TORONTOT ORONTOTO RONTOTOR ONTOTORO NTOTRONT OTORONTO

« Ward14 as a case study for a quali--tative, cultural and architectural

transformation of the historic

city

fabr

ic in

Tor

onto

»

TORONTOT ORONTOTO RONTOTOR ONTOTORO NTOTRONT OTORONTO

by Dominika Linowska

Architectural History Thesis Paper AR2A010

September 2012

« Ward14 as a case study for a qualitative, cultural and archi-

tectural transformation of the historic city fabric in Toronto »

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To: Toronto

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CONENTS LIST

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1. Foreword 8

2. Toronto: A Brief Profile 11

3. Creation of Ward 14: Suburban Beginnings 14

4. Shaping the Urban Fabric / Infrastructure / Architectural Style 21

5. Addition of the Expressway = Cutting off from Society 27

6. The Slum Phase 31

7. Why was it a Slum? 35

8. From Slum to Urban Village, Ideals of Living in the City Center 37

9. What is Gentrification? 41

10. Why are People Moving into Ward 14 / Benefits? 44

11. Town Planning Guidelines in Effect. 47

12. How is Ward 14 Being Revitalized? Who is Behind this? 49

13. Artists as Promoters 52

14. Development Plans 54

15. Renaissance 58

16. Conclusion 61

17. Sources Used 66

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1. FOREWORD

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This paper will examine a specific district –ward 14, to be exact- in the City of Toronto

as a case study for its’ dynamic transformations of the historical urban fabric within

today’s contemporary society. The subject—analysis of a given area’s evolution from

a suburb, to a slum, and to a ‘thriving bohemia’ by means of gentrification and other

external forces, will be illustrated in the essay.

For more than two decades, Toronto has been the place of my residency—my home-

town since emigrating from Eastern Europe as an infant in 1990. I had the chance

to spend time in different parts of the city and understand the characteristics and the

compositional elements behind them. Some areas are more comfortable and pleasant to

go to than others. This phenomenon was my starting point. I want to investigate what

draws people to which districts and why. What makes certain areas more liveable than

others? What is the richness behind the historical transformation of the urban fabric in

these areas? In particular, I will focus on the neighbourhoods of Parkdale, Roncesvalles

and High Park. These areas have undergone a prominent revitalization and upgrade

in the recent years that I would like to examine. I’ve been visiting the Roncesvalles

neighbourhood often as a child because of its Polish community. There are countless

shops, restaurants and services catering to the needs of Poles—something that my par-

ents found really comforting as immigrants from Poland. A collage composed of multi-

nations has a strong charisma in the City of Toronto.

I remember my mother referring to ward 14 (especially Parkdale) as a dirty and un-

safe place. But as the years passed, this area became ‘cool’ and ‘hip’, with many bars

and cafés opening up. One could clearly see that a makeover was taking place. As I

witness these changes happening in front of my eyes, in a very short period of time,

I am curious about the story and forces behind this vibrant transformation. Carolyn

Whitzman, lecturer in Urban Planning at the University of Toronto mentions that there

is a renewed interest in longitudinal studies of neighbourhood transitions. This inter-

est is initiated mainly because of two factors: the gentrification of neighbourhoods on

Anglo-American central cities, which mystifies former theories of inevitable decline,

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and a postmodern concern with changing discourses or images of place.1

The trend of moving back to the city is spreading rapidly. In a few decades every-

one will be living in an urban environment commonly referred to as the megalopolis.

Throughout the world, many rehabilitation and revitalization projects are under way.

The scope of these plans range from smaller, architectural renovations to full-scale

urban renewal plans. All these different methods of ‘upgrading’ a city are executed in

order to make a place more liveable or rather more sustainable for future generations.

I am writing this paper to stress how important it is to discard the notion of modern

planning (also known as ’backward thinking’) ideologies of suburbs and sprawl. Un-

fortunately many developers lean toward design ideas of the past in order to design

cities of tomorrow. Elements of a typical suburbia are not designed for humans—the

planning of these ‘ideal neighbourhoods’ does not work at all. This essay shall entice

people to move back into the city, where one can benefit from: proximity, infrastructure

and dynamics which, in the case of ward 14, were all planned in the 19th century for us

to use and not scrap. I would like to emphasize the importance of existing urban fabric

and how it is possible to preserve its qualities instead of building on green fields, result-

ing in distasteful sprawls. I approached this topic because of my dislike for generic,

identity-less suburbs which are being ‘seeded’ all over the world. I want to analyze

how and why people, especially the younger generation are moving back into cities and

what the beneficial qualities of this move could be.

1 Carolyn Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village: Transformations in Toronto’s Parkdale Neighbourhood, 1875-2002, (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2009), 192.

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2. TORONTO: A BRIEF PROFILE

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In 1793, the Town of York was founded and forty-one years later (in 1834) it was of-

ficially incorporated as the City of Toronto. This highly populated Canadian city is

located on the northwestern shore of Lake Ontario. It is known for being one of the

world’s prominent financial hubs as well as having a strong multicultural presence.

Toronto is divided into wards for electoral and management reasons. Currently there

are 44 wards, each with its own governing councillor who is in charge of a variety

of committees. Toronto’s urban fabric is organized into the commonly-known North

American grid system; a strict and easy-to-follow urban planning layout. John Graves

Simcoe—the first lieutenant governor of Upper Canada, was responsible for laying out

the urban grid which still dominates today’s street pattern.2 Assortments of neighbour-

hoods with different characteristics are present with designated industrial, residential,

institutional, commercial and recreational zones. World-renowned Jane Jacobs men-

tions that, “...many Toronto city neighbourhoods continued viable and, with passage of

time, they even grew stronger and increasingly desirable. These neighbourhoods are

not exceptional in Toronto as in so many American cities; rather, they are the rule.” 3

Traveling slightly west from Toronto’s core, one stumbles upon the neighbourhood of

ward 14 (Figure 1). The following neighbourhoods are housed within this particular

ward: West Bend / Junction, Parkdale, Roncesvalles, Sunnyside and High Park. Bor-

dered by the old railway tracks, the lake and a park, ward 14 is known to be a slightly

run-down area with a strong ethnic community as well as a growing art scene. This area

has its own distinct character—it looks nothing like the sky-scraper-filled downtown

core just a few kilometres away. “It’s a bustling neighbourhood of shops, boutiques,

cafes and bistros, in which pride of ownership and attentive personal service is stan-

dard”4, a local resident explains. During the past couple of decades, the transformation

of ward 14 was ensued by a wave of gentrification. According to Walks and Maaranen

from the Center for Urban and Community Studies, Toronto is revealed as currently

experiencing the most widespread gentrification into its stock of low-income inner-city

neighbourhoods.5 Various forces are playing a role in these dynamic changes, which

will be discussed in this paper from the year of the neighbourhood’s establishment up

until the present day.

