aye ne win-the grandson of former dictator ne win.pdf
TRANSCRIPT
3/28/2017 U Aye Ne Win: Rewriting history | Frontier Myanmar
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The grandson of Ne Win makes merit at a local buddhist shrine. Photo by Jeroen deBakker
In the life of U Aye Ne Win nothing is normal. Born in 1976 into the most powerful familyin the country, that of omnipotent ruler Ne Win, the dictator’s grandson sat front rowduring key events in Myanmar’s history. Later the family name became a burden thatlanded him a lengthy prison sentence over an alleged coup plot.
From an early age U Aye Ne Win learned that he was not a normal child. His mother,Daw Sandar Win, taught him how to behave responsibly and wave at the passingmotorcades of visiting dignitaries.
At school some children had a hard time adjusting to their prominent fellow pupil. “WhenI was eight years old one of my friends told me my lunchbox was stolen,” U Aye Ne Winsaid. “When I checked they had returned the box. My food was still in it. It turned outthey had wanted to take a look at what I ate. They were disappointed I ate the samefood as anybody else.”
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U Aye Ne Win, a wellgroomed dandy with a slightly chubby posture, sat down for theinterview at a cousin’s house. The Ne Win family’s lakeside residence is off limits tojournalists and photographers.
When he was 12, Myanmar, then still called Burma, faced turbulent times. Millions joinedprotests against the junta that culminated in a national uprising on August 8, 1988. Onthat historical date protests and strikes paralysed the country. The army reacted withforce. About 3,000 demonstrators were killed in a bloody crackdown.
“When the army shoots, it shoots to kill,” Ne Win had warned.
For U Aye Ne Win the protests didn’t signify anything special. He mostly stayed in. “I andmy family never felt we were in danger. There were demonstrations, yes, but we didn’tfeel threatened at all. We went about our usual routine.”
U Aye Ne Win, the grandson of Ne Win. Photo by Jeroen de Bakker
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One of the main catalysts for the uprising was the economic hardship wrought by a failed25year experiment with a socialist economy. In 1987 Myanmar had to apply for LeastDeveloped Country status, which allowed the government to borrow money at morefavourable terms.
U Aye Ne Win acknowledges that Myanmar was dirt poor, but he feels his grandfatherwas not to blame. “The main root of our country’s problems is the armed conflict,” hesaid. “We are a country that saw the longest civil armed conflict in the twentieth century.We have a lot of resources, that is why we survived. Imagine all the money wasted. Oneand a half years ago, a prominent 88 Generation Peace and Open Society member, KoKo Gyi, said about the conflict in Kachin State: Everytime you launch a mortar, thousandsof dollars are burned. That was a poignant remark. It isn’t surprising that Myanmar wasnot really a prosperous nation.”
On September 18, 1988, a new generation of military officers seized power in a coupthat brought the slow retreat of the Ne Win family from the corridors of power.
After Ne Win stepped down from the Presidency in 1981 he stopped going to his office.Senior government officials still often visited the dictator to seek what they considered tobe essential guidance from the ‘old man’. When Ne Win also relinquished thechairmanship of the Burma Socialist Programme Party in July 1988 these visits stopped.
U Aye Ne Win said the family continued to have significant political influence. This waswhy the government tried to tarnish his reputation and that of his brothers, he claims. In1989 a staterun newspaper printed the sensational rumour that U Aye Ne Win and hisbrothers had murdered the teenage son of a wellknown pop singer.
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His family might not be wealthy, according to his accounts, but Aye Ne Win prefers to dohis grocery shopping at Yangon’s upmarket Market Place supermarket. Photo by Jeroende Bakker
“Little did they know that this boy went on to become the hip hop star JMe,” said U AyeNe Win, laughing. “He never actually died. Every time he performed his stage show wasa living mockery of the government propaganda.”
An incident in 1999 created further unease in the government. U Aye Ne Win met DrMichael Aris, the husband of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in the months before the Britishacademic’s death. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi wanted to meet Ne Win, as she felt it was theonly way to bring about a solution for the political stalemate. U Aye Ne Win was asked toact as postillon d’amour.
“We needed government approval, as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was still under housearrest,” said U Aye Ne Win. “The idea scared the government; they found itinappropriate. Our family should stay out of politics and cut ribbons and kiss babies; that
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was the message Secretary1 LieutenantGeneral Khin Nyunt conveyed.” The meetingnever happened.
Three years later relations soured even further, when U Aye Ne Win, his father and twobrothers were arrested on charges of plotting to overthrow the government. U Aye NeWin was not impressed by the alleged evidence produced in the case.
“They showcased 80 walkietalkie sets, for instance. This was supposedly equipment thatwe were going to use to stage our coup. Actually, my younger brother was heading atelecommunications company. The Myanmar Police Force couldn’t get hold of walkietalkies and had asked him to import them. I think [Military] Intelligence and the militarypolice did not coordinate and just grabbed whatever they saw at our offices.”
U Aye Ne Win, the grandson of Ne Win. Photo by Jeroen de Bakker
Nonetheless, the judge handed down hefty sentences: U Aye Ne Win was sentenced todeath for high treason. He also received a life prison sentence for mutiny.
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“I knew the death sentence was coming,” he said. “Strangely, I was rather excited aboutthe whole legal process. I knew they would never hang us. There was no President atthe time, and by law the signature of the President was needed.”
