anne tamm anne.tamm at unifi.it university of florence research institute of linguistics,hungarian...
TRANSCRIPT
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Anne Tammanne.tamm AT unifi .it
University of Florence
Research Institute of Linguistics ,Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest
Semantic roles and cross-categorial case in
UralicInternational Workshop on Semantic
RolesPavia, 19-20 May 2010 - Aula Scarpa
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Do verbs instantiate semantic roles?
What is the relationship between semantic roles and grammatical categories such as aspect, evidentiality, or modality?
Questions and puzzles
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Semantic role is a relation between a predicate and an argument.
The relationship is encoded by a form with semantic and categorially specified content.
The encoding may be done by case.The category that ”has” case may be a predicate.Many Uralic categories are between nouns and
verbs.These mostly infinitival case forms are arguments
of predicates that are itself predicates.So verbs can instantiate a semantic role, but how?
Reasoning for YES
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Ma lähe-n Pavia-sse/Tallinna. I[nom] go-1sg P-illative T.illative‘I am going to Pavia/Tallinn.’
Verb of motion - Goal
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Ma lähe-n uju-ma. I[nom] go-1sg swim-m_illative‘I am going swimming, I am going to swim.’
(# I’m gonna swim.)
Verb of motion - Goal
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Ma olen Pavia-s. I[nom] be-1sg P-inessive‘I am in Pavia.’
Copula - Location
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Ma olen uju-mas. I[nom] be-1s swim-m_inessive‘I am off swimming.’(# I am swimming – progressive)
Copula - Location
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Ma tule-n Pavia-st. I[nom] come-1s P-elative‘I am coming from Pavia.’
Verb of motion - Source
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Ma tule-n uju-mast. I[nom] come-1s swim-m_elative‘I am coming from swimming.’(# Je viens de nager – I have just swum.)
Verb of motion - Source
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Ma ole-n pileti-ta. I[nom] be-1s ticket-abessive‘I don’t have a/the ticket, I am without a/the ticket.’
One example about other relations
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Ma ole-n uju-mata. I[nom] be-1s swim-m_abessive‘I have not swum.’
Other relations, abessive, ‘without’
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The Uralic languagesThe role of caseCross-categorial caseNon-finites as arguments and as predicates
The transfer of the meaning of semantic roles of non-finites as arguments > TAM categories
The roadmap to the solution
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Uralic languages are typically characterized by rich case systems with approximately 10 members, and many have case systems of approximately 15 or 20 cases.
In WALS, there are 24 languages with more than 10 cases. The following languages have more than 10 cases in
WALS: Awa Pit, Basque, Brahui, Chukchi, Epena Pedee, Estonian, Evenki, Finnish, Gooniyandi, Hamtai, Hungarian, Hunzib, Ingush, Kayardild, Ket, Lak, Lezgian, Martuthunira, Mordvin (Erzya), Nez Perce, Nunggubuyu, Pitjantjatjara, Toda, Udmurt.
Five of those listed are Uralic (Erzya Mordvin, Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, and Udmurt).
Rich case systems > poor case systems
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Languages with many non-finite forms tend to have rich case systems.
The regularity can only partly be attributed to areal linguistic contacts, since it is observable, for instance, in the geographically distant Caucasian and Australian languages. There is no reason to assume a generalization with the strength of a language universal.
Non-finite forms frequently originate from case-marked non-finite verb forms, which are complements originally but develop further into base predicates of larger predicate complexes.
These complexes develop case-related semantics and modal meanings.
Case-marked non-finite verb forms
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Attaches to nouns, and in languages with adjective-noun agreement, to adjectives
Attaches to verbsAttaches to verbs with a nominalizing suffix
Attaches to verbs with a nominalizing suffix, forming infinitives and in-between forms
Uralic case is cross-categorial
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Verb stems (Udmurt V+abessive)
Nominalizations (Udmurt cases V+m+case, V+n+case)
Parts of non-finites (Finnic, the case formants are part of a morpheme of a non-finite verb)
Selkup infinitive marker: V+translative
Cross-categorial case illustrations
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1. Nominative s’ik2. Genitive s’ik-len3. Accusative s’ik/s’ik-ez4. Ablative s’ik-les’5. Dative s’ik-ly6. Adessive s’ik-len7. Instrumental s’ik-en8. Abessive s’ik-tek9. Inessive s’ik-yn10. Illative s’ik-e11. Elative s’ik-ys’(t)12. Terminative s’ik-oz’13. Egressive s’ik-ys’en14. Prolative s’ik-eti15. Approximative s’ik-lan’
Attaches to nouns: an example of the Udmurt case system
Source: Svetlana Edygarova, p.c.
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1. Nominative s’ik2. Genitive s’ik-len3. Accusative s’ik/s’ik-ez4. Ablative s’ik-les’5. Dative s’ik-ly6. Adessive s’ik-len7. Instrumental s’ik-en8. Abessive s’ik-tek myny-tek 9. Inessive s’ik-yn10. Illative s’ik-e11. Elative s’ik-ys’(t)12. Terminative s’ik-oz’13. Egressive s’ik-ys’en14. Prolatives’ik-eti15. Approximative s’ik-lan’
Udmurt: case on bare stems
Source: Svetlana Edygarova, p.c.
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1. Nominative s’ik myn-on (verb+n+case) 2. Genitive s’ik-len myn-on-len (verb+n+len) 3. Accusative s’ik/s’ik-ez myn-on-ez4. Ablative s’ik-les’ myn-on-les’5. Dative s’ik-ly myn-on-ly6. Adessive s’ik-len 7. Instrumental s’ik-en myn-on-en8. Abessive s’ik-tek9. Inessive s’ik-yn myn-on-yn10. Illative s’ik-e myn-on-e11. Elative s’ik-ys’(t)12. Terminative s’ik-oz’ myn-on-oz’13. Egressive s’ik-ys’en14. Prolative s’ik-eti15. Approximative s’ik-lan’
Udmurt: case on n-nominalizations
Source: Svetlana Edygarova, p.c.