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2 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 67. 3 (Foreword by Jane Jacobs) Sewell, John. The Shape of the City: Toronto Struggles with Modern Planning. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press Incorporated, 1993), x.4 http://parkdalevillagebia.com5 Timing, Patterning and Forms of Gentrification, p26 (pdf- Walk)

Figure 1. Map defining borders of Ward 14. City of Toronto Ward Profiles. www.toronto.ca, 2011.

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3. CREATION OF THE DISTRICT (WARD 14) SUBURBAN BEGINNINGS

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Between the years of 1875—1912, the development of Parkdale—High Park (previ-

ously known as wards 6 and 7) district took place. It was originally developed as a

suburb away from the city. “Although now considered part of downtown Toronto, from

1879 to 1889 Parkdale was a politically independent suburb five kilometres due west of

City Hall. Parkdale continues to have a strong sense of neighbourhood identity, partly

because of its clear boundaries.” 6 The ideal at the time was to live in a dichotomous

location from where one worked and where one lived. This ideology was commonly

referred to as the suburban dream, which according to Carolyn Whitzman was “an

Anglo-American tradition of distrust and dislike of urban life that led many middle- and

upper-class families ... to establish suburban residences at the outskirts of rapidly ex-

panding industrial cities in the nineteenth century”.7 At the time, people thought of the

city as being unhealthy, dirty and noisy and therefore wanted to live away from these

negative characteristics. Toronto-born activist, city councillor, mayor and journalist by

the name of John Sewell explains the modern portrayal of a city:

Three general strands of thought are pulled together under the rubric of modernism: a

straightforward belief that cities are bad, in and of themselves; a sense that cities are

un-healthy—physically, socially, aesthetically, and morally; and a feeling that cities

mitigate against a good family life. These ideas found expression in Western thought

from the sixteenth century onward, and fell on fertile ground in thought and deed in the

twentieth century. 8

The modern notion illustrated a stereotype that a more private and green plot of land

was sought after by families. Bringing up children away from a noisy and polluted area

was considered to be a privilege. Even in the twenty-first century, we see families with

similar ideologies. They prefer a bigger house, with three bathrooms, three parking

spots and a gated back yard. People are somehow inclined towards the materialistic and

rather unsustainable way of living in peripheral districts instead of being closer to the

city and using its’ beneficial amenities. A city encompasses a rich ‘social arena’, also

known as public spaces, third places, open spaces, all which host regular voluntary

6 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 12.7 Whitzman, 6 within: (Jackson 1985; Fishman 1987; Rybczynski 1995)8 Sewell, John. 4.

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informal and spontaneous gatherings beyond the realm of home and work. 9

On May 17 in 1879, the Floral Suburb of Parkdale was officially inaugurated. The

name Parkdale combines two essential signifiers in the late-nineteenth-century subur-

ban culture: ‘park’ and ‘dale’— both which suggest natural beauty and seclusion from

the sights and odours of the big city.10 At the time, the district was comparable to the

luxurious Rosedale— a part of town located north east of ward 14. Nowadays, Rose-

dale is still known for its posh mansions, expensive cars and high-class boutiques. It is

recognized as a neighbourhood with the highest income rates in Toronto. When ward 14

was blooming around the 1880s, it was considered to be the ‘next Rosedale’ by count-

less critics as well as residents. Professor Whitzman explains Parkdale’s ideal qualities:

“From the first promotion of Parkdale as a place for ‘those whose avocations require

them to spend much of their time amid the bustle of Toronto [yet desire] a quiet home

in an agreeable locality’, the westernmost edge of the city (as it was then) continued to

be portrayed as a stable, wealthy, residential outer-zone suburb during the twenty years

of its initial development.”11 (Figure 2)

10 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 76.11 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 8.

Figure 2. Map of To-ronto’s western suburbs, 1878. Scanned from Carolyn Whitzman’s Sub-urb, Slum, Urban Village. p73. Original source from: Canniff 1968.

9 Bach & Pressman. Climate Sensitive Urban Space: Concepts and Tools to Humanize Cities.

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The word suburb, derived from a Latin term meaning ‘beyond or below the city,’ has a

long history. The suburban dream itself is even older. Jackson (1985, 12) cites a letter

from a nobleman to the king of Persia in 539 BC: ‘Our property seems to me the most

beautiful in the world. It is so close to Babylon that we enjoy all the advantages of the

city, and yet when we come home we are away from all the dust and noise.’ ...the com-

bination of proximate access and psychological distance remained a common theme

in the suburban ideal for the next 2,500 years.12

Ward 14’s period as a suburb is anything but comparable to today’s dull and identity-

lacking suburbia. The development of Parkdale in the 19th century integrated many

valuable traits within the urban fabric which can still be used presently. None of the

cookie-cutter homes of today’s sprawling new neighbourhoods (Figure 7-8) are built to

last. Firstly, these developments are errected much further away from the center—ap-

propriate only for the automobile society. In The Death and Life of Great American

Cities, Jane cites: “the destructive effects of automobiles are much less a cause than

a symptom of our incompetence at city building.”13 Secondly, a proper infrastructure

of these new suburbs is lacking. There is no distinct identity or feeling of a (what is

described and or advertised as) a safe and liveable neighbourhood. A Canadian Journal

by the name of Identity attacks the negative impacts of urban sprawl: “How does one

organize form, create legibility and provide identity in such a state of ‘agonized plural-

ism’? This is most pertinent in the peripheries of North American cities that resemble

mid-20th century L.A—vast territories of homogenous and unplanned sprawl without

formal limits and without formal legibility or identity.” 14

Similarly, Jane Jacobs attacks the principles of modern, orthodox city planning and

rebuilding:

Cultural centers that are avoided by everyone but bums, who have fewer choices of

loitering place than others. Commercial centers that are lack-luster imitations of stan-

dardized suburban chain store shopping. Promenades that go from no place to nowhere 12 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 33.13 Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, (New York: Vintage Books, 1992), 7.14 D’Hooghe, Alexander. “Public form and the periphery.” Onsite- identity. no. 25 (2011), 53.

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and have no promenaders. Expressways that eviscerate great cities. This is not the

rebuilding of cities. This is the sacking of cities.15

In her theories, Jacobs also mentions the importance of lively streets and sidewalks

and successful districts which act as mediators between neighbourhoods and the city.

Of course, these cannot be found in the above-mentioned sprawled and newly-created

neighbourhoods. Ward 14 is a good example of all the good qualities of city life that

Jacobs refers to. This particular district is a mix of class and cultures with various ame-

nities at hand. It is perfectly situated with respect to Toronto’s heart. (Figure 3)

Throughout Parkdale’s ten years as an independent municipality, tensions between

what I will term ‘pro-development’ and ‘slow-growth’ forces helped shape the neigh-

bourhood’s physical form and social composition. Each side of the debate promulgated

an image of Parkdale’s character. The pro- development forces viewed Parkdale as

the expanding edge of a growing city, with inexpensive housing opportunities for all.