At first U Aye Ne Win and his father and brothers did not want to appeal, as theyregarded the case as being so absurd that it didn’t merit a response. Then a messagefrom Senior General Than Shwe made them change their minds.
“We were told that if we appealed and the case would go from divisional court to highcourt and supreme court, that the Senior General would show clemency and pardon us,”U Aye Ne Win said. “So the case went through the whole process, which took two years.And then the Senior General said: it is near the bottom of my priority list. There wasgoing to be no pardon.”
The broken promise angered U Aye Ne Win. “I felt betrayed. I want to put this on therecord now, while Senior General Than Shwe and the two witnesses, former LieutenantGeneral Khin Nyunt and General Maung Aye are still with us.”
What eventually turned out to be a stay of 11.5 years in prison, started with a stint in aconcrete cell at Insein Jail. After 1.5 years the family members moved up the comfortchain, to two adjoining wooden bungalows. U Aye Ne Win filled his days jogging andpraying. Sometimes he lifted weights he had made from empty plastic oil drums filledwith concrete. The three sons and their father were kept incommunicado from the rest ofthe family while they were in prison.
U Aye Ne Win and his brother, U Kyaw Ne Win, were released under amnesty inNovember 2013. His father and another brother, U Zwe Ne Win, were released theprevious year.
They regained their freedom in a society in transition, with an economy that wasattracting foreign investment after sanctions were eased in response to the reformprocess begun in 2011. In 2013 the influx of foreign money slowed down. U Aye Ne Winfeels that the slowdown is partly the result of Myanmar being too modest. “‘This is avirgin forest’, we should have said; instead we emphasised what we couldn’t do.”
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From an investor’s point of view democracy is nice for public relations, he said, but notnecessarily needed for the economy to thrive. “Stability and business security areparamount. It’s a big misunderstanding that changing into a democracy will make Burmaprosper. Democracy is a costly system to maintain.”
U Aye Ne Win, the grandson of Ne Win seats with family and friends at a restaurant.Photo by Jeroen de Bakker
The Ne Win family continues to prosper, although U Aye Ne Win denies that he and hisbrothers are enjoying the fruits of the billions of dollars that Ne Win was rumoured tohave stashed away in Swiss banks.
“If we would have stolen or accumulated money, there should be a paper trail, or thedocuments should have surfaced, for instance at WikiLeaks,” he said. “No country hasever frozen or confiscated assets of the family. That itself is a clear indication. I help thefamily business, mainly with contracts, MOUs and IPOs. I don’t take any actual decisions.When the family makes a profit we all share.”
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Tags: dictatorNe WinAye Ne WinSandar WinBurma Socialist Programme PartyInsein PrisonThan Shwe
In June 2015 the brothers said they were taking a majority share in Asia GreenDevelopment Bank, which was owned by controversial businessman, U Tay Za. Mediareports quoted U Aye Ne Win as saying that the China National Corporation for OverseasEconomic Corporation was using the family company, Omni, to invest US$4.9 billion inthe Myanmar economy. Later, AGD Bank executives said that only 15 percent of theshares changed hands.
U Aye Ne Win is hesitant to talk about the transaction. “I’m not a liberty to discuss. It isproper for the bank to make its own announcement on that,” he said.
Despite the lost years in prison, he is not vindictive. “I think forgiveness is a good thing,”U Aye Ne Win said. “I feel the government should announce a general amnesty. Thestakeholders who can bring about change should feel confident enough to talk freely andwork together, without having to lock their doors at night.”
Although historians – and many Myanmar – have been critical of Ne Win’s repressivelegacy after he seized power power in 1962, U Aye Ne Win refuses to condemn hisgrandfather. He is even unsure if dictatorship is any worse than democracy.
“Even democracy can’t guarantee that you won’t get a ruler like Adolf Hitler; he wasdemocratically chosen, a majority of the people in Nazi Germany supported him,” hesaid.
“His popularity never went down enough to have him voted out, if elections would havetaken place. So, for me, it is hard to say if I prefer democracy or authoritarian rule.”
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3/28/2017 BBC News | ASIAPACIFIC | Top Burma officials reported sacked
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Sunday, 10 March, 2002, 00:51 GMT
Top Burma officialsreported sacked
Ne Win's home is surrounded by barbedwire barricades
Both the head of Burma's air forceand the chief of police have beensacked in relation to a coup plot,diplomatic sources say.
No official statement has beenmade about the fate of MajorGeneral Myint Swe and MajorGeneral Soe Win respectively.
Burma's military authoritiesannounced earlier that they hadarrested the soninlaw and threegrandsons of former strongman NeWin on charges of plotting tooverthrow the government.
MajorGeneral Kyaw Win, thedeputy chief of militaryintelligence, said Ne Win's soninlaw Aye Zaw Win and his childrenhad been taken into custody onThursday evening.
"We have arrested them forattempting to seize the statepower and to split the armedforces," the general said.
See also:08 Mar 02 | AsiaPacificBurma turns on thecharm25 Feb 02 | CountryprofilesCountry profile:Burma05 Mar 02 | AsiaPacificChina and Burmadenounce USreport04 Mar 02 | AsiaPacificBurma sanctions:The case for04 Mar 02 | AsiaPacificBurma sanctions:The case against25 Feb 02 | AsiaPacificTimeline: BurmaInternet links:Democratic Voiceof BurmaMyanmarGovernment
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Arrested
Aye Zaw Win, soninlawAye Ne Win,grandsonKyaw Ne Win,grandsonZwe Ne Win,grandson
Ne Win now inhis 90s seizedcontrol of Burmain 1962 andcontinued to wieldinfluence after hestepped down in1988.
