assessing gender disparities and its effects on women's livelihood
TRANSCRIPT
1
UNIVERSITY FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
FACULTY OF PLANNING AND LAND MANAGEMENT
DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
RESEARCH TOPIC: ASSESSING GENDER DISPARITIES AND ITS
EFFECTS ON WOMEN’S LIVELIHOODS IN PIREE COMMUNITY IN THE
UPPER WEST REGION OF GHANA.
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY FOR
DEVELOPMENT IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE AWARD OF B.A
INTEGRATED COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
GROUP 39
JULY, 2013
2
DECLARATION
The group hereby declares that this work is the outcome of our independent investigation
except for references made to the work of other researches which have been duly
acknowledged; the work has not been published, partly or wholly anywhere as a dissertation.
NAME STUDENT IDENTITY NUMBER DATE SIGNATURE
AKATI SEYRA ICD/1094/09 ………….. ……………….
AKUAMOAH BOATENG PAUL ICD/1097/09 …………… ………………
FOSU ISAAC ICD/1319/09 …………….. ………………
OBENG YAW BERRY ICD/1513/09 …………….. ……………...
SARFO FRANCIS ICD/1585/09 …………….. ………………
NAME OF SUPERVISOR SIGNATURE DATE
MR. MUSAH MORDZEH-EKPAMPO IBRAHIM …………………. ……………...
JULY, 2013
3
DEDICATION
This piece of work is dedicated to our respective parents and guidance for their immense
support for our education. The work is also dedicated to our friends and loved ones for their
supports prayers towards successful completion of this work.
4
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The group owes it profound gratitude to the Almighty God. We sought His wisdom counsel
at every stage of this research. May His name be praised.
Our sincere gratitude also goes to Mr. Musah Mordzeh-Ekpampo Ibrahim our supervisor. We
greatly appreciate his invaluable comments, suggestions, materials, assistance and pleasure of
being under his supervision. May God forever grant him divine strength and knowledge.
To Mr. Baalongbuoro Sylvinus who regardless of his busy work schedule attended to our
questionnaires and led us to other key informants who also had knowledge about our topic.
We are most grateful to him. We also acknowledge the community members of Piree for their
patience and cooperation during the survey.
Lastly, to any other person who has contributed to the success of this research, we
acknowledge you and we ask for God’s favour on you wherever you go.
5
ABSTRACT
Gender disparities have effects on women’s livelihood. Despite Ghana’s great progress in
poverty reduction, men and women in Piree still lack decent work opportunities. Piree, a
typical rural community in the Nadowli District of the Upper West Region of Ghana is of
major concern. Women in particular face greater difficulties in transforming their labour into
more productive employment activities and their paid work into higher and secure incomes,
and hence perpetuating poverty in the community. This work aims at finding the root causes
of gender disparities in labour market and income generating activities in Piree. It analyzes
the various livelihood sources, efforts of actors in gender empowerment, challenges of gender
empowerment and the effects of gender disparities in Piree. The research gathered data from
both primary and secondary sources. The main techniques employed in gathering the primary
data were; questionnaires, survey, personal observation, Focus Group Discussion, and key
informants interview. The following key findings were established;
I. Lack of commitment by the community at large as a major challenge effecting
gender equality in Piree.
II. Lack of logistics to carry out effective gender empowerment programmes.
III. Outmoded cultural beliefs and practices in Piree also inhibit gender equality.
IV. High level of illiteracy rate also facilitates gender disparities in Piree.
In the light of these challenges enumerated above, the research recommended an
effective collaboration between Nadowli District Assembly and other benevolent
NGOs in provision of logistics to carry out effective gender empowerment
programmes. Gender empowerment programmes should be approached
holistically by traditional leaders and community at large for over all benefit,
provision of scholarship packages to promote girl-child education as well as
formulation effective bye-laws to improve gender equality in Piree.
6
Table of Contents
Declaration…....………………………………………………………………………………
…i
Dedication…...……………………………………………………………………………….....
ii
Acknowledgement…………………………………………………………………………......i
ii
Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….
.iv
Table of contents……………………………………………………………………………v-
viii
List of tables and
figures…..………………………………………………………………......ix
List of
acronyms……………………………………………………………………………….x
CHAPTER ONE……………………………………………………………………………
….1
1.1 Background of the
study…………………………………………………………………...1
1.2 Problem statement………………………………………………………………………....3
1.3 Main Research Question…………………………………………………………………..3
1.3.1 Specific Research Questions…………………………………………………………….3
1.4 Main Research Objective. …………………………………………………………………3
1.4.1 Specific Research Objectives……………………………………………………………3
1.5 Relevance of the study…………………………………………………………………….4
1.6 Scope of the study…………………………………………………………………………4
1.7 Research Methodologies …………………………………………………………………4
1.7.0 Research Design…………………………………………………………………………4
7
1.7.1 Sampling…………………………………………………………………………………4
1.7.2 Sampling
unit…………………………………………………………………………….4
1.7.3 Sample size………………………………………………………………………………4
1.7.4 Sampling
techniques……………………………………………………………………..5
1.7.5 Secondary Sources of Data………………………………………………………………5
1.7.6 Data Collection
Methods…………………………………………………………………5
1.8 Data Analysis and
Presentation…………………………………………………………….6
1.9 Ethical
consideration……………………………………………………………………….6
CHAPTER
TWO………………………………………………………………………………..7
2.0 PROFILE OF PIREE
COMMUNITY………………………………………………………7
2.1
Introduction………………………………………………………………………………….7
2.2 Geographic
characteristics…………………………………………………………………..7
2.2.1 Environment (natural and built)
…………………………………………………………...7
2.2.2 Climate and
vegetation…………………………………………………………………….7
2.2.3
Vegetation………………………………………………………………………………..7-8
2.2.4 Soil type
……………………………………………………………………………………8
2.3.0 Demographic
characteristic………………………………………………………………...8
2.3.1 Population size, distribution and
dynamics…………………………………………………8
8
2.3.2 Household
size……………………………………………………………………………...8
2.3.3 Age
structure………………………………………………………………………………...8
2.3.4 Ethnicity and
values………………………………………………………………………8-9
2.3.5
Taboos……………………………………………………………………………………….9
2.3.6 Property ownership and inheritance
rights………………………………………………….9
2.3.7 Educational
status…………………………………………………………………………...9
2.3.8 Health status and
nutrition…………………………………………………………………..9
2.3.9 Housing
…………………………………………………………………………………….9
2.4.0 Socio-political
organization………………………………………………………………..10
2.4.1 Political participation and presentation
……………………………………………………10
2.4.2 The interrelation between the modern and traditional
institutions………………………...10
2.4.3 Gender and livelihood
Issues………………………………………………………………10
2.4.4 Gender relations in the
community………………………………………………………...11
2.4.5 Decision making
process…………………………………………………………………..11
2.5.0 Economic
characteristics…………………………………………………………………..11
2.5.1 Economic issues
…………………………………………………………………………...11
2.6
Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………...11
9
CHAPTER
THREE……………………………………………………………………………...12
3.0 LITERATURE
REVEW……………………………………………………………………..12
3.1
Introduction..…………………………………………………………………………………12
3.2
Gender………………………………………………………………………………………..12
3.2.1 Women in
Development………………………………………………………………12-14
3.2.2 Women and
Development……………………………………………………………....14-15
3.2.3 Gender and
Development………………………………………………………………….16
3.3 Gender
Disparities…………………………………………………………………………...17
3.4 Livelihood
…………………………………………………………………………………...17
3.4.1 Livelihood
Assets………………………………………………………………………….18
3.4.2 Livelihood
Strategies…………………………………………………………………18-22
3.5 Gender Roles and division of
labour……………………………………………………..23-24
3.6 Access to and control over
resources………………………………………………………..25
3.7
Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….25-26
CHAPTER
FOUR……………………………………………………………………………….27
4.0 Data Analysis and
Presentation……………………………………………………………...27
4.1
Introduction………………………………………………………………………………….27
10
4.2 Socio-demographic
Characteristics………………………………………………………….27
4.2.0 Occupation of
Respondent…………………………………………………………………27
4.2.1 Level of Education of
Respondents…………………………………………………….28-29
4.2.2
Gender……………………………………………………………………………………..29
4.3 SOURCES OF
LIVELIHOOD……………………………………………………………...30
GENDER ROLES AND DIVISION OF
LABOUR…………………………………………….31
4.5 EFFECTS OF GENDER DISPARITIES ON WOMEN’S
LIVELIHOOD…………………32
4.6 ACCESS TO AND CONTROL OVER
RESOURCES……………………………………..33
4.7 EFFORT OF ACTORS IN GENDER
EMPOWERMENT…………………………………34
4.8.0 CHALLENGES OF GENDER EMPOWERMENT IN PIREE
COMMUNITY…………35
4.8.1 Lack of commitment by the
community…………………………………………………..35
4.8.2 Inadequate
logistics………………………………………………………………………..35
4.8.3 Outmoded cultural beliefs and
practices…………………………………………………..35
4.8.4 High illiteracy
rate…………………………………………………………………………35
4.9
CONCLUSION……………………………………………………………………………...36
CHAPTER
FIVE………………………………………………………………………………...37
5.0
INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………...37
11
5.1 Summary of
Findings………………………………………………………………………..37
5.1.0 Gender Roles and Division of
Labour…………………………………………………….37
5.1.1 Access to and Control over
Resource……………………………………………………..37
5.1.2 Livelihoods Strategies or
Activities………………………………………………………37
5.1.3 Efforts of Actors in Gender
Empowerment………………………………………………38
5.1.4 Challenges of Gender
Empowerment…………………………………………………….38
5.1.5 Effects of Gender
Disparities……………………………………………………………..38
5.2 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………38-
39
5.3 Recommendations
………………………………………………………………………….39
REFERENCES………………………………………………………………………………40
-41
12
LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
Figure 4.1 Occupational Distribution of Respondents…………………………………......27
Table 4.2 Respondents Level of Education………………………………………………28
Figure 4.2.2 Sex of Respondents…………………………………………………………...29