They would be ideologically aligned with the ‘big tent’ suburban promoters. The slow-

growth forces wanted physical and moral exclusivity in the suburb, by maintaining an

identity distinct from and morally and economically superior to Toronto’s. 16

As Whitzman explains in her own thesis-based book, there is a clear conflict between

these two distinct visions of a suburb within Parkdale. This conflict or rather clash of

ideas is still felt today. Perhaps that is one of the reasons why this area is so unique and

works quite well. In another excerpt, the author explains a more in-depth logic behind

Parkdale’s era as a suburb:

Parkdale’s decade-long life span as an independent municipality provides a counter-

example to the usual stereotypes of politically independent suburbs existing to protect

middle-class people’s property values by excluding non-residential uses and poor peo-

ple... the late nineteenth century was a transitional point between big tent and exclusive

15 Jacobs, 416 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 79.

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Figure 3. Parkdale within the context of Toronto’s downtown, 1881-1922. Scanned from Whitzman’s book. Original source: Harris and Luymes 1990, Lemon 1985, map 2. Map courtesy of Ric Hamilton, McMaster University.

Figure 4. Timing & patterning of gentrification and upgrading in Toronto, 1961–2001. Calcu-lated data by Census of Canada authors. Taken from R.Alan Walks & Richard Maaranen’s Neighbourhood Gentrification document, p5.

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suburbs, suburbs that sought growth at any cost and suburbs that marketed themselves

with race, ethnic, or class distinctions to maintain high property values. Although po-

litical power was held by small businessmen in Parkdale, both commuters and people

whose primary business interests were there, the net impact of early political decisions

resulted in the suburb being a low-cost haven for working class homeowners and rent-

ers. Land was cheap, social services were extensive, and access to jobs across the rail

tracks and within the municipality was good to begin with, and better by the end of the

1880s. Although Parkdale was the fastest-growing suburb in the greater Toronto area

during the early 1880s, large tracts of land in the west and north remained undevel-

oped at the time it was annexed by Toronto. Again counter intuitively, Parkdale was a

suburb where the wealthy predominated only after annexation by the city, during the

worldwide recession of the 1890s.17

“The conflict between Parkdale as a place morally distinct from Toronto and Parkdale

as a place to profitably purchase land persisted throughout the period of the suburb’s

development.” 18 Later on, the essay mentions again how this was one of the main fac-

tors (a profitable location) for people moving back into the neighbourhood in the late

20th century and as a result gentrifying it.

The district of Parkdale—High Park was developed as a bustling neighbourhood with

many facilities and luxurious residential units. “South Parkdale ...grew rapidly in the

late nineteenth century as one of Toronto’s first commuter suburbs, facilitated by the

development of the railway and, later, the streetcar. Streets were laid out to facilitate

resident access south to Lake Ontario and north to Queen Street that became the main

thoroughfare of commerce and trade, a condition unaltered today.” 19 First and foremost

came the railways: the Northern Railway, the Great Western Railway; the Grand Trunk

Railway; and the Credit Valley, Toronto, Grey and Bruce Railways, by 1879. Four of

these railways divided Brockton (what is now known as Parkdale). “At least two of the

railways had shunting and works yards close to the Queen-Dufferin intersection, and

17 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 89.18 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 63.19 Slater, Tom. “Municipally Managed Gentrification in South Parkdale, Toronto”, 307.

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4. SHAPING THE URBAN FABRIC / INFRASTRUCTURE / ARCHITECTURAL STYLE

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Figure 5. Photo of King, Queen, & Roncesvalles, looking southeast, by Alfred Pearson, April 17,1923. City of Toronto Archives, Series 71,2014. Source: http://torontoist.com/2009/09/a_community_of_tenants_in_the_city_of_homes/

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Figure 6. Postcard of Queen Street West, looking east from Ronces-valles, c.1918. Source: Carolyn Whitzman’s Suburb, Slum, Urban Vil-lage, p 100. Original source: Baldwin Room, Toronto Reference Library, Toronto Street series, T 14029

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This neighbourhood was planned with a well-proportioned scale in mind as well as a

healthy mix of necessary services for the residents (Figure 6). “South Parkdale became

known informally as the ‘Village by the Lake’, with fine Victorian and Edwardian

all had stations within Parkdale. By 1879, the intersection was also served by a horse

tram, which by 1887 was extended to High Park. A King Street tram reached Parkdale

by 1883.” 20 The location of ward 14 (the defined district that is being studied) within the

City of Toronto is very optimal. It benefits greatly from the surrounding services as well

as the excellent infrastructure connecting it to the rest of Ontario (Figure 3).

The character of the neighbourhood in the early twentieth century has been captured

by a local historian: ‘In the early days large homes in spacious grounds overlooking

the bay with their owners’ boats moored at the jetties characterized the scene ...Com-

fortable dwellings on large lots then began to fill up the spaces up to Queen Street

and within a few years the lofty arches of healthy trees added beauty and shade to the

avenue. Commuters from the new suburb were able to board trains ... for daily travel to

the city. It is not surprising that in the early 20th century Parkdale was considered one

of Toronto’s most desirable residential locations.’ 21

Various amenities such as the 1922 opening of the Sunnyside Amusement Park and

Bathing Pavillion marked the success of the upper-middle class neighbourhood. The

year of 1903 also marked the launch of the Toronto Industrial Exhibition which later

changed its’ name to the Canadian National Exhibition. Nowadays, various indoor and

outdoor events occur at the Exhibition Place—with a perfect location near the wa-

terfront. In 1883, the York Township Model School was opened, with the addition of

Canada’s first kindergarden school in 1886. When Parkdale became a town in 1885,

the subway opened to the public. This was a big improvement to Toronto’s infrastruc-

ture. By 1888, Parkdale was totally surrounded by the city and therefore the province

ordered another vote on annexation. The following year, annexation took place and an

elementary school was added as well as Toronto’s second High School.

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20 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 71.21 Slater, Tom. 307 Howard Walker quoted in City of Toronto Planning Board 1976, 722 Slater, Tom. 30723 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 72.24 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 73.

terraces and some substantial mansions housing a largely elite and upper middle-class

population.” 12 (Figure 11) Everyone’s goal was to own a piece of land in this attractive

location. Housing wasn’t the only programme spreading in zones of ward 14; other

mixed uses also prevailed. “Although the vicinity of Parkdale was rapidly filling with

institutions, industry, and growing rail and road traffic to the north and east, there were

countervailing influences to the south and west. The land that became Parkdale includ-

ed the only undeveloped waterfront lots within east access of downtown Toronto.” 23

On the one hand, the new Exhibition Grounds to the east, High Park to the west, and

the waterfront to the south offered green space and the potential for pleasant walks

and prospects. The railways and horse cars provided easy commuting opportunities to

downtown jobs for the middle class. On the other hand, the railway yards, industries,

lunatic asylum, and prisons, while providing working-class employment opportuni-

ties, would be considered unpleasant neighbours by a middle-class clientele. However,

Parkdale lots could be sold to middle-class commuters and industrial walk-to-workers,

and to a certain extent, they were marketed to both. 24

This dichotomy of class, explained above by Whitzman, is still felt today when walking

down Queen Street West. The contrasting image of posh coffee shops, boutiques and

bars against the small fast food vendors and run down units is seen clearly in ward 14.

