Pillar 6, east face: nil; west face: 22, 29, 30, 34(Nyein, 1972),p, 198; south face: 1, 3, 6, 9, 11(Nyein, 1972),p.198-99. 76 Pillar 2, east face, ll. 32, 35, 36, 37(p.154)ll., 41, 48, 49, 50(3), l.51(p.155),ll. 52, 53(p.156) ; west face , ll.1(2),3,4, 5,7(2), 8, (p. 157),ll. 22,23,25(3),l. 26(2)(p.158) l. 27(p.159),ll. 33, 35, 38(2), 39(2) (Nyein, 1972),p.159-160; ll. 40, 41(2), 42(3), 43, 45, 48, 49(3), 52(2) (Nyein, 1972),p. 160-161; l. 53(2),( (Nyein, 1972),p. 161; south face, ll. 3, 4(3),5, 6(2),7)(2), 9,10(3)( (Nyein, 1972),p.161; ll. 11, 12,13(2), 14(2),17,18, 19, 20(2) 22,23(2),29, 32(2)( (Nyein, 1972),p.162; ll. 41, 42, 43,44(2),45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 53, 55, 57(Nyein, 1972),p.163; north face: ll. 8, 10, 12(2),( (Nyein, 1972),p.176 ; ll. 13,14, 15(2), 35 (Nyein, 1972),p,177: 42, 44(2), Pillar 6, west face,l. 5(2),8(2),9, 11(2),( (Nyein, 1972),p,196; ll. 14, 15(3),25,26(2) (Nyein, 1972),p,197;l.32,33(Nyein, 1972),p,198; south face, l. 8, 9,(2) (Nyein, 1972),p,198-99.

77 Pillar 2, east face: ll. 41, 42, 43, (Nyein, 1972),p, 155; west face, ll. 20-21, 21(2)22(Nyein, 1972),p,158; ll. 34, 35(3), 38, (Nyein, 1972),p,159; ll. 40(3),41, 50, 51(3) (Nyein, 1972),p,160; south face, ll.34,(2), 35,( (Nyein, 1972,p,162); Pillar 6, east face, 29, 31(Nyein, 1972,p, 194),ll. 32, 33,35,36, 9(Nyein, 1972),p,195; Pillar 6, west face: ll. 1(2), 2(2), 3, 13 (Nyein, 1972),p, 196; ll. 16(2),20(2), 22, 28(Nyein, 1972),p, 197; l. 35(Nyein, 1972)p,198; south face; ll. 3,5, 11, 12(Nyein, 192),pp. 198-99.

27

Pugaṁ aristocrats might have practiced a polygamous system as it was

then a popular practice among royalty and officialdom. But Anantasu had a

single wife legally married. He was a man of character, serving as a Minister

(Amatyā) and a Commander-in-Chief (Mahā Senāpati) as well. He served

under two kings: Sañsῡ II (1174-1211) and Nᾱtoṅmyᾱ (AD 1211-31), He

donated many cultivable lands located in such areas as Mlacsᾱ, Calaṅ, and

lower Khyaṅ:Twaṅ:Region. He denoted almost all his wealth in building many

Buddhist temples and monasteries for the good of the local community. He

created a new landscape by planting many toddy palm trees around the tank

and monasteries for cool shade,

As has been said above, Anantasu practiced a monogamous system

and did not have a lesser wife (Myā ṅāy). But some of his slaves did.78

Polygamy was then legal but not commonplace among the populace. Some

kywans had their native place attached to their name, such as Pugaṁ Kywan -

a slave came or were bought from Pugaṁ 79 Mraṅ-khun-tuiṅ Kywan – one who

lived in Mraṅ-khun-tuiṅ80 , Toṅ-kha Kywan81 - a kywan from Toṅ-kha Village,

a Ṅa-toṅ-plun82--one who was a native of Toṅ-plun village.

We also come across a case of kywan absconding in inscriptions83. The

reason why they ran away is not known. Inscriptions also reveal widows and

widowers. Widowers were more numerous. There were 44 people in the death

list.84 Women are found short-lived and often met with untimely death. The

78 Pillar 2, east face, ll.37-38,( Nyein, 1972), p. 154; west face, l. 6,( (Nyein, 1972),p.157; Pillar 6, west face, l.6, (Nyein, 1972),p,196 79 Pillar 2, l. 31, (Nyein, 1972),p. 154.