General Kyaw Win denied earlierreports that Ne Win himself andhis daughter, Dandar Win, hadbeen arrested.
Aye Zaw Win, a prominentbusinessman, is the daughter'shusband.
He and his sons were arrested at arestaurant in the capital Rangoonwhere they had been discussingtheir plans with an unnamedformer commanding officer,General Kyaw Win said.
The military intelligence officersaid a number of military units and"some commanding officers" hadalso been involved in the plot,which was foiled in "the nick oftime".
Breaking the silence
The general added that Aye ZawWin and his sons all in their 20sand 30s had long enjoyed specialprivileges that had allowed themto build a business empire in thecountry that the militaryleadership calls Myanmar.
They had become unhappy thatthose favours were no longerbeing extended to them, thegeneral said.
Links to moreAsiaPacificstories are at thefoot of the page.
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The BBC's SouthEast AsiacorrespondentJonathan Headsays theexplanation thatthe coup planswere motivatedby businessrivalry and not splits within themilitary was plausible.
It was the first acknowledgmentby the government of a challengeto its power since the massprotests of 1988.
The military junta is keen topreserve unity though that hasbeen tested by the decision tobegin talks with opposition leaderAung San Suu Kyi 18 months ago,our correspondent says.
Some of the regional commandersknown to be unhappy with thediscussions could be implicated inthe coup.
The oncepowerful family of NeWin may also be losing itsinfluence, our correspondent adds.
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3/28/2017 Ne Win’s Grandsons Among 69 Released Political Prisoners in Myanmar
https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/newinsgrandsonsamong69releasedpoliticalprisoners.html 1/3
Burma
Ne Win’s Grandsons Among69 Released PoliticalPrisoners
By NYEIN NYEIN 15 November 2013
President Thein Sein pardoned 69 political prisoners and they are being released from
18 prisons on Friday. Two grandsons of the late Burmese dictator General Ne Win are
among those who are set free, a human rights group said.
An announcement by the President’s Office said that “the released prisoners were
suggested by the Political Prisoners Assessment Committee.” This government-
appointed committee, comprising cabinet members and rights activists, is tasked with
determining which prisoners are being held for political reasons.
President Thein Sein pardoned 69 political prisoners on Friday. Two grandsons of the late Burmese dictator Ne Win
are among those who are set free.
3/28/2017 Ne Win’s Grandsons Among 69 Released Political Prisoners in Myanmar
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Kyaw Ne Win and Aye Ne Win, two grandsons of former dictator Ne Win, are being
released from Rangoon’s Insein prison on Friday, according to the Thailand-based
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
They were charged with high treason for plotting to overthrow the then military regime
and sentenced to a suspended death sentence in 2002, shortly after Ne Win died while
under house arrest on Dec. 5, 2002.
Four family members of Ne Win were arrested at the time in relation to a coup d’état
plot. Ne Win’s son-in-law Aye Zaw Win and another grandson, Zwae Ne Win, were
released from prison in January 2012. Ne Win’s daughter Sandar Win was released
from house arrest in 2008.
AAPP Secretary Bo Kyi said Kyaw Ne Win and Aye Ne Win had been put on the
committee’s list of political prisoners following a letter of their family, requesting their
release.
Friday’s prisoners release also includes about two dozen people sentenced under
article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Act, which sets a maximum sentence of one year
imprisonment for organizing a protest without a government permit.
Naw Ohn Hla, a female activist who had organized protests against the Letpadaung
copper mine in Sagaing Division, was released from Mandalay Prison on Friday, along
with two other local activists. They had been sentenced to prison terms of up to two
years under article 18 and the Penal Code’s article 505 b, which sets penalties for
inciting public unrest.
In Arakan State, a total of 21 Arakanese activists were set free.
Nine activists, who had been sentenced under article 18 for leading unauthorized
protests against aid support plans for the Rohingya Muslim community, were released,
according to Htun Naing, a member of Arakan Social Network. Women’s activist Nyo
Aye was among them.
Another 12 Arakanese community activists were set free in Kyaukphyu and Thandwe
townships, where they had been imprisoned for organizing protests against the Shwe
oil and gas pipeline.
Civil society groups in Burma recently begun a campaign calling for amendments to
article 18, as they argue it is being used to stifle public dissent and peaceful protests.
3/28/2017 Ne Win’s Grandsons Among 69 Released Political Prisoners in Myanmar
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Fifteen ethnic prisoners, from Shan and Kachin states, were also released on Friday.
They were serving lengthy prison terms after they were sentenced under article 17 of
the Unlawful Association Act, a draconian junta-era law often used to apprehend
suspected ethnic rebels and activists.
Bo Kyi, of AAPP, welcomed the release of the 69 political prisoners, but said that the
government had stopped short of acknowledging that they had been held as prisoners
of conscience.
“All those released people need to be recognized as political prisoners, but the
government now releases them without recognizing them as such,” he said. According
to AAPP, 60 political prisoners remain behind bars in Burma, while 265 political activists
are currently on trial and potentially facing imprisonment.
“We want all the remaining political prisoners to be freed without any condition,” said
Bo Kyi.
Since assuming office in 2011, Thein Sein’s reformist, nominally-civilian government has
released hundreds of political prisoners, most of who were detained by the previous
military regime.