As the industrialization and development of Toronto came about, the charming suburb

of Parkdale grew to be too close to the downtown core. The trend for moving into

26

Figure 9. The demolition of South Parkdale circa 1956 to make way for the Gardiner Express-way Source: http://www.bricoleurbanism.org/whimsicality/gardiners-no-innocent/

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5. ADDITION OF THE EXPRESSWAY = CUTTING OFF FROM SOCIETY

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newer suburbs, which were located further away from the factory district nearby, cur-

rently known as Liberty Village, came back. “Toronto was growing outwards, Parkdale’s

lots were filling up with buildings and households, and developers were moving on to

greener pastures. Parkdale was about to undergo a radical change in image, one that

seemed equally disconnected from its residents’ lives.” 25 Up to World War II, South

Parkdale, distanced itself from the central city and an outpost of the upper middle class,

was largely insulated from an era in Toronto.26

... ‘a time of massive immigration, economic change and social ferment’. This situation

changed dramatically in the 1950s, when Toronto became a prime site of experimen-

tal modernist planning, with expressways leading to suburban expansion seen as signs

of progress, legitimised by the ideological banners of ‘slum clearance’ and ‘urban re-

newal’. South Parkdale was in the path of the construction of the Gardiner Expressway

between 1955 and 1964 and, thus, in the way of ‘progress’. In a destructive stretch of

imagination by the City of Toronto, its southern reaches were designated a slum to be

cleared.

The introduction of the massive concrete vessel (Figure 9) cut off Parkdale from the rest

of society. As Jacob’s quote mentioned earlier on in the essay, the expressway ‘eviscer-

ated’ the City. It is really unfortunate because the lovely waterfront that ward 14 was

known for could no longer be used.

By the mid-twentieth century, when the growth of Toronto had left Parkdale closer to the

center than the periphery (Figure 3), the neighbourhood was attracting very different

descriptions. The 1934 report of the Lieutenant-Governor’s Committee on Housing Con-

ditions in Toronto, known as the Bruce Report, was considered Canada’s ‘bible for so-

cial housing’ and urban redevelopment. It said Parkdale was ‘becoming a serious slum,’

due to the influx of immigrants and industry into a ‘formerly prosperous district’. 27

25 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 102.26 Slater, Tom. 307.27 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 8.

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Figure 7. 39 Blue Grouse Road , Vaughan Typical houses in suburbs of To-ronto. Photo put up as online advertisement to sell house on Remax Homes. Source: http://kirbychan.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/39bluegroussefront.jpg

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Figure 8. Foundation and Slabs, Lakewood, California, 1950, William A. Garnett. Gelatin silver print. 7 7/16 x 9 3/8 in. © Estate of Wil-liam A. Garnett Source: http://www.getty.edu/pacificstandard-time/explore-the-era/worksofart/foundation-and-slabs-lakewood-california/

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6. THE SLUM PHASE

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According to Carolyn Whitzman’s definition, “slums...were considered crowded, with

high-density rental housing. They were characterized by a transient, non- English-

speaking and immigrant racial/ethnic-minority, and generally outcast society, with

little privacy and much street activity, and consequent crime, violence, and morality

concerns. Furthermore, slum inhabitants were of a low social and economic class, un-

healthy and possibly genetically inferior, backward in social norms.” 28 Parkdale was

given the label of a slum because the above description matched the description of the

current situation (at the time) of the district. The area no longer evoked the feeling of a

pleasant middle-class suburb. Instead, a clash of what some described as ‘interesting’

characters was roaming the streets—especially during late evening hours. Not only was

the neighbourhood becoming dangerous, it was also becoming overcrowded.

The area of what is now known as ward 14 was experiencing problems of overcrowding

because of substantial family homes (Figure 11) being populated with larger amounts

of families than originally intended for. Numerous families were also of foreign origin,

which in some opinions caused a greater problem for the locality. Additionally, the

presence of factories and railroads to the south and east added to the disadvantage of

causing noise, traffic and dirt. 29 In the 1950s and after the 1990s there was mass im-

migration to ward 14 namely from: Eastern Europe, Asia as well as Western Europe.30

Mini neighbourhoods were therefore developed because of these immigrant communi-

ties. For example, Roncesvalles Avenue is universally branded as Little Poland. An

Figure 11. Picture of middle-class houses on Garden Avenue. Photographed June 1972. Source: Carolyn Whitzman’s Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, p 99. Original source: Baldwin Room, Toronto Reference Library, Toronto Street Series, 979-42-3.

28 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 17.29 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 104.

33

assortment of Polish shops, butchers, offices, restaurants, salons and banks are seen

throughout this area. The Polish diaspora even has its own Credit Union and a commu-

nity centre which was opened in the late 1950s near the St. Stanislaw Roman Catholic

Church.

Immigration evidently influenced the housing typology of the area. Many large fam-

ily homes were converted into bachelorette apartments, yet this solution caused too

many problems since these homes were illegally converted and produced unsanitary

conditions. “After complaining about overcrowding and high densities in Parkdale for

close to fifty years, the City of Toronto had devised a seemingly contradictory planning

remedy: permitting the construction of forty-eight high-rise (8-23 storey) apartment

buildings in South Parkdale from 1953 to 1967”.31 Jameson Avenue, for instance, is

known for its transitional building typology. This street, filled with multi-storey apart-

ment buildings, (Figure 12) catered to new immigrants. Jameson Avenue is where Ca-

nadian life began for newcomers. 32 This area is seeded with these buildings because of

the demolition of countless homes after the construction of the new highway.

During the 1970s, according to the Onsite author Lejla Odobasic, “Parkdale went

through a large demographic change. The provincial government, in the hopes of inte-

grating many long-term mental illness patients from the two adjacent psychiatric hos-

pitals, decided to convert many old Victorian mansions into boarding houses. Many

illegal small units were also created further driving down property values.” 33 There

was a constant battle to eliminate illegal units within ward 14. These units were also

known as rooming houses (back in the 1800s), boarding houses, as well as bachelorette

apartments. The old architecture of ward 14 did not meet the needs of a new way of life,

therefore residents tried to appropriate their own needs by subdividing flats into more

rooms. According to Whitzman’s thorough research of the area, “By 1951, seven in ten

of Parkdale’s former single-family dwellings had been converted to multiple housing

units, and the area’s population continued to rise”. 34 This was a big contributing factor

of ward 14 becoming a public squalor. Very quickly Parkdale developed a reputation as

30 City of Toronto, ward 14 statistics31 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 147.32 Odobasic, Lejla. “Simulataneous cities: Migration and Identity.” Onsite- identity. no. 25 (2011). 1333 Odobasic, Lejla. “Simulataneous cities: Migration and Identity.” Onsite- identity. no. 25 (2011). 1334 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 140.