Figure 4.3 Bar Chart Showing the Sources of Livelihood of Respondents………………..30
Table 4.4 Gender Roles and Division of Labour…………………………………………..31
Figure 4.5 Effects of Gender Disparities on Women’s Livelihood………………………..32
Table 4.6 Access to and Control Over Resources…………………………………………33
13
LIST OF ACRONYMS
AAI - ACTION AID INTERNATIONAL
ADS- AUTOMATED DIRECTIVE SYSTEM
APA- AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION
AUS AID- AUSTRALIAN AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
CBO- COMMUNITY BASED ORGANIZATION
DFID- DEPARTMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
ETC- ET CETERA
FAO- FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION
GAD- GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT
GES –GHANA EDUCATIONAL SERVICE
GSS- GHANA STATISTICAL SERVICE
IFPRI- INTERNATIONAL FOOD POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE
IIED- INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT
ILO- INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION
NGO- NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION
UK- UNITED KINGDOM
UNDP- UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM
UNFPA- UNITED NATIONS FUND FOR POPULATION ACTIVITIES
USAID- UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
WAD- WOMEN AND DEVELOPMENT
WHO- WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION
WID- WOMEN IN DEVELOPMENT
WVI- WORLD VISION INTERNATIONAL
14
1.0 CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Background of the study
Much more recently in 1995 and 2000, the Beijing platform for action and the
millennium development goals have both highlighted the importance of addressing
gender inequalities as a sine qua non for poverty reduction, wealth creation and
sustainable development. The traditional restriction of women’s control over land has
generated public resistance in some countries against any attempt by women to assess
their rights in ways that challenge customary land tenure system (World Conference on
Women, Beijing, September 4-15, 1995).
Most of the world’s poor are women. Of the 1.3 billion people living on less than U.S $1
a day, 70% are women (UNDP, 1995). Women are at the forefront in meeting the basic
needs of their families as well as being responsible for subsistence food production and
income generation. Women produce at least 80% of all food crops in Sub- Saharan
Africa, 70% - 80% in South- Asia and 50% in Latin America and Caribbean (UNDP,
1995).
In the context of Africa development, access to land and other resources are key to
basic livelihoods and therefore a question of Fundamental Human Rights. The domination
of agriculture in most African economies suggests the importance of land as a basic tool
of development and a significant determinant of income earning power. A World Bank
study pointed out that, women are the core of the economies of Sub-Sahara Africa
comprising about 60% of the informal sector and providing about 70% of total
agricultural labour (Blackden and Bhanu, 1998). Statistical data for Ghana show that
women account for about half of the agricultural labour force and produce around 70% of
Ghana’s food crops (Gender and Agricultural Development Strategy, 2001). The World
Bank study continues to state that women are the principal agricultural workers and food
producers and are primarily responsible for ensuring food availability in the family.
However, their central position in the economic production, attaining food security goals
and meeting family nutritional needs contrasts with the systematic discrimination they
face in realizing the country’s economic growth potentials. Experts believe that,
economies will grow faster and countries will become less poor if gender-based
inequality is substantially reduced or eliminated.
15
Assessing gender disparities on rural livelihoods has been a core priority of
governments for many decades to improve the welfare of rural populations and increase
the productivity and value added from agriculture and other economic activities in rural
areas.
Within the clear division of labour, typical of Ghanaian rural communities, women
trade-off between non-productive and productive roles, child bearing and rearing
responsibilities are considered non-productive roles including the domestic task that
guarantee the reproduction of the labour force. Women’s productive roles comprise both
production for the market and subsistence or home working as independent farmers and
wage workers (Duncan and Brants, 2004). Kotey and Tsikata (1998) have argued that
discussions revolving around agricultural productivity are best explained through a land
rights analysis using a social relation’s approach. The “gender perspective” approach used
by the World Bank to analyze growth and poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa recognizes that
women stand at the crossroads between production and reproduction, between economic
activities and the care of human beings, and therefore between economic growth and
human development. Such an approach takes account of existing discriminatory, unequal
and inequitable (power) relationships and practices, and lays the basis for more
sustainable development based on legal and social justice. It also provides room for a
broader view of social groups. The relatively weaker position of women results in a
vulnerability which is further impacted upon by rural-urban migration. Afshar (2003;15)
contends that, the inadequacy of agricultural income, coupled with poverty in rural areas,
have pushed many people out of their villages in search for better sources of livelihood in
the urban centres.
Piree, which is located at the South- Western part of the Nadowli District in Upper West
Region has been examined to ascertain gender disparities in the community.
16
1.2 Problem statement.
Gender disparities are prevalent in most Ghanaian rural societies. These have effects on
women’s livelihood. There is discrimination in terms of resource allocation as well as
unequal access to all the livelihood strategies (agriculture, livelihood diversification and
migration) among males and females on rural livelihood. This has made rural women to face
greater difficulties in transforming their labour into more productive employment activities
and their paid work into higher and more secure incomes. Additionally, community traditions
continue to leave women without land and other resources after their husband dies. This
continues to limit women’s ability to increase their productivity since they have no claim
over such resources. More effectively, gender disparities have decrease women’s capability
to realise their rights, determine their life outcomes, and influence decision making in
households and in the community. No wonder poverty is high among women in Piree in the
Upper West Region of Ghana. Hence there is the need for the group to research into the
social relation, institutional arrangement, cultural relation, gender relation as well as position
in the community.
1.3 Main Research Question.
What are the effects of gender disparities on women’s livelihoods in Piree?
1.3.1 Specific Research Questions.
A) What are the various livelihood sources in the community?
B) What are the gender roles and division of labour within households in the community?
C) Do gender disparities enhance or hamper the economic livelihood of households?
D) Who control or have access to the resources own in the community
1.4 Main Research Objective.
The main objective is to assess gender disparities on women’s livelihoods in the community
1.4.1 Specific Research Objectives
The specific research objectives are:
A) To identify the various livelihood sources in the community.
B) To examine gender roles and division of labour within households in the community.
C) To identify the effects of gender disparities on the economic livelihood of households.
D) To identify controllers of resources used and owned in the community.
17
1.5 Relevance of the study
Gender disparity is a major development challenge in Nadowli-district. This deserves not
only the attention of the district assembly and gender activists but also concerns of corporate
organisations and individuals to minimise the high level of gender disparities on rural
livelihoods. This is because gender disparities have decrease women’s capabilities to realise
their rights, determine their life outcomes and influence decision-making in households and
the community. The study therefore intends to explore appropriate strategies and
recommendations in limiting the issue of gender disparities on women’s livelihoods. Despite
the immensity of the problem, very little research on gender disparities has been carried out
in the district. The study will serve as reference point to the district assembly and other
gender activists as far as the issue of gender disparities is concerned. In this case, it will give
them an in-depth understanding of what gender disparities are and the strategies to tackle the
problems. Additionally, the study could also be used as a literature review.
1.6 Scope of the study.
This particular research targets community members engaged in the various livelihood
strategies in Piree community in the Nadowli-District in the Upper-West Region of Ghana.
1.7 Research Methodologies
1.7.0 Research Design
Giving the overall objective of the study, which is to assess the effects of gender disparities
on women’s livelihoods in Piree, we employed both qualitative and quantitative methods.
1.7.1 Sampling
This is the process of choosing the units of the target population to make up the sample. This
was done by selecting the sample units from the population of 576. This was numbered
serially, mixed up and randomly selected until sample units of 50 are obtained.
1.7.2 Sampling unit
This is either a single member or collection of members subject to data analysis in the
sample. This comprised of selected households in the area, therefore the sample units was the
people contacted.
1.7.3 Sample size
It is the exact number of units in the sample. Sample size of 50 was taken out of 82
households of a total population of 576.
18
1.7.4 Sampling techniques
Probability and non-probability sampling techniques was used to select respondents for
interviews.