80 Pillar 2, l l.30, 32(Nyein, 1972),p. 159. 81 Pillar 2, l. 31(Nyein, 1972),p. 159. 82 Pillar 2, l. 36 (Nyein, 1972),p. 159. 83 Pillar 2, l.36(Nyein, 1972),p. 162. 84 Pillar 2, ll. 36, 39, 45, 49, 51, 52, (Nyein, 1972) pp. 154-56;: ll, 1(2), 4(2), 5, 7, 36, 37(2), 38(2), 39, 40, 41(2), 42, 44, 46, 48, 52(Nyein, 1972) pp.156-60); ll.3, 6(2), 9, 28, 29, 30, 31-32, 33,41, 42(2), 46, 50((Nyein, 1972)pp.161-63; 2-3, 52,55, (Nyein, 1972)pp. 176-78;

28

mortality rate between men and women was nearly 1:3. It seems to me that

pregnant women were very much liable to death in their confinement due to

unscientific midwifery practiced then in the country. Kywans donated to the

religion numbered 248; of them married were 31; widowers 126; widows 47;

and the dead were 44 respectively.

Land Dedicated to Religion and Their Locations

Date Location Land (?in Pe)

Dedicated

Dedicated to

584 Nattaw

7+

Khaṅmwan(Khyoṅ:ῡ: 1000(paddy land) Monastery

-do- Nwā-thin(Mwan Ywᾱ) 2000(dry Land) For Lightening temple

595 Hti paň yaṅ(Dīpèyaṅ) 3000 Temple & Pagoda

595 Rwā-sac-krī 500 ? For (purchase of a)

girdle

596 Dabon

6+

Caku(Maṅ:bῡ:) 1000(paddy land) For Tree Gems

597 Kachun Kyanto Chay Rwa Illegible Same as above

1222-1235 7500 +

Source: Stone Inscription, no. 8/kha(B)ll.13-22, (Nyein, 1972),pp. 273-74.

The Le:myaknhᾱ Temple complex owned several thousand agricultural

lands located in Salin, Kyaukse, and Bagyi Taik and had many kywans to work

on them. Indeed, all donated kywans were not agricultural workers. Many

others were artisans and craftsmen whose care ensured the Pugaṁ

monuments were long lasting. Thanks are rightly due to them for the Pugaṁ

cultural heritage that they handed over to us.

Conclusion

A Pugamṁ aristocrat and wife built many religious and related

establishments at the Ᾱmanᾱ site in AD 1223. These were built for two

purposes: to attain enlightenment (for themselves) and to enhance educational,

cultural and environmental conditions for the welfare of local community. The

couple erected three inscription stones in which were recorded their meritorious

works in detail. It seems to me that the couple wanted to promote the

29

knowledge of village community in the sectors of health and livelihood. There

were many other donors in Pugaṁ like this couple. With these religious

establishments Pugaṁ became holy, magnificent and well known not only to

Southeast Asia but also to the outside world.

Pugaṁ is a land of pagodas and inscriptions. It is like an ever-open art

gallery and library serving scholars with its immense wealth of inexhaustible

culture. Among all the Pugaṁ inscriptions, Anantasūra’s are outstanding in

richness of information and as a compact religious establishment constructed

by spending all of his fortunes legally amassed in his life.

30

Bibliography

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“A Four Faced Inscription,”dated 1232, Pillar 3, U Nyein Maung (comp. and ed.), She-

haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon, Archeology

Department, 1972

“Amatkri Siṅghasῡ’s Inscription dated AD 1190”, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She-

haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon,

Archeology Department, 1972

“Inscription of a couple, Anantasῡra and Wife,” A two faced inscription, dated 1222,

Stone 8/Kha, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-

mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

“Inscription of Anantasῡra and Wife,” A Four-faced Inscription, Pillar no. 2, dated AD

1223, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient

Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

“Maha Senapati Anantasura Inscription, dated 1227, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.),

She- haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon,

Archeology Department, 1972

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Department, 1972

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Maung(comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient

Myanmar Inscriptions) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

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Maung(comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar

Inscriptions) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

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and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions)

Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

31

Myanmar Texts

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Than Tun, Khet hoṅ: mranmᾱ Rᾱjawaṅ(Ancient Myanmar Chronicle), Yangon, Mahᾱ

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English Texts

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Pali Text Society,1921-192.

Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. I, part i. Yangon, GPP. 1952, Reprint.

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Study, London, SPCK, 1964.