34

Figure 12. High-rises on Jameson Avenue, taken from City Form and Everyday Life: Toronto’s Gentrification, Jon Caulfield. p36.

a neighbourhood with povery, crime, drugs, homelessness and numerous people with

mental illness. The Lunatic Asylum now known as CAMH is the largest medical facil-

ity for patients with mental problems in Canada. It is situated in the heart of Parkdale

(Figure 15). This negative reputation of the neighbourhood drew the real estate prices

down even further, which allowed apartment buildings in the area to become affordable

options for the newcomers in the City of Toronto.35 In a nutshell, Whitzman explains

the three stages of Parkdale’s decline: “The neighbourhood went through three changes

in the early twentieth century that could be termed decline: discursive decline, socio-

economic decline, and decline in the housing stock”. 36

35 Odobasic, Lejla. “Simulataneous cities: Migration and Identity.” Onsite- identity. no. 25 (2011). 1336 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 147.

35

7. WHY WAS IT A SLUM?

36

First, the movement from an outer-edge new suburb to the city’s aging inner ring dur-

ing Parkdale’s supposed decline was seen as a part of the despised centre. Secondly,

there was a large presence of ‘flexible houses’ on large lots, which could be effortlessly

converted into flats during times of economic recession and high housing demands.

Last but not least was the decline of the neighbourhood. Calling the neighbourhood a

slum may have depressed property values and made institutional home loans difficult...

But a bad reputation may have been a boom for lower-income renters and new property

owners, especially newcomers to Toronto who might not otherwise have been able to

buy or rent in the central city. 37

“Ironically, the streets...where wealth had been concentrated became the place where

economic and social change seemed most rapid and harmful. Once Parkdale was con-

sidered a good place to live, with good people, now it was becoming a bad place to live,

with housing forms that could make women and men go bad.” 38

37 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 148-149.38 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 106.

37

8. FROM SLUM TO URBAN VILLAGE, IDEALS OF LIVING IN THE CITY CENTER

38

As early as 1970, Parkdale, with its charming 100-year-old houses, perfect tree-lined

streets and history as a lavish suburb, was being promoted by various urban develop-

ers who were eager to attract mainly middle-class homebuyers. 39 Professor Whitzman

states that these developed suburban areas which were initially meant for the middle-

class, always seemed to decline to the point of being labeled as slums. Now, through-

out the twenty-first century, these areas are being revitalized as gentrifying neighbour-

hoods, or so-called urban villages.40 This type of transformation is evidently applicable

to the shifting status of ward 14. The revitalization effect of the defined district only

started to be felt at the beginning of the twenty-first century and is still continuing to

grow.

Whitzman writes that, “living in the central city connotes progress, moral and physi-

cal health, and social responsibility”—a contrasting outlook to the modernistic posi-

tion which regards the city as being a bad place to live. “As households move further

out into the suburbs, they are considered to lose access to the once-despised and now

sought-after attributes: land-use and social mix, and proximity to the new non-pol-

luting industries of information technology and finance. Living, working, and play-

ing in the central city is now lauded the way that strict separation of land uses in the

suburbs used to be”. 41 The move back into the city is becoming a more recurrent

theme. The city is regarded as a place to gather, to meet people, to socialize and en-

gage in the spontaneity of urban culture. People feel inclined to look for a house or

apartment within the denser city areas, closer to an assortment of services as well as a

multitude of entertainment venues—this is a new generation with new views and trends

.

According to researchers R. Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen from the Center for

Urban & Community studies, the definition of gentrification is as follows:

Gentrification is one of the most salient trends affecting the contemporary inner cities

of large metropolitan regions in both the developed and developing worlds. It is an ur-

ban phenomenon with important policy implications, associated with declining stocks

of affordable rental housing, with displacement of the working class from the commu-

39 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 3.40 Whitzman 541 Whitzman 7

39

Figure 13. Queen Street West. Typical street facades of the area. http://urbanrealytoronto.com

40

Figure 14. Aerial Parkdale 1935. http://www.trainweb.org/oldtimetrains/CPR_Toronto/aerial_park-dale_1935.htm

Figure 15. A map of Parkdale, showing precise planning of plots at the time. http://www.trainweb.org/oldtimetrains/OandQ/CVR/map_parkdale.jpg

41

9. WHAT IS GENTRIFICATION?

42

nities where they have traditionally lived and accessed services, with the conversion of

inner-city neighbourhoods from production to consumption spaces for the upper middle

class, and with speculative real-estate markets that drive up the cost of housing across

the metropolitan area. 42

The term ‘gentrification’ originated in London in the early 1960s, referencing the reha-

bilitation of working-class neighbourhoods as well as the down-grated large Victorian

homes, which were originally built by and for the middle class, but occupied with

the working class citizens. 43 Authors R. Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen state that

earlier forms of gentrification began in nearby existing middle-class and elite regions

as well as historic neighbourhoods and areas with Victorian architectural styles. Urban

revitalization also tends to occur in proximity to public amenities such as parks, water-

fronts, cinemas, and beaches, as well as institutions such as universities, museums, gal-

leries, and health centres.44 This phenomenon is palpably applicable to ward 14. With

its’ Victorian architectural style as well as situational layout in relation to the rest of the

city and lake, ward 14 is the perfect area for successful urban rejuvenation. (Figure 4)

In a document called ‘The Timing, Patterning & Forms of Gentrification & Neigh-

bourhood Upgrading’, three important processes coupled with the renovation of older

residential areas in the cores of cities:

i. A change in tenure status of the housing within the neighbourhood.

ii. An increase in both land and dwelling values as well as the associated declines in

affordability.

iii. An upgrade of the neighbourhood social class character from working class to mid-

dle class or higher.45

42 R.Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen (intro, 1) 43 R.Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen , 344 R.Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen (intro, 1)45 R.Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen , 3

43

Figure 20. Typical Victorian style architecture in the area, http://thegridto.com

44

10. WHY ARE PEOPLE MOVING INTO WARD 14 / BENEFITS ?

45

One of the main motives for residents moving into ward 14 is because of the more

affordable rent and property values. Perhaps it is the ‘slum’ label that still lingers in

the history of the neighbourhood. Carolyn Whitzman, author of Suburb, Slum, Urban

Village, validates her personal reason for young professionals moving into Parkdale:

“On this sunny afternoon in July 1986, we were newcomers to Toronto... Parkdale

was the only central neighbourhood that had a range of apartments cheap enough for

us to rent.”46 Ward 14 is currently encountering a generational swap. With younger

crowds inhabiting older and slightly run down areas, new life is being brought back

into the City. It is currently very trendy to move into these types of neighbourhoods,

mainly for artists and singles alike. The 2006 Population by Age Group statistics show

that ward 14 has the highest number of people aged 25 to 35 compared to the rest of

Toronto.47 This category of young professionals clearly values the optimal situation of

the area and transportation infrastructure—close to work, close to bars/cafés, and is

still quite affordable. A trend which many individuals are practising is the revival of the

‘eco-lifestyle’. People want to move to locations where they could bike and buy local

groceries from small family-run businesses. Many rehabilitation projects of factories

being converted into lofts/offices are also rather prominent within the district. This

kind of city life is very sought after by the younger generation, especially the creative

class—designers!