Probability sampling – It is where each and every unit within the population is given an
equal chance of being selected.
Simple random sampling – This refers to the sampling method that has the following
properties; population (N) objects, sample consists of (n) objects and all possible samples of
(n) objects are equally likely to occur. The following procedures was used in simple random
sampling;
Number of elements or sample units of the population were identified. Sample size (n) was
determined from random selection.
Non-probability sampling – This is where the researcher decides to take what he thinks is
the representative unit of the group, hence not all the elements of the group are given an equal
chance of being selected.
Purposive sampling techniques - As the name implies, the researcher, adhering to the
objectives of the study, select key informants for interviews because they have special
knowledge about gender and livelihoods and could help get adequate information. This was
used to collect information from the Nadowli District Assembly.
1.7.5 Secondary Sources of Data
Information was obtained from the District Assembly, Books, Journals, Magazines, and
Newsletters etc. to validate the report.
1.7.6 Data Collection Methods
1) Personal observation – It is a method of data collection whereby the researcher goes to
the field personally to observe the situation in order to find answers to his research questions.
This was used in undertaking thorough observation and inspections of the general
environment and various gender relational issues in the community.
2) Interviews – This is a person - to - person interactions between two or more individuals
with a specific purpose in mind. It is a method of field investigation whereby the researcher
meets his respondents and through the interaction he asks specific questions to find answers
to his research problems. This was used to obtain first-hand information from the target group
such as the Chief, the Assemblyman, the Nadowli District Assembly, unit committee
19
chairman and gender activists in the district. This is because these people have information
about the topic.
3) Key Informants – This method was used to identify people who have in-depth knowledge
about the topic.
4) Focus Group Discussion- It is a method of data collection whereby the researcher selects
groups of his interest about the topic. This was used to collect data from interest groups in
gender and livelihoods in the community such as, the District Assembly, Women’s Group
etc.
5) Questionnaire – It is a method of data collection where formal questions can be framed
and written by the researcher for the respondents to provide the relevant answers. Fifty (50)
questionnaires was used for quantitative data collection which involved a sample of
households.
1.8 Data Analysis and Presentation
- Both qualitative and quantitative data analyzed and presented.
Qualitative Data Analysis
The qualitative data analysis was employed and presented by the use of descriptive,
explanatory and exploratory techniques. This was used to explain the efforts of gender
activist, effect of gender disparities etc.
The quantitative data analysis was also be used and presented in the form of tables, bar and
pie charts. This was used to analyze occupational distribution, level of education, sex of
respondents.
1.9 Ethical consideration
Community members were ensured of confidentiality of information given out.
20
CHAPTER TWO
2.0 PROFILE OF PIREE COMMUNITY
2.1 Introduction
This chapter focuses on the profile of the study area in terms of the geo-physical setting,
including the location, rainfall pattern and relief. It also describes the socio-demographic
features of the area, socio-political organization, the economic activities undertaking as well
as socio-cultural issues and how this relate to gender disparities and its impact on rural
livelihood in Piree community.
2.2 Geographic characteristics
The community of study, Piree is located in the Nadowli district. It is bounded to the north
with Gbanko, to the south Sombo, to the east with Kanga and to the west by Duong.
2.2.1 Environment (natural and built)
The natural environment has seen alteration in the areas of farmlands, grazing land, bush
burning, cutting of trees for fire wood, and other practices. This generally impact negatively
on the natural environment. Due to the nature of the environment alteration, both men and
women are involved in various livelihood strategies and not only on agriculture.
2.2.2 Climate and vegetation
The climate characteristics in the community indicate that the climate is the normal Tropical
Continental type. The Nadowli district and Piree as community have a mean monthly
temperature ranging from 36°c in March and 27°c in August. Annual rainfall is confined to
six months that is to September and unevenly distributed. Mean annual rainfall is
about110mm with its peak around August. Between October and March, there is virtually no
rain and this long dry season is made harsh by drought. (Source: Nadowli District Assembly
and field survey) Harmattan Winds; the harmattan periods is characterized by a drowsy
weather causing a reduction in the number of working days of farmers, unsustainable
livelihood, minimizing the standard of living and placing heavy burden on women.
2.2.3 Vegetation
Piree community lies within the Tropical continental or guinea savanna wood land
characterized by shrubs and grassland with scattered medium sized place. Some economic
trees found in the community are; Kakok, Shea, Baobab, mango and dawadawa which are
resistance to both fire and drought. (Source: Nadowli District Assembly and Group field
survey 2013)
21
2.2.4 Soil type
Soil sample examined and identified in Piree are sand, and sandy-loamy (savanna ochrosols).
They generally are known to be poor in organic matter and nutrients as a result of absence of
serious vegetative cover due to the burning by both farmers and intense sunshine, over
grazing by cattle, over cultivation and protracted erosion. Despite the nature of the soil, crops
like millet, beans, groundnut, rice, cowpea, maize, guinea corn, and Bambara beans are
cultivated. (Source: Group field survey 2013)
2.3.0 Demographic characteristic
2.3.1 Population size, distribution and dynamics
The total population of Piree is 576, of which 325 are females and 251 males representing
44% and 56% respectively (Source: Group field survey 2013).
2.3.2 Household size
Each household constitutes about seven (7) people
2.3.3 Age structure
Past population records of the community suggest a sharp dominance by the youth over the
aged and females over males. In relation of the above issue, most females do not have
adequate access to livelihood strategies due to gender disparities/ discrimination. The group
report of the area indicates that the economically active age group (15-64) constitutes
approximately 47% as against 53% for the economically dependent (0-14 and 65+). This
suggest high dependency ratio and make it difficult for the economically active age group.
2.3.4 Ethnicity and values
Piree is combined with strongly patriarchal family structures, women’s lack of influence
in decision making, and the history of male out-migration which has tended to increase
women’s labour burden, this result in the generally more limited options of women in Piree.
Piree is a mono ethnic community mainly of Dagaate with few migrants. The people of Piree
community practice the extended family system and also the patrilineal system of inheritance
values.
Values are rural prestige which a group of people adhere to. Some of the values of Piree are;
respect for elders, recognition of kin group, obedience, kinship system and many more.
22
2.3.5 Taboos
Just as every society is governed by rules and regulation, which serve as checks and balances
on immoral behaviour, so applies to the people of Piree. According to the chief and his
council of elders, the people of Piree do not kill snake, and also hold the porcupine and
hedgehog as a sacred animals and it is a taboo to eat these animals.
2.3.6 Property ownership and inheritance rights
Among the people of Piree, property such as land is owned by the community and controlled
by chiefs and family heads. However, farms and animals such as fowl, cattle, sheep, goats,
and pigs are owned individually. Land and family wealth is inherited by sons in order of birth
right.
2.3.7 Educational status
During the field survey it was revealed that about 272 of the population are literates and 206
are illiterates. This indicates that the literacy level exceeds the illiteracy level
2.3.8 Health status and nutrition
Piree community has no health center but rather go to Sombo health centre to seek for
medical attention. Information from the health center revealed that, there is only ward for
both male and female which is the detention room. According to the report from the health
center, Malaria is the commonest disease recorded followed by septic wounds; emergency
case like accident and burns. Most of the people are not able to go to the health center for
treatment and they do consult each other for medical herbs for treatment. Complicated cases
are quickly transferred to the nearest hospital in Nadowli. The trained traditional birth
attendance also helps in delivery or labour cases.
2.3.9 Housing
The people of Piree practice extended family system. Compound houses are mostly
common with facilities such as kitchen, bathroom and barns for storing farm produce. The
settlement is generally dispersed or scattered. Most of these houses are mud houses with zinc
roofing, plastered with cow dung which serves as resistance against rain water. Few block
houses also exist and are plastered with cement.
23
2.4.0 Socio-political organisation
2.4.1 Political participation and presentation
Women in Piree community are effectively under the control or authority of men (initially
their father or other male members of their kin group and later their husband) for much of
their lives, although they may gain in-status and influence with age. As result, women’s
decision making role in Piree is constrained in both private and public spheres, markedly, so
in the Northern Region at large.
However, recent exercises in decentralizing the establishment of a new multi-party
constitution and general elections, provides opportunities for women to participate more
actively in the formal political process, but there is little evidence as yet to show clearly that
this has occurred.
2.4.2 The interrelation between the modern and traditional institutions
There is a cordial relationship between the traditional and the modern political institutions in
Piree community. The traditional authority carries decision in the community in consultation
with the modern political authorities. Any developmental plan from the government for
implementation in the community is channeled via the modern political system and reaches
the traditional institutions before implemented. The traditional institutions also assist the
modern political institutions by the provision of some portion of land for developmental work
to be undertaken in the community.
2.4.3 Gender and livelihood Issues
Gender is simply defined as the roles, responsibilities, rights and relationship that are
ascribed to both men and women in a society. Ghana’s ethnic, cultural and agro-ecological
diversity makes generalization about gender relation and their consequences for women’s
access resource, decision making and status extremely difficult. Divergence of experiences
has been further widened by regionally distorted historical development and biased
development policies.