Last month, 56 political prisoners were released. Thein Sein has said that before the
end of this year all prisoners of conscience will be released.
In its statement on Friday, the President’s Office said the Political Prisoners Assessing
Committee is “working to be able to free all the political prisoners before the end of
December.”
Nyein Nyein
The Irrawaddy
Nyein Nyein is Senior Reporter at the
English edition of The Irrawaddy.
3/2002
WILL THE FAILED COUP ATTEMPT DERAIL THE ONGOING NATIONAL RECONCILIATION AND POLITICAL TRANSITION IN MYANMAR?
Maung Aung Myoe1
March 2002
On 7 March 2002, news came out from Myanmar that the government had arrested the son-in-law, U Aye Zaw Win, and three grandsons, Aye Ne Win, Kyaw Ne Win, and Zwe Ne Win, of U Ne Win, who ruled the country between 1962 and 1988. Many people believed that U Ne Win (or General Ne Win) continued to yield and exercise influence among top military commanders who formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), later transformed into the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in November 1997, after the military takeover in September 1988. Some analysts interpreted the event of 7 March as an indication of 'the end of the Ne Win era'. Two days later, on 9 March, at a special conference, Major General Kyaw Win, Vice-Chief of Defence Services Intelligence, explained that the four were arrested in connection with a coup attempt. Additional information on the event was given at special press conferences on 12 and 18 March. According to the information provided by Major General Kyaw Win, the coup plotters had planned to win over some military commanders and to use their troops to overpower and disarm security forces at the residences of the top three regime leaders – Senior General Than Shwe (Chairman of the SPDC and Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar Armed Forces), General Maung Aye (Vice Chairman of the SPDC and Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar Armed Forces cum Commander-in-Chief of Army) and Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt (Secretary-1 of the SPDC and Chief of Defence Services Intelligence Bureau). Their plan had been to bring them before U Ne Win, where they are would be coerced in his presence to 'transfer state power to enable the formation of a new government with members who would acknowledge U Ne Win's authority'. This was in the event that the ringleader, Aye Zaw Win, was unable to get Senior General Than Shwe to agree to their demands for changes.2 Major General Kyaw Win explained that "they (the plotters) did not seem to have the intention to be the government but wanted to form a new government with military leaders who would owe allegiance to U Ne Win".3 Although Major General Kyaw Win later confirmed that Daw Khin Sandar Win, the favorite daughter of U Ne Win, had been involved in the plot, no arrest has been ordered yet. Was U Ne Win involved in the coup plan? Major General Kyaw Win refused to say whether U Ne Win was personally involved in the plot. However, given the haphazard and unprofessional manner in which the coup was planned and executed, it is safe to conclude that U Ne Win could not have been behind the plot.4 Having masterminded previous military coups in Myanmar, U Ne Win could have done a much better job.
1 Dr. Aung Myoe is a Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. He was from the University of Mandalay, Myanmar. 2 Special Press Conference (12 March 2002), New Light of Myanmar (13 March 2002) 3 Asian Wall Street Journal (13 March 2002) 4 It was reported that the plan was to appoint a regional commander to the post of Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces (at the expense of eleven regional commanders and a dozen senior commanders at the
How will U Ne Win react to the situation? At present his favorite daughter, Daw Khin Sandar Win, along with himself, are under house arrest. His grandsons and his son-in-law are under arrest and will be charged with political, economic and social crimes. Daw Khin Sandar Win could also be charged as a co-conspirator at least if not as a ringleader. Perhaps, U Ne Win "could control, reduce and forget these sufferings through meditation", as he explained to Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew during his private visit to Singapore in 1997,5 and through realization of the law of impermanent nature. Being the person who built, cherished and safeguarded the unity within the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces), even at the expense of sacrificing his own protégés like Brigadier General Tin Oo (known as MI Tin Oo), U Ne Win would find it hard to believe that his own family was involved in "causing antagonism and division within the Tatmadaw'.6 In recent years, U Ne Win's ana (authority) and awza (influence) have been waning. His phon (glory) has been in decline and his hnaloneye (moral courage) and letyoneye (physical courage) have long been forgotten among new batches of military commanders. Now, it appears that his Kamma (fortune) has been down even without the possibility of Yedaya (reversal). However, it is the kyezu (gratitude) owed to him among the top leaders of the SLORC/SPDC that keeps him happy and protected. It appears that, in late August and early September 1988, a few weeks before the military takeover, senior commanders of the time reached a decision and made a commitment not to make 'the guardians of the Tatmadaw' unhappy, among other things. Probably for that reason, the Myanmar authorities were quite tolerant towards the social and economic crimes committed by U Ne Win's family.