Not only is the location very convenient with respect to Toronto’s downtown, the west-

ern district is also equipped with an amazing urban fabric. Ward 14 is home to many

public facilities such as schools, two libraries and health centers, etc. It is known for its

abundance of unique shops, restaurants and galleries. Parkdale, Roncesvalles and High

Park are very close to the art and design district, (also known as Queen West), which

is just a block east from the border of ward 14. Excellent infrastructure (Figure 5) is

weaved into the fabric of these neighbourhoods. One has the option of using the tram,

the public bus, the metro, as well as the newly added bike routes. Thanks to the original

City Plan of the 19th century, residents of ward 14 are able to take advantage of the

proximity of the good public transportation connections.

46 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, preface vii.47 City of Toronto Ward Profiles, 2006 toronto.ca

46

Ward 14 has an abundance of public urban space—areas within the built-up pattern of

the city. These include: public parks, squares, civic plazas, streets, lanes, alleyways,

spaces between buildings (courtyards, passages). In general, these spaces are for pe-

destrian flow as well as social interaction. Ward 14 has the appropriate fabric as well

as density which help to integrate all these different typologies of public urban space.

This is a fine example of an area that Jane Jacobs or Christopher Alexander would de-

scribe as liveable. Plenty of eyes on the street watching over pedestrians make it a safe

neighbourhood (Figure 13), despite the previous connotations of the late 20th century

label of an unsafe ‘slum’.

Whitzman reflects on her experience and thoughts regarding Parkdale:

This personal story is only one of the millions of stories of home in a big city like Toron-

to. It is about a place that simultaneously contained elements of ‘suburb,’ ‘slum,’ and

‘village,’ which we had experienced as both a place of fear and (temporary) poverty,

and a place of safety and affluence. The story of Parkdale similarly seemed more com-

plex than simplistic narratives of a stable, middle-class neighbourhood gone terribly

wrong in the post-World War Two era, or of an inexorably gentrifying neighbourhood

returning to its former status as a stable, middle-class ‘good place to live.’ 48

48 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, xi.

47

11. TOWN PLANNING GUIDELINES IN EFFECT

48

According to Public Works Canada, “Town planning means the planning of the sci-

entific, aesthetical and orderly disposition of land, buildings and amenities in use and

development with a view to securing physical, economical and social efficiency, health

and well-being in urban and rural communities.”49 This government-based organiza-

tion helps to plan institutional, commercial, park and recreational zones within the City.

Zoning should prevent disorderly urban development, preserve important views and

result in non-monotonous developments.50 A collection of rules are also set by Public

Works Canada regarding height restrictions, building FSI indexes, future expansion

plans, orientation with respect to sun and wind, massing volumes as well as road ad-

ditions. All these basic policies contribute to an area’s liveability scale. The famous

architect and theorist, Christopher Alexander illustrates these types of ‘rules’ of urban

planning in his books which are clearly applied throughout the streets of ward 14.

The Public Works publication states that planning for or within a neighbourhood in

Toronto needs to incorporate principles of town planning in accordance with their rules.

“Of most importance are those principles relating to land subdivision, circulation, and

the provision of community facilities. As part of the urban whole, however, the neigh-

bourhood must not be considered out of its larger context.”51 Authors Boudewin Bach

and Norman Pressman have a similar outlook to the enforced planning department:

“Urban design should, therefore, provide social experience and interaction under posi-

tive conditions while maintaining a comfortable level of social control. City centres,

subdivisions and neighbourhoods will foster a healthier lifestyle and user response, if

they incorporate well designed public spaces.”52

49 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works. Ottawa, 1974. 10. 50 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works. Ottawa, 1974. 66-67.51 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works, Ottawa 1974, 63.52 Bach and Pressman. Climate sensitive Urban Space, Concepts and Tools for Humanizing Cities, 17.

49

49 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works. Ottawa, 1974. 10. 50 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works. Ottawa, 1974. 66-67.51 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works, Ottawa 1974, 63.52 Bach and Pressman. Climate sensitive Urban Space, Concepts and Tools for Humanizing Cities, 17.

12. HOW IS WARD 14 BEING REVITALIZED? WHO IS BEHIND THIS?

50

Ward 14 is comprised of a number of community associations which help transmit

the needs and opinions of residents to the City of Toronto via inclusive public events,

debates and meetings. Parkdale Residents Association bears a responsibility, both per-

sonally and collectively, for the community’s well-being: “Parkdale is an uncommonly

dynamic, creative, eccentric, historic place, and it is our belief that an active and en-

gaged citizenry can make this great community even better.”53 Their intention is to

develop a distinct community spirit, to energize and inform their advocacy as well as to

promote the broader participation of Parkdale’s inhabitants in a variety of decisions that

affect their daily lives. More organizations within ward14 include: the Roncesvalles-

Macdonell Residents Association, the West Bend Community Association, High Park

and Sunnyside Community Association. The High Park Residents Association “and its

members liaise and partner with neighbouring resident and community associations,

business improvement areas, and special interest groups - in addition to elected officials

and their staffs - to promote awareness of resident concerns, and pursue solutions that

are of benefit to all.”54 All these associations work with the City of Toronto’s official

plan and co-ordinate their efforts with the Municipal Councillor—Gord Perks. On be-

half of councillor Perks, his secretary states that “Community input and conversation

is one of the fundamental things Councillor Perks strongly believes in.”55 Other wards

within Toronto should take this strong community approach and use it as an example to

help them grow and function more organically as neighbourhoods.

Many urban revitalization projects are happening within ward 14. From larger scale

modernization of the communication structure, waterfront plans and renewal of histori-

cal fabric to the smaller scale building conversions. It is very common to see adapta-

tions of new programmes introduced into older structures. For example, many unused

factories are being converted into loft apartments, condos or offices. Located on the

south east side of ward 14, Liberty Village is a popular region with many conversions of

old to new uses (Figure 16). Liberty Village used to be a primarily heavy industrial area

and is has now been profoundly gentrified since 2004. Many young professionals are

moving into this neighbourhood for the same reason they choose to make their move

51

53 www.parkdale.to54 www.highparkra.org 55 Meri on behalf of councillor Gord Perks

to Parkdale. A non-profit urban development organization by the name of Artscape aids

in revitalizing the buildings within the neighbourhood of Liberty Village. Mixed live/

work spaces are provided for local artists as well as offices for many companies.