Livelihood encompasses the capabilities, assets and the activities that people combined and
embark on to make a living. The household who live in the rural areas of Northern Ghana
base their subsistence on natural resource which are threatened by the progressive
diversification and increase frequency of extreme weather events in the region.
24
2.4.4 Gender relations in the community
Responsibilities are unequally distributed among males and females. During decision making
for the community, issues not relating to women are not made known to women.
(Source: Group field survey 2013).
2.4.5 Decision making process
At the community level, decision is taken by the chief and his elders. The chief meets his
elders to make a final decision. The assemblyman only comes in when the issue is meant for
the assembly. Also at the household level, family heads are considered to have the final say in
decision making, information that are not related to women are not disseminated to women.
The gong-gong beater beats to summon the people for information.
2.5.0 Economic characteristics
2.5.1 Economic issues
Women’s labour particular rates are generally high throughout the community. The most
streaking feature, however, is that about 99% of women are self-employed or work as unpaid
labour in agriculture, agro-based enterprises, and commerce or small scale manufacturing in
the informal sector activities with low productivity which an average yield low incomes. In
the agricultural sector, the majority of women are food producers. The nature of women’s
involvement in food production also differs from men’s in terms of division of labour and
end use of productions, with men producing more the market.
2.6 Conclusion
A profile of the community with respect to the physical, demographic, socio-economic and
political aspects is looked at in relation to the study. The peaceful co-existence of traditional
political system with government and NGOs alike are clear potentials in the community
which could be of use.
25
CHAPTER THREE
3.0 LITERATURE REVEW
3.1 Introduction:
This chapter explores relevant literature about the topic more specifically on the effects of
gender disparities on women’s livelihood, social relation, institutional arrangements, cultural
relations, gender relations and positions in the community. According to Brown (1996), the
essence of literature review is to guide the researcher to expose him or her to various works
on the topic.
3.2 Gender
The term gender has been defined by various authors. Gender refers to the arrays of socially
constructed roles and relationships, personality traits, attitudes, behaviours, values and
relative power and influence that society ascribes to the two sexes on a differential basis
(USAID ADS Chapters 200-203). Gender is an acquired identity that is learned, changes
overtime and varies widely within and across cultures (USAID ADS Chapters 200-203).
Gender is relational and refers not simply to women or men but to the relationship between
them.
According to American Psychological Association (2011), gender refers to the attitudes,
feelings and behaviours that a given culture associate with a person’s biological sex. Hazel
Reeves and Sally Baden (2000), defined gender as the socially determined ideas and practices
of what it is to be female or male. World Health Organization (2001), also defined
gender as the economic, social and cultural attribute and opportunities associated with being
male or female at a particular point in time. Gender therefore is the roles, responsibilities,
rights and relationship ascribe to men and women in a given society.
3.2.1 Women in Development
The term “Women in development” was coined in the early 1970s by Washington-based
network of female development professionals (Tinker, 1990:30). On the basis of their own
experiences in overseas missions they began to challenge “trickle down” theories of
development, arguing that modernization was impacting differently on men and women. The
WID perspective is closely linked with the dominant modernization paradigm of the 1950s
through the 1970s, which decreed that modernization, usually equated with industrialization,
would uplift the standard of living of developing countries (Harding, 1986; Chowdhury,
1995). By the 1970s however, this view of modernization was being questioned by many
researchers (Momsen & Kinaird, 1993; Mikell, 1997). It was being argued that the relative
26
position of women had, in fact, improved very little over the previous two decades. Under the
rubric of WID, the recognition that women’s experience of development and societal change
differed from that of men became institutionalized (Nuket, 1991; Harcourt, 1994). It was now
legitimate for research to focus specifically on women’s experiences and perceptions.
Although feminist researchers and development agencies acknowledged the contributions of
WID, nonetheless the approach was based on several assumptions at odds with critical trends
in social sciences research in the 1970s (Rathgeber, 1992).
Gardner & Lewis (1996), assert that WID was ahistorical, as it tended to focus on sex and
overlooked the impact of gender, race and class issues. The authors maintain that WID
policies simply reproduced ethnocentric assumptions about the nature of gender and women’s
subordination, thus accepting existing social structures. Jackson & Pearson (1998), argue that
rather than examine why women fared less well, WID focused only on how women could be
integrated into ongoing development initiatives. This non-confrontational approach avoided
questioning the sources and nature of women’s subordination and oppression, and focused
instead on advocacy for more equal participation in projects.
Buvinic et al. (1983), argue that WID tends to focus exclusively on women’s productive
work, thereby ignoring or minimizing the reproductive side of women’s lives. The authors
further contend that as a result of this perspective, WID projects mainly had a goal of income
generation. Meanwhile, once these income-generating projects become successful, they tend
to be appropriated by men. Chao (1999), asserts that WID still most basically remains an
“add-on” to mainstream development policy and practice; hence the commitment to gender
policy only rarely becomes gender-sensitive practice. It can, therefore, be said that the WID
approach failed to challenge prevailing development models. Its focus on paid employment
for women did not take into consideration the enormous amount of unpaid work women are
already performing (Ahooja-Patel, 1995; Chao, 1999). Additionally, its top-down
interventions, focusing on women and not taking into account their male counterparts tended
to create problems especially within the domestic sphere (Snyder & Tadesse, 1995; Klasen,
2005).
The general notion of focusing on women separate from men in some development projects
has been accepted by a considerable number of governments of developing countries and
international development agencies (Desai & Potter, 2002). However, to some extent this
reflects political expediency and should not be interpreted as a sign of fundamental
commitment to the liberation of women. According to Brydon & Chant, (1989), the failure of
27
WID to include women’s perspective in planning and policymaking resulted in women’s
marginalization in development.
The WID approach achieved a great deal in creating awareness on the status of women, but
much less in terms of concrete achievements in improving their situation (Momsen, 1991).
The WID approach offers little defense against this reality, because it does not challenge the
basic social relations of gender. It assumes that gender relations will change, as women
become full economic partners in development. The limitations of WID, led to the emergence
of the WAD approach in the second half of the 1970s.
3.2.2 Women and Development
According to Kishor (2005), gender differences in power, roles and rights affect health,
fertility control, survival and nutrition through women’s access to health care, lower control
over their bodies and sexuality, and restrictions in material and material resources. (Almaz,
1991; Hirut, 2004; Mukuria et al, 2005), studies indicated the low status of women
indeveloping countries in general, Lack of access to productive resources such as land, lack
of access to education, employment opportunities, basic health services, and protection of
basic human rights; low decision making; violence and harmful traditional practices are some
of the indicators of the socio-economic marginalization of women in the country.
Feminist scholars and activists from the Third World were displeased with WID (Kabeer,
1991; Yeboah, 1998). They argued that the development model that was being followed
lacked the perspective of developing countries, and proposed Women and Development
WAD focuses on the relationship between women and the development process, rather than
purely on strategies to integrate women into development (Bridge, 1994). The WAD
approach recognizes that women have always been important economic actors in their
various societies (Beneria, 1995). The WAD approach is very important, partly because of its
concern for efficiency under the neo-liberal paradigm. Its starting point is that it is a waste of
resources, and inefficient to keep women out of the development process (Jackson &
Pearson, 1998; Desai & Potter, 2002).
WAD also recognizes that Third World men who lack elite status have also been adversely
affected by the structure of inequalities in the international systems (Bortei-Doku, 1991).
However, the approach gives little analytical attention to social relations of gender within
classes (Visvanathan et al, 1997). Consequently, the question of gender and cross-gender
28
alliances and divisions within classes is not systematically addressed. Rathgeber (1992)
argues that, at a theoretical level, WAD recognizes class, but in practical project design and
implementation, it tends, like WID, to group women together without taking note of class,
race and cultural divisions, all of which may exercise powerful influence on actual social
status.
The approach implicitly assumes that women’s position will improve, if and when
international structures become equitable (Gordon, 1996). It is evident that the under-
representation of women in economic, political and social structures is still identified
primarily as a problem. However, it is argued that this problem can be solved by carefully
designed intervention strategies rather than more fundamental shifts in gender and social
relations.
Not surprisingly, many projects designed to support women using this approach have not
yielded the anticipated results (Dagenais & Piche, 1994). One of the major reasons is that few
of these projects have recognized that entrance into the wage economy does not reduce the
time women spend on their household responsibilities of (Gardner & Lewis, 1996). In rural
areas in Ghana particularly, women work an average 10-15 hours per day, a minimum of 70
hours per week (Mikell, 1997).
This approach, therefore, relies on the elasticity of women’s time without regard for the fact
that the cost to women in terms of the demand made on their time and energy may be
intolerable (Ardayfio-Schandorf, 1993).
WAD also focuses on income-generating activities and tends to underplay the unproductive
labor of women and the need to invest in family and household maintenance (Haddad, 1991).