U Ne Win’s grandsons, Kyaw Ne Win and Zwe Ne Win in particular, had a bad
reputation and were known as leaders of the notorious gang, ‘Scorpions’. "They always moved around day and night in a gang and there were many fights with other youths, by misusing the reflected glory (Ashein-Ahwar) of their grandfather and pressuring some members of security forces to commit physical abuse just to satisfy a personal grudge", Major General Kyaw Win explained.7 There is also an unconfirmed report that, at one stage, one of the grandsons even rode a motorcycle to block General Maung Aye’s motorcade. In terms of bad business practice, Kyaw Ne Win engaged in unauthorized sales of 1092 GSM mobile phones for 627.68 million kyats, through another company. Although it could take action against them, since telecommunication is considered an important facility and serious security matter in Myanmar, the government resolved the issue by simply asking Kyaw Ne Win to reimburse the money. The three grandsons also owned a company that was involved in the illegal import of motor vehicles. For years, Myanmar authorities had turned a blind eye to these social and economic crimes committed by U Ne Win's family members. But it appears that when they cross the line and become a threat to the political stability and unity of the Tatmadaw, the government is quite prepared to take action regardless of who they are. Major General Kyaw Win made it clear that since "these moves (coup plots) were destined to break up unity within the Tatmadaw and cause disintegration of the Tatmadaw, and to thwart the stability, peace and development of the State, the authorities had taken them (plotters) into custody and were Ministry of Defence). Moreover, an appointment with a regional commander to discuss the coup plan was reportedly arranged at a restaurant. 5 Lee Kuan Yew, From Third World to First (Singapore: Singapore Press Holdings, 2000), p. 363. 6 Special Press Conferences (9 March 2002 & 12 March 2002) 7 Press Conference (12 March 2002)
2
initiating legal action as necessary".8 The authorities found 59 communication devices, 72 walkie-talkies, 6 satellite phones, 27 rubber batons, two mine detectors, and uniforms, including badges and flashes, within the premises of the plotters.9
The reason for the coup attempt, as explained by Major General Kyaw Win, was the loss of business opportunities resulting from the government's priority given to ethnic organizations, and by political and economic changes made by the regime. The family had become increasingly bitter and often complained about government policies, but it was their bad business practices that tarnished their name and deprived them of business opportunities. With regard to the failed coup attempt, Secretary-1 reportedly commented (at the opening ceremony of the Course in Diplomacy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) that "we are very much disturbed by an untoward incident aimed at undermining our cherished goals and disintegration of the armed forces".10
In connection with the coup attempt, three high-ranking military officials and one senior police official were put under investigation. The four are Commander-in-Chief (Air Force), Major General Myint Swe (officiating lieutenant general); Commander of Coastal Region Command, Major General Aye Kyway; Commander of Triangle Region Command, Brigadier General Chit Than (officiating major general); and Director-General of Myanmar Police Force, Police Major General Soe Win. Although diplomatic sources reported that these four officials had been sacked, Major General Kyaw Win revealed that investigations have yet to determine whether they were actually involved in the plot while he declined to identify the military commander who had immediately reported the plot and conspiracy on the same day he was approached by the plotter. Initially, there was also a rumour about the sacking of the Chief of Staff (Navy), Rear Admiral Soe Thein. This appears to be incorrect. There are also some unconfirmed reports that Brigadier General Ohn Myint, Minister for Mine, had been dismissed, that Brigadier General Maung Maung Swe, Commander of Northern Command, had been under investigation,11 and that senior military commanders from Coastal Region Command area had been arrested.12 Since the investigation is still underway, it is difficult to determine the extent of these commanders' involvement in the alleged coup plot. It is also quite likely that a number of people will be sacked or charged under the legal clause of 'intentionally withholding information'.13 It was reported that over a hundred people are under interrogation.
While investigations continue, many questions remain to be answered. Did the military commanders really plan to throw their weight behind U Ne Win just to restore the family fortune, power and influence of an ailing statesman? Many people are doubtful about this. Did they try to exploit the grudges of the U Ne Win family to initiate their own
8 Special Press Conference (9 March 2002) 9 Special Press Conferences (12 & 18 March 2002). It is important to note that these telecommunication devices are usually regarded as G-control materials in Myanmar, only to be used with authorization from the General Staff Office. 10 New Light of Myanmar (13 March 2002) 11 DVB Broadcast (1330 GMT, 13 March 2002). It also reported that some officers from Air Force were detained in connection with the coup attempt. 12 DVB Broadcast (1430 GMT, 13 March 2002). The DVB reported that three MOC (Military Operation Command) commanders, namely Colonel Htein Win (MOC-8), Colonel Khin Maung Yin (MOC-13), Colonel Tin Maung Tun (MOC-20) and three TOC (Tactical Operation Command) commanders, namely Colonel Soe Thet, Colonel Kyaw Swa and Colonel Khin Win, were arrested. 13 The problem with this clause is that one finds it difficult to assess whether the information the accused gets is right or wrong or credible.
3
reform agenda, out of dissatisfaction and frustration with the present leadership? Without the active support and participation of commanders at the Ministry of Defence or War Office level, this seems unlikely. Many observers were surprised by the fact that commanders allegedly involved in the plot were from far-flung areas. Indeed, most of the regional commanders and MOC (Military Operation Command) commanders, including those who are reportedly under arrest or investigation, are pretty new in their respective command positions, and therefore unlikely within this short period of time to have been able to influence and mobilize their officers and men for this dangerous move, however well intended.
Despite this incident, the national reconciliation process in Myanmar will continue. Some analysts saw the coup attempt as an indication of "a split within the military government, which would have major implications for the on-going dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi".14 However, the government spokesman gave assurance that the dialogue would not be affected by this recent development. There are several clear indications that the government is firmly committed to national reconciliation and political transition in Myanmar. It appears that some form of consensus has been reached and broad guidelines for political transition has been agreed upon particularly among the top three leaders of the SPDC, namely Senior General Than Shwe, General Maung Aye and Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt.