Another prominent example of an interesting rehabilitation project is a former church

(Figure 17) which was turned into social housing in the Roncesvalles—High Park area.

“City planners hesitate to use the word ‘trend,’ however there seems to be a movement

toward breathing new life into historic churches by converting them into residential

dwellings in Toronto’s west end”56 , journalist Lisa Rainford points out. Already four

projects similar to this one have been completed in ward 14 alone. The former Annette

Street Baptist Church at 200 High Park Avenue is now home to eight town house units.

Another conversion occurred in the former Victoria Presbyterian Church at 152 An-

nette Street. The heritage church maintains most of its original historical features while

incorporating 34 new residential lofts. The former church at 384 Sunnyside Dr. is the

most recent condo adaptation in the area.

Aviva Pelt, an assistant planner for the City of Toronto who worked on both the Victo-

ria-Royce and Annette Street Baptist church projects, says the appeal of transforming

an already existing building like a church is that a developer doesn’t have to start from

scratch. ‘It’s an alternative land use. Instead of building a new building, it’s already

there. There isn’t a lot available land for building in the city,’ said Pelt. ‘We’d rather

see something happen instead of a building deteriorating, she said. ‘It’s a good use.’ 57

Overall, one can see the structural transformation of mixed use programmes within the

area. An abundance of new galleries, bars, ice cream parlours, cafés and restaurants are

opening along the main streets of ward 14.

56 Lisa Rainford. Conversion of churches into condos a ‘labour of love’. www.insidetoronto.com. Nov 24, 2011.57 www.insidetoronto.com

52

13. ARTISTS AS PROMOTERS

53

“Artists are often considered early pioneers in the gentrification process, and are known

to prefer ‘authentic’ neighbourhoods and forms of housing, particularly those character-

ized by prewar and Victorian architecture, instead of newer and more modern forms of

housing. The trends showing the concentration of artists in gentrifying neighbourhoods

in our three cities support these assertions.”58 Walks and Maaranen investigate in their

research paper the role of artists with respect to potential future gentrification of cit-

ies. We see a similar pattern in ward 14 where initially artists started moving into the

neighbourhood around the late 70s. Even though it was still deemed an unsafe and filthy

part of town, the scruffiness and eccentric qualities of the place were of great value to

artists. Artists always tend to thrive in places like these. Art districts are situated usu-

ally in more run down areas. Prominent examples of such zones can be found in Paris,

New York, Chicago and Berlin. “People – artists, immigrants, sexual outsiders –once

considered peripheral or even threatening to mainstream society have become central to

economic growth in the beginning of the twenty-first century, and the places where they

live have correspondingly become admired.” 59 Artists have their studios in cheaper

locations because of their unstable income. They also congregate in rather ‘interesting’

and underdeveloped parts of town because they know that these areas are actually affili-

ated with unique qualities. The artists are the ones who seemingly predefine the genius

loci of a place for gentrification to occur.

58 Timing, Patterning, Forms of Gentrification 5859 Whitzman 55

54

14. DEVELOPMENT AND RECONSTRUCTION PLANS

55

There are numbers of urban plans currently under way within the ward 14 area. One of

the largest and most recent is the Western Waterfront Master Plan (WWMP) which was

approved by the council on August 5-6, 2009. The proposal aims to merge together the

tension between the waterfront acting as a destination and as a travel corridor. One of

the main problems is accessibility. Like Parkdale, the waterfront is cut off from society

because of the Gardiner Expressway and other main street arteries. This high-traffic

partitioning creates a lack of useable public spaces. According to the architectural of-

fice named as Planning Alliance, the Western Waterfront today consists of a chain of

under-developed public parks and beaches that line the water’s edge.60 The WWMP

aims to re-imagine the waterfront image incorporating a number of parks and featuring

public beaches.

Another major development in ward 14 is the rehabilitation of the Canada Linseed Oil

Mills Building (Figure 18) into a new Wabash Community Centre. The 1910 heritage-

designated factory building sited on 50 Wabash Avenue hasn’t been in use for over 40

years. Journalist, Shelley White of Toronto’s The Grid mentions that “most of the other

industrial buildings of that era have been converted to condos or torn down, but the

Canada Linseed Oil Mills building remains, sitting abandoned ever since the factory

ceased operations 1969. The City of Toronto bought the property in 2000 and decon-

taminated the site in 2004.” 61

The surrounding Sorauren Park is always filled with activities. Many facilities are

available within the park such as: a leash-free dog zone, tennis courts, a soccer field

and a baseball diamond. The crumbling building with shattered windows has great po-

tential to be given a second chance in this dynamic place. Miedema, Chief Historian at

Heritage Toronto attests to this building’s potential: “For one thing, it’s located in the

heart of a bustling, growing neighbourhood in need of community facilities. As well,

the hundred-year-old property tells a story about Toronto’s industrial and manufac-

turing heritage”.62 The High Park Residents Association along with other non-profit

community-based organizations played a big role in the renewal project for the Wabash

60 City of Toronto, Planning Alliance pdf presentation proposal, 261 The grid: Derelict Delights, Canada Linseed Oil Mills Building62 The grid: Derelict Delights, Canada Linseed Oil Mills Building

56

Community Centre (Figure 19) which is currently in the City’s capital plan for 2018.

Supplementary plans for the City of Toronto include the West End Bike Plan which will

incorporate new routes accessible from homes. Residents of ward 14 helped choose

which potential routes would be most beneficial during the countless resident associa-

tion meetings. There is also a big Roncesvalles Reconstruction Project planned in order

to reinvent the streetscape which will add new life to the public realm. “Roncesvalles

Renewed is a group of residents, business owners, politicians, city planners, and trans-

portation officials working together. Our key priority was to ensure that plans include

the conditions necessary for trees to flourish, better sidewalks and improved public

spaces to create an avenue that all would enjoy.”63 Many Business Improvement Areas

(Figure 21) are designated within ward 14 which of course aid in the process of gentri-

fication of the area.

Figure 16. Toy Factory Lofts, Liberty Village, To-ronto. 2010. Source: http://msashleylamb.wordpress.com/2010/07/30/toy-factory-lofts-liberty-village-toronto/

Figure 17. Annette Baptist Church coversion to residential use. Image taken from online source: http://www.jef-freyteam.com/blog/torontorealestateblog/annette-street-baptist-church/

63 www.roncesvallesrenewed.org

57

Figure 18. Existing state of the Linseed Mills Building. Photograph by Shelley White. Image taken from http://www.thegridto.com/city/places/derelict-delights-canada-linseed-oil-mills-building/

Figure 19. Impression of future Wabash Community Center. Generated by Oleson Worland & Taylor Smyth architects (in joint venture). Image taken from http://wabash-buildingsociety.files.wordpress.com/2012/02/coverpage.jpg

58

15. RENAISSANCE

59

Figure 21. Roncesvalles BIA plan, document.