Although this approach has a variety of flaws, one benefit is that it provides an insight into
the fact that “basic” needs which are usually neglected in households due to inadequate
financial resources, can be met through informal income-generating activities of women
(Gardner & Lewis, 1996). Having said that it is, however, clear that this approach has not
yielded the desired development result of gender equity. Its limitations paved the way for a
new approach, known as gender and development.
3.2.3 Gender and Development
According to USAID (ADS chapters 200-203), Gender and development shifts the focus
from women as a group to the socially determined relations between women and men.
Gender and Development approaches focus on the social, economic, political and cultural
forces that determine how men and women might participate in, benefit from, and control
29
project resources and activities differently. The Gender and Development is based on the
premise that development cooperation programmes cannot succeed or the impact being
sustained if the people affected do not support them, (Aus AIDs). GAD assumes a holistic
perspective of social organization and builds upon socially defined and constructed roles of
men and women (Afshar, 1991). Unlike sex, which is biologically determined, gender roles
are socially constructed and change from socio-cultural context to another and across time
(Buvinic et al. 1983) The GAD approach is the only one that considers the larger context of
development policy as an issue (Beneria, 1995).
According to Brydon & Chant (1989), the objective of the GAD approach was to remove
gender disparities in social, economic and political sectors, and to create a balance between
men and women as a prerequisite for achieving sustainable development. GAD has its roots
in feminist anthropology concerned with 121 cross-cultural and intra-cultural differences,
and in socialist feminism where class and gender links are considered, but it has also been
influenced by postmodern feminism with its discourse about knowledge, power relations and
differences (Jackson & Pearson, 1998). Postmodern feminists criticize the dualistic language
of binary oppositions which create women, and in particular Third World women, as the
vulnerable “other.” Instead, they advocate for a localized and contextualized examination of
women’s concrete and lived experiences in different cultures (Parpart, 1995). Women are not
a homogenous group, as is the tendency in the WAD approach on focusing on the general
category “women”, but divided by age, class, ethnicity, race, and nationality and so on,
according to advocates of GAD (Elson, 1995). Hence, the weakness of WAD in focusing
exclusively on women is replaced by the GAD perspective, which puts an emphasis on the
totality of the interconnectivity between women’s and men’s lives (Young, 1993).
Gender and development moves away from practice of adding “women only” component to
project and programme which characterized the Women in Development approach.
3.3 Gender Disparities
The term gender disparities have been conceptualized by various authors. On one level
gender disparity can be normally defined as the purely descriptive observation of different
outcomes between males and females. However, to move beyond the descriptive level is to
ask what might cause gender disparities reaches into the complex interplay of the possible
sources. Discrimination( the differential treatment of individuals because of their gender,
30
biological differences, individuals and societal beliefs and attitudes about appropriate gender-
specific roles and the choices of the individual and households based on all of these factors
(and more such as an individual’s own circumstances) all play a role in determining gender
disparities( Filmmer, King and Pritchett, 1998).
Reeves and Baden (2000), defined gender disparities as the systematic, unfavorable treatment
of individuals on the basis of their gender, which denies them rights, opportunities or
resources. The difference in power relations between men and women result in gender roles,
social roles and socially appropriate characteristics and behaviours. All are culture specific.
Kabira and Masinjila (1997), identified action, locus, visualization and power, among other
things as components in the identification of different roles of men and women.
One of the disparities between males and females is related to the difference in their
employment status which is manifested by occupational segregation, gender based wage gaps
and women’ disproportionate representation in informal employment on paid work and
higher unemployment rate (UNFPA, 2005).
3.4 Livelihood
A variety of definitions have been given about livelihood. Chambers (1995) as cited in
Scoones (2009), livelihood is the means of gaining living or a combination of resources used
and the activities undertaken in order to live. He continued to portray livelihood as a complex
web of activities and interactions that emphasizes the diversity of ways people make a living.
Chambers and Conway (1992) stated; a livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets
(including both material and social resources) and activities for a means of living. A
livelihood is defined as the activities, the assets and access that jointly determine the living
gained by an individual or household (Ellis, 1999).
3.4.1 Livelihood Assets
According to Scoones (1998), the ability to pursue different livelihood strategies is dependent
on the basic material and social, tangible and intangible assets that people have in their
possession. Drawing on an economic metaphor, such livelihood resources may be seen as the
“capital” base from which different productive streams are derive from which livelihoods are
constructed. Scoones (1998) identified four (4) different types of capital.
31
I. Natural Capital- the natural resources stock, soil, water, air, genetic resources, etc) and
environmental services( hydrological cycle, pollution sinks, etc) from which resource
flow and services useful for livelihoods are derived.
II. Economic or Financial Capital- the capital base cash, credit/debt, savings and other
economic assets, including basic infrastructure and production equipment and
technologies) which are essential for the persuit of any livelihood strategy
III. Human Capital- the skills, knowledge, ability to labour and good health and physical
capability important for the successful persuit of different livelihood strategies.
IV. Social Capital- the social resources (networks, social claims, social relations,
affiliations, associations upon which people draw when persuing different livelihood
strategies requiring coordinated actions.
3.4.2 Livelihood Strategies
Three broad clusters of livelihood strategies are identified as indicated by Scoones (1998).
These are; Agriculture, Livelihood Diversification and Migration. Broadly these are seen to
cover the range of options open to rural people. Either they gain more of their livelihood from
Agriculture ( including livestock rearing, acqua culture, forestry etc) through process of
intensification ( more output per unit area through capital investment or increase in labour
input) or extensification (more land under cultivation) or they diversify to a range of off-farm
income earning activities, or they move away and seek a livelihood, either temporary or
permanently elsewhere or, more commonly, they persue a combination of strategies together
or sequence.
Livelihood Sequencing- Rural households earn income from diverse allocations of their
natural, physical and human capital assets among various income generating activities (Ellis
1998). The literature offers many reasons why such diversification occurs. Among these
might be diminishing returns on increasing investment in certain activities, synergies
(economies of scope) among distinct activities, or the lack of markets, which compel self-
provision of goods or services the household desires for own consumption (Barrett et al.
2001). Similarly, households may wish to diversify as a strategy for coping with an
unexpected shock, or to minimize risk ex ante by participating in activities that generate other
incomes. The presumption throughout the literature is that households choose such patterns
of diversification so as to achieve the best possible standard of living. The chosen
32
combination of assets and activities is often referred to as the household’s ‘livelihood
strategy’. A livelihood strategy encompasses not only activities that generate income, but
many other kinds of choices, including cultural and social choices, that come together to
make up the primary occupation of a household (Ellis 1998).
The concept of a livelihood strategy has become central to development practice in recent
years. Nonetheless, given the uncountable possible proportional mixes of activities
undertaken by a household, it is not always clear what constitutes a distinct livelihood rather
than just a slightly different mix of activities within the same general livelihood (de Haan,
2000; IIED, 2004). A precise operational definition of livelihood remains elusive, as does an
associated method for identifying livelihoods in quantitative data (Ahn, 2003). This probably
helps explain why the more quantitative development scholars (e.g. economists) have been
slower to adopt the concept than have the more qualitative ones (e.g. anthropologists and
sociologists).
The ability to operationalize the concept of a livelihood strategy becomes especially
important when one speaks of ‘improving’ livelihood to paraphrase much current
development discourse (Hugo et al, 2001). Implicit in the concept of ‘improvement’ is the
suggestion that certain strategies offer households a higher return on their assets, not least of
which is household labor migration (de Haan, 2000). Thus approach is quite important in
choosing distinct livelihood strategies that earn high returns for households, especially in
rural agricultural areas.
Agriculture- A wide variety of literature is available on the importance of agriculture to
economic development in Ghana, and on the critical role that rural women play within this
sector (Awumbila & Momsen, 1995; Mikell, 1997; FAO, 2000). In Ghana, the backbone of
the rural communities is the small scale farmer, the majority of who are women (Ardayfio-
Schandorf & Awumbila, 2000). Women play a major role in agriculture, which includes
farming, fisheries, forestry and livestock production (Benneh et al., 1996). They play a lead
role in post-harvest activities such as shelling of grains, storage, processing and marketing
(Ameyibor, 1993). Women are also becoming increasingly visible in farm tasks which
traditionally have been designated as male preserves, thus breaking ground in typical male
dominated areas such as land clearance and growth of cash crops (Goldstein and Urdry,
2002)
The inclusion of women in decision-making structures does not necessarily lead to
positive changes in gender relationships. But gender analysts have shown how their
33
involvement in all structures and levels of decision-making is a necessary condition for
empowerment, emancipation and transformation (Kabeer, 1994; Moser, 1993). Women,
therefore, remain the centre-piece of food security and hold the key to a sound and healthy
economy.