Since October 2000, the Myanmar government has engaged in secret dialogues
with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi regarding national reconciliation and possible political transition in Myanmar. The government spokesman assured that though "the ongoing process (of national reconciliation and dialogue) might seem to be slow to some, but it is a steady and sure process where success is imminent".15 It appears that Major General Kyaw Win and Colonel Than Tun form a link between the SPDC leaders and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In fact, Major General Kyaw Win was reported in Asiaweek to be the dealmaker.16 It was also reported that Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt maintains a regular fortnightly contact with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.17 A recent report even stated that Senior General Than Shwe met her on 22 January 2002 and that the meeting lasted for more than a couple of hours.18
The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, appointed Malaysian-
born diplomat, Mr. Razali Ismail, as his special envoy to Myanmar to ‘facilitate’ the process. Razali made six visits to Myanmar and planned to go back again in March 2002, but he postponed it at the request of the Myanmar government. One report attributed to Razali after his visit in August 2001, stated that he thought it would take two to four years for civilian rule to be restored in Myanmar.19 Indeed, with confidence, at the end of his last visit to Yangon in November 2001, Razali issued a statement that he was "hopeful that some significant progress could be achieved in the near future in the talks" and that he was pleased that "all parties remained committed to the process of national reconciliation and democracy".20 In addition, he expressed hope that he might see "a clear guide-map by
14 The Straits Time (13 March 2002) 15 The Myanmar Times, Vol. 6, No. 103 (18-24 February 2002) 16 Asiaweek (25 May 2001) 17 Bangkok Post (6 September 2001) 18 CNN News (31 January 2002) 19 The Straits Time (22 November 2001) 20 The Myanmar Times, Vol. 5, No. 93 (10-16 December 2001)
4
2002".21 During his sixth visit to Yangon, Razali reportedly inquired about the progress of the dialogue and had pressed the SPDC leadership to come up with a timetable and some tangible result. He was told that preparations were underway. Moreover, when Senior General Than Shwe reportedly told Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi, at the ASEAN summit in Brunei in November 2001, that the military leadership "does not care what kind of position Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would hold in the course of democratization", it was interpreted that the SPDC had significantly softened its position on the political dialogue and she might have a future in politics.22
Within the SPDC regime and government, after the death of Secretary-2,
Lieutenant General Tin Oo, in February 2001; the sacking of Secretary-3, Lieutenant General Win Myint, and Deputy Prime Minister cum Minister of Military Affairs, Lieutenant General Tin Hla; and the resignation of two deputy prime ministers and three ministers; the SPDC decided not to appoint new secretaries, new deputy prime ministers and new ministers. Instead, some ministers were assigned to concurrently hold two ministries. While some analysts think that the sacking of the two powerful figures was to improve the business climate, others think that it was a clean-out of hardliners unhappy with the possibility of comprises with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the ongoing dialogue.23 However, there was no indication that these two generals were capable of enforcing their will on the top leadership.
Within the Tatmadaw itself, preparations are underway for leadership transition and a smooth transfer of command. Although rumours have floated around in Yangon for sometime, about new military positions (such as bureaus of special operations and bureau of air defence), many people were surprised by the new positions, which allowed all regional commanders with SPDC membership to take up the rank of lieutenant general and positions within the Ministry of Defence in Yangon. The most important position created so far would be the position held by Major General Thura Shwe Man. The position is known in Myanmar as 'Tatmadaw Nhyinaing Kutkaeyehmu (Kyi, Yay, Lay)', which can be loosely translated as either 'Joint Chief of Staff (Army, Navy, Air)' or 'Chief Executive Officer (Army, Navy, Air)'. Since the Commanders-in-Chief of the Navy and the Air Force both report to Major General Thura Shwe Man, the latter is commonly referred to among the rank-and-file as 'Du-Choke-Athit (new Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Armed Forces)' or 'Ta-Choke (Third Commander-in-Chief of Armed Forces)'. General Maung Aye is reportedly beginning to transfer some of his responsibilities to Major General Thura Shwe Man. Some knowledgeable observers on the Myanmar military believe that Major General Thura Shwe Man will become Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces as well as minister for Defence in the future. More importantly, he appears to have the support and confidence of both senior and junior commanders.24 He is known for his good leadership, both in command and in staff positions. The new command arrangement suggests that the present military leadership is planning a smooth leadership transition within the Tatmadaw. Moreover, as it appears that the future Commander-in Chief (Navy), Rear Admiral Soe Thein (replacing the present Commander-
21 The Star (Malaysia, 29 November 2001) 22 Asia Week (16 November 2001) 23 The Straits Times (22 November 2001) 24 For example, in early February 2002, soon after he came back from a tour in Sagaing Division, Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt donated a computer set to the primary school in Major General Thura Shwe Man's native village (Myawaddy Television). Moreover, Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt reportedly told senior civil servants to look into and fulfill the needs of Major General Thura Shwe Man's native village.
5
in-Chief, Vice Admiral Kyi Min, who is about to retire) and Commander-in-Chief (Air Force), Major General Myint Swe, (now reportedly being sacked) were classmates of Major General Thura Shwe Man, the present leadership is also serious about organizational unity within the Tatmadaw. Assigning commands to comrades from the same intake (DSA-11) would prevent inter-service rivalry. Even though Major General Myint Swe is being replaced by the present Chief-of-Staff (Air), Colonel Myat Hein (DSA-17), there is no indication that the Tatmadaw will suffer from organizational disunity. Looking at domestic political developments, since June 2001, the government has allowed the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to reopen its branch offices in townships. Within six months, 13 branches were reopened in the Yangon division alone. Many more branch offices will be reopened in various parts of the country. In August 2001, the government lifted restrictions on the movement of U Aung Shwe and U Tin Oo, two leaders of the NLD, as part of confidence-building measures.25 Moreover, many prisoners were released from jail although many still remain inside.