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1. Nominative s’ik myn-em (verb+m+case)2. Genitive s’ik-len myn-em-len (verb+m+len)3. Accusative s’ik/s’ik-ez myn-em-ez4. Ablative s’ik-les’ myn-em-les’5. Dative s’ik-ly myn-em-ly6. Adessive s’ik-len7. Instrumental s’ik-en myn-em-en8. Abessive s’ik-tek9. Inessive s’ik-yn myn-em-yn10. Illative s’ik-e myn-em-e11. Elative s’ik-ys’(t) myn-em-ys’12. Terminative s’ik-oz’ myn-em-oz’13. Egressive s’ik-ys’en14. Prolative s’ik-eti15. Approximative s’ik-lan’
Udmurt: case on -m-nominalizations
Source: Svetlana Edygarova, p.c.
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1. Nominative book raamat2. Genitive of a book raamatu3. Partitive (of) a book raamatu-t4. Illative into the book
raamatu-sse5. Inessive in a book raamatu-s6. Elative from (inside) a book
raamatu-st7. Allative onto a book raamatu-le8. Adessive on a book raamatu-l9. Ablative from the book raamatu-lt10. Translative in(to), as a book raamatu-ks11. Terminative until a book raamatu-ni12. Essive as a book raamatu-na13. Abessive without a book
raamatu-ta14. Comitative with a book raamatu-ga
The Estonian case system
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productivepartitiveprtcpl-vat-vat-infinitive
productive...-da-da-t-infinitive
Historicalinstructive-da... Gerundive
Historical, productive-s, inessive-da-desGerundive
Historical, productive-ta, abessive-ma-mataAbessive of the m-infinitive
Artificial, productive-ks, translative-ma-maksTranslative of the m-infinitive
Dialectal, Finnish-Livonian-lt, ablative-ma(-malt)Ablative of the m-infinitive
Dialectal-l(a), adessive-ma-mallaAdessive of the m-infinitive
Coast dialectal-le, allative-ma-malleAllative of the m-infinitive
Historical, productive-st, elative-ma-mastElative of the m-infinitive
Historical, productive-s, inessive-ma-masInessive of the m-infinitive
Historical, productive-, illative-ma-maIllative of the m-infinitive (supine)
Diachronic statusCase Related form
FormName
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Uju-ma, uju-mas, uju-mast instantiate a different category from noun
They are between verbs and nouns, infinitives and nominalizations (action nouns)
They cannot be modified by an adjective, showing case agreement
They cannot be pluralizedBut there are slight changes in the encoding
of the argument NPs
These forms are not nouns
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Ta läks koju mütsi-ta ja salli-ta.She went home hat-abe and shawl-abe‘She went home without a hat and a
shawl.’
Ta läks koju mütsi-Ø ja salli-ta.She went home hat-Ø and shawl-abe‘She went home without a hat and a
shawl.’
Suspended affixation with nouns
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Ta läks koju jooksmata ja kiirustamata.She went home run-m_abe and hurry-m_abe‘She went home without running and
hurrying.’
*Ta läks koju jooksma-Ø ja kiirustamata.She went home run-m-Ø and hurry-m_abe‘She went home without running and
hurrying.’
Suspended affixation not possible with the m-non-finites
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Having the same distribution with certain NPs ‘marked with the same case’ and instantiating the same semantic roles
illative: goal, inessive: location, elative: source
partitive: theme/patientThe semantic role provides the semantic
basis for the shift in the categorial status of the case marker
Nominal properties
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‘part-of’ N> event-object isomorphism > aspect marking partitive> epistemic modality > evidentiality
The transfer of incremental theme semantics to TAM categories: partitive
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Incremental themesMari sõi pitsat. Mari ate pizza.partitive‘Mary was eating the pizza.’
Mari sõi pitsa. Mari ate pizza.tot‘Mary ate a pizza.’
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Affectedness of the incremental theme and the object case
Incremental theme argument totally affected
Incremental theme argument
partially affected
NO PARTITIVE
PARTITIVE
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Aspect in generalPerfective --
telic(push x to garage, give x
to Mary)
Imperfective –atelic
(hear, see, believe x, push x to garage, give x to
Mary)
NO PARTITIVE PARTITIVE
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The participle becomes an object - auditory evidence is partial
Mari kuulis teda Mary heard him/her.part
koju tulevat. home come-pers.pres.ptcp.partitive
‘Mary heard him/her come home.’
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Visual evidence is not partialMari nägi JüritMary sawJ.part
koju tule-mas. home come-m_inessive‘Mary saw George coming home.’
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Evidentiality: indirect hearsay partialMari tule-vat.M.nom come.pers.pres.participle.part
‘Allegedly/reportedly, Mary will come.’
Mari tuleb.M.nom come.3.sg‘Mary will come.’
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Evidentiality, epistemic modality and the incrementality of evidence
FULL EVIDENCE
Incomplete EVIDENCE
NO PARTITIVEEVIDENTIAL
PARTITIVEEVIDENTIAL
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Conclusion: semantic roles and cross-categorial caseWhen non-finites are case-marked, they can
instantiate semantic roles.This brings about the broadening of the meaning
of the case and the rise of grammatical meanings.The transfer of the meaning of cross-categorial
case from an argument to the predicate or utterance domain retains elements of the meaning of the semantic role.
I presented the parallels in the Source, Location, Goal, and Incremental Theme roles of case marked nouns and non-finites.
I showed how the semantics of the incremental theme role transfers to the categories of aspect, epistemic modality and evidentiality