In spite of the central role of women in agriculture, they remain the most disadvantaged
population in Ghana. Women have much more limited access to resources than their male
counterparts (Boserup, E. 1970). This is dominant in areas of education, land, agricultural
extension, and access to credit, all of which combine to restrain the ability to increase their
productivity and incomes (Awusabo-Asare, 1990). These women are the last to benefit from,
or in some cases, have been negatively affected by prevailing economic growth and
development processes. Gender bias and gender blindness still persist in the agricultural
sector. For example, agricultural research and investment has been focused on cash crop
activities of men. Additionally, farmers are still generally perceived as “male” by policy-
makers and development agencies (Swindell, 1985). Women farmers also suffer lack of
recognition because their area of operation falls within the informal sector of the economy,
which is largely associated with unskilled and unprofessional tasks (FAO, 2000).
Within the informal sector, women farmers suffer from distinctions which are made between
areas of “income generation” and sectors which are more passive in nature (Awumbila,
1997). Compared to men, women do not have unconditional access to the means of
production. They face the problem of insecurity of tenure in land distribution arrangements
especially in situations where they farm in joint partnership with their husbands (Mikell,
1997). Formal sources of credit are difficult to obtain by rural women because of banking
restrictions, bureaucracy and distances involved in obtaining loans from the bank. According
to Jackson & Pearson (1998), women are more likely to be poor than men, particularly in
societies where men have considerable control over women’s work time, as is the case in
Ghana.
Due to the lack of access to productive resources, Ghanaian women farmers constitute the
poorest among the poor, and their conditions are worsened by the existing differentials in
rural and urban development (Ardayfio-Schandorf, 1994). The current poverty profile of
Ghana has shown that the percentage of the Ghanaian population defined as poor has fallen
from 52% in 1991-1992 to just fewer than 40% in 1998-1999 (GSS, 2000b). The decline,
however, is not evenly distributed geographically. Poverty reductions are concentrated in
Accra and both rural and urban forest localities. In both years, poverty is substantially higher
in other rural areas, including the Volta region, than urban areas, so that poverty in Ghana
34
remains a disproportionately rural phenomenon (GS, 2002a). The literature reveals that
besides Ghana’s poverty and trends in poverty also relate to the economic activities in which
households are engaged.
Migration- Migration is generally defined as the spatial mobility of people between one
geographical location and another, generally involving a change of residence from a place of
origin to a place of destination. It is a difficult concept to define because it includes people
who move for different reasons across different spaces. A migrant can be a person who
moves to another city or town within a nation; a refugee who crosses an international border
to escape religious or political persecution; a jobseeker who moves to another country for
better economic opportunity.
Migration is one of the major components of population change, and has been an integral part
of livelihood diversification across many developing countries for at least the last century
(Agesa & Agesa, 1999:12). However, over time, and in different places, it has taken a
number of different forms. This process has included internal, regional and international
movements, exists in widely different demographic contexts and cuts across class and skill
boundaries, and (Drinkwater & Rusinow, 1999:5; Dang et al, 2003:14). 36 47
With a few exceptions, evidence in the literature suggests that internal population movements
are increasing. For example, close to 120 million people in China were estimated to have
migrated internally in 2001, against 458,000 people migrating internationally for work (Zhao,
2003). Again in China, rural-urban migration has overtaken other kinds of movements in
recent years as a result of increased manufacturing industries (Zhao, 2003). In Bangladesh
two-thirds of all migration is from rural to urban areas and is increasing rapidly (Afshar,
2003). Rural-urban migration is also an important source of livelihood diversification in Sub-
Sahara Africa, to which the study now turns (Bryceson et al., 2003).
West Africa is an area with particularly long traditions of population mobility. Trade between
localities and regions is a well-established economic strategy in West Africa that was fully
developed long before colonial boundaries were drawn. As a result, the peoples of West
Africa have a strong affinity for traveling (Kasanga & Avis, 1988). In discussing trade within
West Africa, Clapperton (1929) describes the presence in the town of Kaiama of “a caravan
consisting of upward of 1000 men and women, and as many beasts of burden on their way
back to Hausaland after a long trading trip to Gonja and Ashanti.” (Cited in Boahen,
1966:105). These trans-Saharan caravan routes are therefore, among the earliest evidence of
35
major interaction between West and North Africa for trading and exchange of scholars
(Kasanga & Avis, 1988).
According to Anarfi et al. (2001), interregional trade within the West African region dates
back to a period before colonization. The authors assert that during this period, trade
activities stimulated flows of traders from neighbouring territories who brought kola nuts,
ivory, sheep, cattle, hides of wild animals and clothes to Salaga market. Thus, pre-colonial
migration in West Africa was basically oriented toward trade, labor, agriculture, and to a
lesser extent religion, and these occurred without legal restraints and barriers (Adepoju,
2000). The absence of strict or legal boundary restrictions made it possible for nomads, farm
workers, seamen, traders, and preachers alike to migrate freely and frequently across
international borders, even during the pre-colonial era.
An important fact that emerges from the migration literature on West Africa is that
population movements in the pre-colonial era were associated largely with the prevailing
economic, socio-political and ecological conditions, especially the search for farm land and
trade, as well as warfare and slavery (Adepoju, 1995a). Migration formed an integral part of
the social fabric. It has, therefore, been suggested that the contemporary phenomenon of out-
migration from the rural areas of West Africa may represent a continuation of earlier
migratory movements (Kasanga & Avis, 1988).
3.5 Gender Roles and division of labour
Men and women perform multiple roles in society, as both are involved in i) reproductive
activities, ii) productive activities, iii) community management activities, and iv) community
politics. Women, however, generally spend less time on productive activities and community
politics in comparison to men due to their heavy daily workload. While men are able to focus
principally on their productive tasks and carry out their other activities sequentially, women
are often obliged to carry out a large number of tasks, especially reproductive tasks,
simultaneously and dispersed over the day. Thus, women’s productive time and flexibility are
much more constrained compared to men, often leading to trade-offs between their non-
productive and productive roles (Moser, 1993).
A clear division of labour according to sex and age exists in Ghanaian farming communities
in terms of tasks performed and their participation in different farming activities. Women are
more involved in farming activities such as planting, weeding, watering, harvesting, the
36
transportation of farm produce, agro-processing and the marketing of small amounts of farm
produce, whereas men are more involved in the initial clearing of the land, the tilling of the
soils and the marketing of larger amounts of farm produce especially at farm gate level.
Furthermore, women are more involved in food crop production whereas men are more
involved in cash crop production. The food crop sector is generally considered to be less
lucrative than the cash crop sector and fewer resources are usually spent by the State on the
development of the former sector. Benneh et al., (1995), claim that women are more involved
in food crop production because it is less costly, it requires less labour and food crops can be
grown on the less fertile soils, inter-cropping of food crops is possible. The authors observed
that few women are involved in the production of cocoa, one of the major cash crops grown
in Ghana, partly because of the high labour inputs and huge capital outlays for land
acquisition and input procurement (i.e. seeds, insecticides, implements etc.) demanded by the
cocoa industry. Most women could not take advantage of the new opportunities afforded by
the cocoa industry as they lacked necessary capital inputs and labour requirements.
The opportunities fell largely on able and enterprising men, who strongly depended on
migrant labour to operate their farms. Ghanaian women are obliged, by tradition, to assist
their husbands in their farming activities.
These activities are often carried out in addition to their own farming activities, which are
either
Performed on their husbands’ plots or on separate plots of land that have been allocated to
them.
This tradition further increases the workload of women and restricts the amount of time that
they
are able to spend on their own farming activities (Duncan, 1997). Across time and cultures, a
division of labor based on gender has always existed, whereby some work has been defined
as men’s work, some as women’s work (Jackson & Pearson, 1998). A woman is seen to
complement and support her husband’s work by processing the food for the family. Even
with the advent of cash economy, these gender roles have not changed (Amanor, 2001).
Farming households are predominantly agricultural households where the division of labour
revolves around agricultural activities. An analysis of social relations in the research area
shows that gender and power relations within the family define the actions and roles of
individual members, and these are based on the work that men and women do on the farm.
Breadwinner is a European concept dating back to the Victorian days when wives were not
allowed to work and husbands provided all the needs of the family. The meaning, however,
differs in Ghanaian context because men do not provide all the financial and subsistence
37
needs of the family. Wives undertake both on and off farm economic activities to support
their families. In some cases their financial support supersedes those of their husbands.
The relatively rigid traditional division of labour remains the same in most households, with
very little exceptions. More often than not, women tend to undertake tremendous
responsibilities that go beyond simply “complementing” the work of men. Whitehead (1981),
stresses that the gender division of labour does not refer merely to a list of men and women’s
jobs, nor is it based on a set of cultural values about the suitability of various activities
according to the specific gender categories.
According to the author, rather, it suggests a system of allocating the labour of women and
men to specific activities, and of equal importance, a system of distributing the products of
these activities. The allocation of different tasks to men and women consequently has
significant implications for the organization of productive processes, in that it involves issues
of command and control. It also creates the necessity of exchanging and distributing between
women and men, goods that their joint or separate labour has produced (Whitehead,
1981:90).