Behind-the-scene persuasion (or pressure) also plays an important role in the national reconciliation process in Myanmar. In this respect, one should examine the importance of the China factor. During his four-day visit to Myanmar, which was in December 2001, at the invitation of Senior General Than Shwe, Chinese President Jiang Zemin supposedly gave friendly and timely advice to Myanmar leaders that Myanmar should implement a political system suitable for the country. His advice included the need for the Myanmar government to fulfill its promise of implementing a multi-party democratic system.
In recent years, it appears that the PRC (People's Republic of China) has begun to see Myanmar more as a liability than asset. To some observers, Myanmar's over-reliance on the PRC for political and economic (developmental) support would have led the Chinese leadership to view Myanmar as a dependent ally. On the other hand, the Myanmar leadership would also probably feel that they are being neglected. Although the early 1990s witnessed high-level state visits from the PRC, such as those by General Secretary of the State Council Luo Gan in January 1991, Foreign Minister Qian Qichen in February 1993 and Premier Li Peng in December 1994, the later half of the 1990s, especially after 1997, failed to cultivate a closer relationship. While Premier Zhu Rongji made trips to most of South and Southeast Asian countries, he did not pay a visit to Myanmar. Only when the Myanmar government began to develop warmer relations with India, that the PRC began to give more serious attention to Myanmar, sending Vice-President Hu Jintao in July and then President Jiang Zemin in December 2001. However, there also seems to be some concerns among the PRC leadership, in connection with it association with Myanmar. As the PRC leadership is fully aware of the fact that further tightening of sanctions by the West, especially by the US, on Myanmar would be against the interest of the PRC, it began to persuade and to press the Myanmar government to move on with political reform and transition. It also appears that the Myanmar government also takes friendly advice from Malaysian statesman Mahathir Mohamad seriously. Observers in Myanmar believe that
25 The Myanmar Times (Vol. 2, No. 24, 31 August – 6 September 2001)
6
the sacking of two top generals in late 2001 was closely related to complaints made by the Malaysian Prime Minister to his counterpart during the latter's visit to Malaysia in September. Prime Minister Mahathir reportedly told Senior General Than Shwe to clean up the economic house of Myanmar and to create a better business climate for investment. Some analysts also believed that the Malaysian Prime Minister appeared to have given friendly advice to Senior General Than Shwe on the need to go ahead with promised political transition and democratization. ASEAN as a whole has also played an important part in this process of national reconciliation. It appears that ASEAN’s steadfast support of Myanmar in the face of western criticism and sanctions have eventually made the Myanmar leaders feel ah-nar-hmu (guilty). It seems that the Myanmar government no longer wants itself to be a continuing embarrassment to ASEAN, of which it is a member since 1997. It is most likely that, in a way of showing its appreciation to ASEAN, the Myanmar leadership is committed to national reconciliation process and political transition in Myanmar. There are some reports that Myanmar is heading towards economic and social disaster. Skyrocketing prices of consumer products, the scarcity of some essentials, such as cooking oil,26 and the chronic shortage of foreign exchange reserve in Myanmar lead some analysts to predict that major social unrest is on the way. However, there are others who argue that if the regime does not care for economic development, it can go back to its autarkic economic policy and remain in power through an effective use of instrument of violence and suppression, since Myanmar is still self-sufficient in staple food. But they believe that it will not be the course of action the present regime will take and that "their love of the nation" would prevent them from going backward and leaving "the nation at the beck and call of others".27 In this context, the Myanmar government will continue to engage in dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and to proceed with national reconciliation and political transition. There are also some other factors that are conducive to the process of national reconciliation in Myanmar. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi appears to understand the rules of the game and try to play by the rules. She complies with the regime's request for secrecy. She does not reveal any information and the content of the meetings to anyone. Although she receives a number of foreign delegations and special representatives, she keeps a tight lip on her dialogues with the regime. She has managed to convince the SPDC regime that she is acting on her own and is not receiving instructions from foreign powers. In the past, the regime used to see her close association with diplomats and delegations from the western countries as evidence of her being a tool of the west. Moreover, in recent years, major western governments, including the European Union (EU), had softened their criticisms of the Myanmar government considerably. In fact, there is less pressure and no more lectures from the west, which were usually seen by the Myanmar government as foreign interference in its internal affairs. This sets a favourable condition for the regime leaders to proceed with the national reconciliation process. This is a welcomed change. Previously, western pressure usually elicited negative reactions from the Myanmar leadership that suffered from a strong siege mentality. Japan also welcomed the progress of the national reconciliation process in Myanmar and rewarded the government by resuming developmental assistance. This will further serve to encourage the Myanmar government to speed up the process. 26 In major cities, there are long queues for state-subsidized cooking oil and other essential products such as soap bars. 27 Senior General Than Shwe's address at the USDA Special Meeting on 19 February 2002.
7
Thus, in conclusion, the recent failed coup attempt would not affect the ongoing dialogue, national reconciliation and political transition in Myanmar. Moreover, the failed coup attempt would also facilitate the process since the regime no longer needs to take the welfare and security of the U Ne Win family into consideration. Once again, the military leadership sent a clear signal that any attempt to bring antagonism and disintegration within the armed forces will not be tolerated and it will take all necessary measures to ensure that the Tatmadaw remain united.