60

Various sources notice the changes that took place and are continuing to take shape

within ward 14. Parkdale’s Business Improvement Area community declares: “Today,

you can see that Parkdale has undergone a renaissance, a rebirth as a unique and vibrant

neighbourhood that delights, that enthralls, and welcomes visitors seeking exciting and

wonderful sensations.”64 As I was travelling the renewed mixed-use streets of Queen

Street West on a hot sunny afternoon this July of 2012, I could see a total transforma-

tion of the district. There was a huge difference in atmosphere between now and 2005,

for example. The area really cleaned up and became livelier; residents are proud to be

from there. A typical Parkdale scenery can be illustrated like so: many youngsters fill-

ing up cafés, numerous dog walkers, vintage-shoppers and fashionable cyclists along

the human-scale streets.

Once more, Whitzman describes Parkdale’s current state:

Parkdale, like so many older districts, is now in a new phase of transition. It is no

longer simply called a suburb or a slum, but is something else, a place where decline

seemingly coincides with revitalization... Can a comparison of Parkdale’s images and

social conditions over time lead to reconsideration, not only of one neighbourhood’s

history, but of the way we generally look at neighbourhood transition over time? 65

Like myself, the author questions if the transformation of Parkdale could be used as

an appropriate case study for future analyses of neighbourhood gentrification patterns

throughout the world. According to Walks and Maaranen, “Toronto has seen the great-

est number of its neighbourhoods fully gentrify to join the ranks of middle-class and

elite neighbourhoods.” 66 In Toronto, standard forms of gentrification dominate mainly

in areas which are known to be sites of ‘classic’ gentrification, such as those found

in ward 14. The renaissance of Parkdale happened thanks to the ward system, which

focuses mainly on local issues. This type of gentrification pattern also resides in strong

political voices of middle-class gentrifiers which enabled them to preserve their locali-

ties and help limit redevelopment. 67 A community-based approach is key in order to

solve urban problems with collective ideas.64 www.parkdalevillagebia.com65 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 10.66 Timing, Patterning, 6567 Timing, Patterning, 51

61

16. CONCLUSION

62

Ward 14’s transformation into a ‘thriving bohemia’ is just one of the examples of a

typical gentrifying neighbourhood within an existing city fabric. This world-wide trend

of maintaining and upgrading a city’s historical and urban fabric is becoming a com-

monly-used approach for architectural as well as urban planning, while simultaneously

maintaining the needs and expectations of new generations to come.

The newer parts of Toronto were planned to be significantly different from the older

parts, although the reasons underlying the new kinds of plans are often weak, flimsy, or

downright unsubstantiated. The new style of city building, one might conclude, seems

to have emerged from half-baked ideas and has led to the rise of many urban problems.

These problems might easily have been avoided if more thought had been given to a city

form that would best serve the needs of its residents. 68

The above-mentioned excerpt by John Sewell refers to mainly suburbs as being the

disconnected and badly planned ‘newer’ parts of the city. Lewis Mumford, one of the

world’s leading urban critics in the twentieth century also talks about the negative attri-

butes of suburbs: “Suburbia offers poor facilities for meeting, conversation, collective

debate, and common action—it favours silent conformity, not rebellion or counter-at-

tack. So suburbia has become the favoured home of a new kind of absolutism: invisible

but all-powerful”69 In the contemporary society, many families still choose this kind of

newly-developed ‘utopian’ plot of land amid large, generic homes placed side-by-side.

Unbeknownst to these families, the type of planning they are supporting will quickly

destroy our cities. One should study the positive benefits of city living and follow the

footsteps of those who move back to a newly-thriving neighbourhood such as ward 14.

Living in a historically-rich neighbourhood with built-in infrastructure and an abun-

dance of amenities and services will connote a less isolated and better lifestyle. Authors

63

Boudewijn Bach and Norman Pressman conclude that:

...proper urban space planning has as its foundation the desire to create greater social

contact (including perceived and actual public safety) and to preserve the city-centre

as an important ‘place’, with ‘genius loci’, accommodating not only commerce but also

culture and a unique ‘joie de vivre’. Coming there and being there can be an end in

itself! The skillful integration of climatic factors into human settlement planning and

urban design will be an essential prerequisite for urban livability. 70

This excerpt concurs with the notion that living in the city center yields a better way of

life. Of course, to some, it may seem that living in the center is more expensive, but one

must realize that there will be an end to the automobile society which was put forth dur-

ing modernism, especially due to escalating gas prices as well as environmental issues.

We should begin to understand, get used to and enjoy the countless positive qualities of

urban living in the future megalopolis.

68 intro Sewell, xiv69 Sewell, xv (excerpt by Mumford 1961,513)70 Climate sensitive Urban Space, Concepts and Tools for Humanizing Cities, Bach and Pressman. p87

64

Figure 22. Artwork by Ross Racine, Golden Shores, 2009 Rossraine art: http://www.rossracine.com/artwork/subdivisions-group-2-2006-2/goldenwood-shores.html

65

66

17. SOURCES USED

Literature

Bach, Boudewijn & Pressman, Norman. Climate-sensitive Urban Space: Concepts and Tools to

Humanize Cities. Delft: Publicatieburo, 1992.

Caulfield, John. City Form and Everyday Life: Toronto’s Gentrification and Critical Social Prac-

tice. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994.

Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Vintage Books, 1992.

Sewell, John. The Shape of the City: Toronto Struggles with Modern Planning. Toronto: Univer-

sity of Toronto Press Incorporated, 1993.

Slater, Tom. Toronto’s South Parkdale Neighbourhood: A brief history of Development,

Disinvestment and Gentrification ( Excerpted, condensed, and updated from an article in The

Canadian Geographer, Fall 2004, titled “Municipally Managed Gentrification in South Parkdale,

Toronto”}

Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works Canada

Walks, R. Alan and Maaranen, Richard. Timing, Patterning & Forms of Gentrification & Neigh-

bourhood Upgrading in Montreal, Toronto, & Vancouver, 1961 to 2001. Toronto: UofT, May

2008.

Whitzman, Carolyn. Suburb, Slum, Urban Village: Transformations in Toronto’s Parkdale

Neighbourhood, 1875-2002. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2009.

Western Waterfront Plan presentation. Toronto: City of Toronto, May 2009.

67

Journal / Periodical

Onsite -identity, issue no 25, spring 2011.

Rainford, Lisa. Conversion of churches into condos a ‘labour of love’. www.insidetoronto.com.

Nov 24, 2011.

Slater, Tom. Municipally managed gentrification in South Parkdale, Toronto. The Canadian

Geographer 48, no 3 (2004)

White, Shelley. Derelict Deights: Canada Linseed Oil Mills Building. The Grid. Feb 23, 2012

Online Sources

www.toronto.ca

www.blogto.com

www.parkdalevillagebia.com

www.roncesvallesrenewed.org

www.torontolife.com

68