3.6 Access to and control over resources
In the context of African development, access to land and other resources are key to basic
livelihood and therefore a question of fundamental human rights. The domination of
agriculture in most African economies suggests the importance of land as a basic tool of
development and a significant determinant of income earning power. A World Bank study
pointed out that women are at the core of the economies of Sub-Saharan Africa, comprising
about 60% of the informal sector and providing about 70% of total agricultural labour
(Blackden and Bhanu, 1998). Statistical data for Ghana show that women account for about
half of the agricultural labour force and produce around 70% of Ghana’s food crops (Gender
and Agricultural Development Strategy, 2001). The World Bank study continues to say that
women are the principal agricultural workers and food producers and are primarily
responsible for assuring food availability in the family. However, their central position in
economic production, attaining food security goals and meeting family nutritional needs
contrasts with the systematic discrimination they face (often reinforced by custom,
convention, culture and law) in access to and control over the basic assets needed, if they are
38
to participate fully in realising the region’s economic growth potential. Experts believe that
economies will grow faster and countries will become less poor if gender-based inequality is
substantially reduced or eliminated.
Kotey and Tsikata (1998) have argued that discussions revolving around agricultural
productivity are best explained through a land rights analysis using a social relation’s
approach. The “gender perspective” approach used by the World Bank to analyse growth and
poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa recognises that women stand at the crossroads between
production and reproduction, between economic activities and the care of human beings, and
therefore between economic growth and human development. Such an approach takes
account of existing discriminatory, unequal and inequitable (power) relationships and
practices, and lays the basis for more sustainable development based on legal and social
justice. It also provides room for a broader view of social groups.
3.7 Conclusion
From the review of the literature above, gender disparities and its effects on women’s
livelihoods is a crucial issue. There are various livelihood assets comprising, natural capital,
economic or financial capital, human capital, and social capital from which different
productive streams are derived from which livelihood are constructed. Most people embark
on series of livelihood coping strategies such as agriculture, livelihood diversification and
migration. Rural women who are the focal subject of the study are denied access and control
over resources to pursue their livelihoods. It has been noted from the review that, policy
interventions have been introduced and implemented across the globe to curtail gender
disparities. The critical issue however is that, the rural woman has not yet benefitted from
such interventions. As a result of this, poverty among women at the community level is high
and livelihood security is also at stake. It is therefore vital to pursue this study, to understand
and know why gender disparities abound in the community, why interventions have not
reflected at the community level, and more importantly, why women are denied access and
control over livelihood resources and assets.
39
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 Data Analysis and Presentation
4.1 Introduction
This chapter deals with the analysis of data collected from the field which has been divided
into two. The first one looks at the respondents’ sex, educational level and their occupation,
and final part looks at various sources of livelihood, effort of actors in gender empowerment,
challenges on economic livelihood as a result of gender disparities and effects of gender
disparities on women’s livelihood.
4.2 Socio-demographic Characteristics
4.2.0 Occupation of Respondents
From figure 4.1 below, the study reveal that, 18% of respondents were students, 42% were
farmers, 14% were traders, 14% were teachers, 4% were nurses, 2% were artisan, 4% were
hair dressers and 2% were seamstresses. Therefore the occupation of an individual
40
determines the level of income earned. It was however revealed that the greater income
earners are nurses, teachers, farmers, traders, hairdressers, seamstress as well as artisans.
Bar chart showing the occupational distribution of respondents
Figure 4.1
Source: Field Survey 2013
4.2.1 Level of Education of Respondents
The survey assesses the educational level of respondents, from primary to tertiary level,
however, 28% of respondents have not attain primary education and others. This has led to
the inability to identify their potentials and also reduced their capacity to work. See table 4.2
below.
Table 4.2 Respondents Level of Education
Level of Education
Frequency
Percentage (%)
None
20
40
Primary
6
12
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
STUDENTS FARMERS TRADERS TEACHERS NURSES ARTISANS
Occupational Distribution
FREQUENCY
PERCENTAGE OFRESPONDENTS
41
J H S
5
10
SHS
10
20
Diploma
6
12
Degree
3
6
Total
50
100
Source: field survey, 2013.
Illiteracy is the cause to most of our societal and economic problems of which gender
discrimination in Piree community is not an exception. From the table 4.2, the educational
characteristics in Piree revealed by the survey have shown a wide margin of illiteracy rate
(40%). Also, about 22% of the respondents have attain basic education, that is, primary and
junior high, tertiary education 18% and senior high 20%. This indicates that, the
understanding of women empowerment are not understood by the people of Piree and this
can further inhibit any attempt by external gender empowerment agencies to promote gender
equality. High levels of illiteracy rate also facilitate gender disparities in Piree.
4.2.2 Gender
Out of 50 questionnaires administered, male were 21 and female were 29 representing 42%
and 58% respectively. It was however revealed, high illiteracy rate as well as high levels of
poverty was among female than male due to their limited access to and control over resources
in Piree.
Figure 4.2.2 Pie chart showing sex of respondents
42
Source: Field Survey, 2013
4.3 SOURCES OF LIVELIHOOD
The respondents made us to know the various sources of livelihood as shown in the figure
below;
Figure 4.3 Bar chart showing the sources of livelihood of respondents
Source: Field Survey 2013
42%
58%
SEX OF RESPONDENTS
MALE FEMALE
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
FARMING SHEABUTTER EXTRACTION
PITO BREWING TRADING SHEABUTTER EXTRACTION
AND FARMING
SHEABUTTER EXTRACTION
AND PITO BREWING
19
2 13 3
1
38
42
6 6
2
frequency Percentage of livelihood sources
43
From the figure 4.3 above, it can be deduced that the most prominent source of livelihood in
the community is farming which constitute 28%, and also it can be found in respondents who
engage in two or more livelihood activities.
The above indicates that agriculture is the main source of livelihood in the community. If
women are therefore denied access to and control over land in the community, it increases
their level of vulnerability.
4.4 GENDER ROLES AND DIVISION OF LABOUR
From the table below, the survey revealed that, men and women perform multiple role in
the community, as both are involved in; reproductive activities, productive activities,
community management activities and community politics. However, women generally
spend less time on productive activities and community politics in comparison to men due
to their heavy daily workload. While men are able to focus principally on their productive
tasks and carry out their activity sequentially, women often are obliged to carry out a large
number of tasks, especially reproductive tasks, simultaneously and dispersed over the day.
Table 4.4
44
Source: Field Survey 2013
4.5 EFFECTS OF GENDER DISPARITIES ON WOMEN’S LIVELIHOOD
The group’s findings show that the existing gender disparities in Piree have financial, social,
and political effect on women as respondents admitted that, it leads to high level of poverty,
low level of girl child education, lack of capacity to function and influence decision making
that concern their lives.
Figure 4.5
A bar chart showing the effects of gender disparities among men and women in
percentages
45
Source: Field Survey 2013
From the chart above, it was deduced that, 12 out of the 50 respondents attested that high
levels of poverty is among men whereas 38 also admitted that it is common among women
than men. Also, 16 from the 50 respondents revealed to the group that low level of education
is common among men, whereas 34 is of the view that it (low level of education) is high
among women. Lastly, 10 of the 50 respondents made known to the group that lack of
capacity to function and influence decision making is common within men but 40 is of the
view that it is common among women.Women are denied full legal, social, and economic
rights such as education, secured livelihoods, property ownership and credit and they are
forced to rely on child bearing for survival, status and security. Women and girls in Piree
have less access to education and productive resources than men, and with increased
competition, they lose out even more.
4.6 ACCESS TO AND CONTROL OVER RESOURCES
Through our discussions, it was deduced that women’s central position in economic
production, attaining food security goals and meeting family nutritional needs contrasts
with the systematic discrimination they face (often reinforced by custom, convention,
culture and law) in access to and control over the basic assets needed, if they are to
participate fully in realizing the community’s economic growth potential.
Table 4.6
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
HIGH LEVEL OFPOVERTY
LOW LEVEL OFEDUCATION
LACK OF CAPACITYTO FUNCTION AND
INFLUENCEDECISION MAKING
MALE
FEMALE
46
Source: Field Survey 2013
From the table above, it can be seen that women have less access and control over the
identified resources except the trees and forest resources. This has therefore increased their
level of vulnerability.
4.7 EFFORT OF ACTORS IN GENDER EMPOWERMENT
Table 4.7
ACTORS
CONTRIBUTION
47
NGOs (Plan Ghana, WVI)
i. Education, Sensitization, Awareness
creation on gender disparities.
ii. Provision of financial support
iii. Provision of self-help initiatives
iv. Provision of humanitarian services
District Assembly
i. Community engagement
ii. Education and awareness creation
Community members
Community mobilization for gender
awareness programmes
Religious bodies
Advocacy
Source; Field Survey 2013
From the table 4.4 above, it can be deduced that the effort of actors in gender empowerment
is one way of curbing the situation, mainly via education and sensitization without a
corresponding change in the root causes of gender disparities notably customs, conventions,
culture and laws in the community.
4.8. CHALLENGES OF GENDER EMPOWERMENT IN PIREE COMMUNITY
The main challenges identified include;
i. Lack of commitment by the community.
ii. Inadequate logistics
iii. Outmoded cultural beliefs and practices
iv. High illiteracy rate
48
4.8.1 Lack of commitment by the community
Lack of commitment by the community members is a major challenge of gender disparities in
the community. The contribution of the community members especially males to gender
empowerment programmes is very low. This is highly attributed to various misconceptions
that they perceive, for example, some believe that their wives will not respect them, others
believe that adopting gender empowerment programmes will destroy their culture.
4.8.2 Inadequate logistics
There are inadequate logistics to carry out effective gender empowerment programmes. Visits
made to the various actors such as the district assembly, NGOs, religious bodies, and some
gender activists revealed that series of gender awareness programmes have been laid down
yet the requisite logistics to carry out such programmes are inadequate.
4.8.3 Outmoded cultural beliefs and practices
There is the existence of outmoded cultural beliefs and practices in Piree community which
undermine the position of women and inhibit gender empowerment programmes. Examples
of such beliefs are that men are the head of the family hence access to and control over
resources is entrusted unto them only. An interview with the women self-help initiative group
revealed that denial of right to claim ownership of land especially when their husbands die is
a threat to their livelihood.
4.8.4 High illiteracy rate
The low level of education among the people of Piree has limited their capacity to work and
adapt to changes. The survey revealed that women, especially, are unable to tradeoff between
on and off-farm activities.
4.9 CONCLUSION
The survey revealed that, the issue of gender disparity exists in the community. This situation
compels various actors to intervene in reversing the issue. However the efforts of these actors
in gender empowerment have not yielded the intended objective. It is also realized that the
existing gender disparities affects the financial, social, and political life of women in the
community.
49
CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 INTRODUCTION
This chapter presents a summary of the main findings, conclusions and recommendations
aimed at limiting gender disparities on women’s livelihood in Piree.
5.1 Summary of Findings
5.1.0 Gender Roles and Division of Labour
The survey revealed that, men and women perform multiple role in the community, as both
are involved in; reproductive activities, productive activities, community management
activities and community politics. However, women generally spend less time on productive
activities and community politics in comparison to men due to their heavy daily workload.
While men are able to focus principally on their productive tasks and carry out their activity
sequentially, women often are obliged to carry out a large number of tasks, especially
reproductive tasks, simultaneously and dispersed over the day. Thus women productive time
50
and flexibility are much more constrained compared to men, often leading to trade-offs
between their non-productive and productive roles. More so, through our observation, it was
discovered that, women are more involved in farming activities such as planting, weeding,
watering, harvesting, the transportation of farm produce, agro-processing and the marketing
of small amount of farm produce, whereas men are more involved in the initial clearing of the
land, the tilling of soils and marketing of large amount of farm produce especially at farm
gate level.
5.1.1 Access to and Control over Resource
Through our discussion with the community, we deduced that women play central position in
economic production, attaining food security goals and meeting nutritional needs yet it
contrasts with the systematic discrimination they face often reinforced by customs,
conventions, culture and law, in access to and control over the basic assets needed.
5.1.2 Livelihoods Strategies or Activities
Through our survey it was realised that the dominant livelihood strategy in the community is
agriculture with about 28%, petty trading 6%, Shea butter extraction 4%, pito brewing 2%
and those who engage in multiple livelihood activities are 60%.
5.1.3 Efforts of Actors in Gender Empowerment
The efforts of the actors in limiting gender disparities in Piree is not encouraging since there
have not been a complete change in the root causes especially, customs, conventions, culture
and laws, that often result to gender disparities. Also from the group discussion from the
districts assembly and gender activists, many efforts have been made to curtail gender
disparities in the community but the intended objectives have not been achieved due to the
fact that the community especially those in authority are resisting change in the status quo.
5.1.4 Challenges of Gender Empowerment
Through our discussions with the community members, Nadowli District Assembly, gender
activists, corporate organizations and individuals, it was revealed that the main challenges
include;
I. Lack of commitment by the community at large is the major challenge affecting
gender equality in Piree.
II. Lack of logistics to carry out effective gender empowerment programmes.
III. Outmoded cultural beliefs and practices in Piree also inhibit gender equality.
51
IV. High level of illiteracy rate also facilitates gender disparities in Piree.
5.1.5 Effects of Gender Disparities
Findings shows that, existing gender disparities have financial and social effects on women as
respondents admitted that, it leads to high level of poverty on the side of women and low
level of girl child education. More so it has health implication on women since women are
not able to afford quality health care as a result of poverty.
5.2 Conclusion
In summary, the research reveal that gender disparities in Piree is very rampant due to the
reinforcement by customs, conventions, culture and laws of the people, which is the
determinant of access to and control over the basic assets. However, stakeholders in gender
empowerment such as Nadowli District Assembly, gender activists, civil society
organisations and non-governmental organizations, found in Piree have not accomplish much
as far as the issue of gender disparities is concerned. Again the survey has identified some
challenges of gender equality, which are; lack of commitment by community at large, lack of
logistics to carry out gender empowerment programmes, outmoded cultural beliefs and
practices and high level of illiteracy rates. Lastly, the issue of gender disparities has resulted
negatively in financial and social effects on women. Therefore, there is the need to persist for
a complete change in the root causes of gender disparities to bring about an improvement in
the well-being of women and ensure adequate development in the community.
5.3 Recommendations
Based on the findings, the following recommendations were made to limit the issue of gender
disparities in Piree;
i. Nadowli District Assembly and other benevolent NGOs should provide adequate
logistics to carry out effective gender empowerment programmes in Piree.
ii. Traditional authorities as well as community members should be committed by
persisting for a total change in the outmoded cultural beliefs and practices that
prevent women from access to and control over basic assets.
iii. Nadowli District Assembly, Ghana Education Services and NGOs should provide
scholarships to the people to minimize the illiteracy rate in the community.
iv. Nadowli District Assembly should formulate bye-laws and effectively enforce the
bye-laws to improve gender equality in Piree.
52
In all, gender equality should involve the efforts of all stakeholders thus, government, district
assembly NGOs, religious groups or associations, civil society organizations, individuals and
the community at large.
REFERENCES
AFSHAR R., 2003.Dynamics of Poverty, Development and Population Mobility: The
Bangladesh Case. Ad Hoc Expert Group Meeting on Migration and Development,
organized by the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok,
27-29 August.
Amanor, K.S. 2001. Land, Labour and the family in Southern Ghana; A Critique of Land
Policy under Neo-Liberalisation. Uppsala: NordiskaAfrikainstitute, Research Report no.
116.
Amanor- Wilks, D. 1996. Invincible Hands: Women In Zimbabwe’s Commercial Farm
Sector, Southern African Feminist Review 2(1):37-57
Apusigah, A.A. and Mohammed J. A. 2005. Baseline Study on Human Trafficking and
Forced Labour among Women and Girls in northern Ghana. Unpublished Research
Report submitted to ILO, Accra and Geneva.
Bacho, F.Z.L. 2004. Can I Sell One of My Cows? Institutions? Assets and Gender based
Poverty, Ghana Journal of Development Studies.
53
Baden, S., Green C., Otoo N. O., and Peasgood T., 1994. Background paper on gender
issues in Ghana. Report prepared for the West and North Africa Department, Department
for Overseas Development, DFID. UK.
Beijing Declaration & Platform for Action.Covenant for the New Millennium (Fourth
World Conference on Women, Beijing, September 4-15, 1995)
Benschop, M. 2004. Women’s Rights to Land and Property.
Cohre,2004. Bringing Equality Home Promoting and Protecting the Inheritance of Rights
of Women. A Survey of Law and Practice in Sub-Saharan Africa, Centre on Housing
Rights and Eviction: Geneva.
Duncan, B.A, Brants, C. 2004. Access To And Control Over Land From A Gender
Perspective, A Study Conducted In The Volta Region Of Ghana.
IFPRI, 2004. Are Wealth Transfers Biased Against Girls? Gender Differences in Land
Inheritance and Schooling Investment in Ghana’s Western Region, paper no. 186.
ILO, 2000. Modular Package on Gender, Poverty and Empowerment Reader’s Kit-
Access to Assets.
Kachingwe, N. Social Movements, Land and Agrarian Reforms and Women’s rights,
Issues papers for ActionAid International Gender Programme, AAI, Harae; Zimbabwe.
Mechthild and Runger, 2006. Governance, Land Rights and Access to Land in Ghana- A
Development Perspective on Gender Equity.
Quinsumbing, Payongayong, Aidoo, Otsuka, 2001. Women’s Land Rights in the
Transition to Individualised Ownership: Implications for Tree-Resource Managementin
Western Ghana, in Economic Development and Cultural Change, The University of
Chicago Press, Journal Division: Chicago.
Scoones I., 1990.IDS working paper 72, 1998
Scott A. and Forster M. “United Nations Development Programme, 1995”
54