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3/28/2017 Former Myanmar Dictator’s Family Plans Takeover of Tay Za’s Bank
https://www.irrawaddy.com/business/newinscionsplantakeovertayzasbank.html 1/4
Business
Ne Win Scions Plan Takeoverof Tay Za’s Bank
By KYAW HSU MON, POLITICAL PRISONERS 22 July 2014
RANGOON — One of the grandsons of Burma’s late dictator Gen. Ne Win claims his
family’s firm, which is being backed by a Chinese state-owned company, has agreed to
buy a majority stake in Tay Za’s Asia Green Development (AGD) Bank.
Grandson Aye Ne Win provided details to The Irrawaddy of the bid, which would likely
see Tay Za—the prominent tycoon and head of Htoo Group who is still under US
Treasury Department sanctions—divest himself of his share in the bank he founded in
2010.
One of the grandsons of Burma’s late dictator says the family’s company is buying the majority of AGD Bank.
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A director at the bank, however, said that only that a minor change of share ownership
was taking place at AGD Bank this week, with one of Ne Win’s grandsons set to take a
stake of 1.5 percent in the bank.
Aye Ne Win said that Tay Za had on Monday agreed to sell 60 percent of the bank to
the family’s company, Omni. The company would later take an 85 percent stake in the
bank, according to Aye Ne Win.
Ne Win stepped down from the leadership of Burma’s single political party in 1988 and,
after falling foul of the junta that replaced him, died in house arrest in 2002. Kyaw Ne
Win and Aye Ne Win were only released from Rangoon’s Insein prison last year after
they were convicted in 2002 of high treason for an apparent plot to overthrow the then
military regime.
The family is known to own a number of luxurious properties in Rangoon, and through
Omni is planning to invest in the power, transport and serviced apartment sectors in
Burma.
“When we were released from prison, we were deeply touched by the trust and
support exhibited to us by our friends in the international business community who
intended to invest in this country,” Aye Ne Win wrote in an emailed response to
questions from The Irrawaddy.
Part of this good will, he said, was the opportunity to invest US$4.9 billion from the
China National Corporation for Overseas Economic Cooperation (CCOEC) in various
sectors in Burma. According to CCOEC’s website, it is part of China General
Technology Group (Genertec), a Chinese government-owned conglomerate.
“After careful evaluation, it was brought to our knowledge that the said amount is
legitimate and clean,” Aye Ne Win said of the Chinese money, also rejecting any
suggestion that his family’s wealth derived from ill-gotten gains.
“In this day and age of WikiLeaks, it is highly unlikely that any fortune that is
accumulated as result of some wrongdoing will go unnoticed.”
He said AGD Bank was chosen partly due to the family’s close relationship with Tay Za,
whose father, Col. Myint Swe, was a trusted officer under Ne Win in the 4th Burma
Rifles.
3/28/2017 Former Myanmar Dictator’s Family Plans Takeover of Tay Za’s Bank
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“Highly reputable and prestigious though some other banking institutions in this nation
undoubtedly are, we chose to establish a strategy alliance with U Tay Za and AGD Bank
because we have personal connections between our families and the bank in question
can provide us with an assurance of a promising future,” he wrote.
Aye Ne Win said the future owners of AGD Bank had not yet decided if they would go
ahead with a previous plan for the bank to be listed on Burma’s new stock exchange in
2015.
Despite the confidence of the dictator’s grandson, news of the grand takeover plan had
apparently not filtered down to everyone on AGD Bank’s board.
Soe Thein, executive director of the bank’s share department, said that while a transfer
of shares was going on this week, only 15 percent of the total 601,746 shares were
changing hands.
And only 9,000 shares—or a 1.5 percent stake in the bank—were being transferred to
Kyaw Ne Win at a value of 60,000 kyat ($61.72) per share, he said. The stake would be
worth more than $555,000.
“Among the 15 percent of shares [being transferred], U Kyaw Ne Win is not the major
shareholder. U Yin Htwe from Mikko Group purchased 10 percent of them. After we
transfer this percentage, there will be 19 major shareholders on the board of directors
list,” he said, declining to say whether Tay Za was selling his stake in the bank.
“I don’t know about the further discussion between shareholders U Tay Za and U Kyaw
Ne Win. They might have had further discussions. That might be why they said this,” he
said.
Asked about the apparent lack of information on the deal within the bank itself, Aye Ne
Win said, “First of all, there is no this side and that side anymore. Everyone is together.
“Having said that AGD is a large institution [and] not everyone in the chain of command
is aware of the developments. Today [Tuesday], they will make an official statement to
clarify everything. It’s better if the bank does the explanations. For us, we reconfirm
what we stated before.”
Kyaw Hsu Mon
3/28/2017 Former Myanmar Dictator’s Family Plans Takeover of Tay Za’s Bank
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The Irrawaddy
Kyaw Hsu Mon is Senior Business
Reporter at the English edition of The
Irrawaddy.
Political Prisoners
Contributor
3/28/2017 In conversation with General Ne Win’s grandson | Jessica Mudditt's Blog
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(hĀp://www.flickr.com/photos/23819962@N00/320846760)
General Ne Win, former Burmesedictator (Photo credit: a‑birdie)
Jessica Mudditt's Blog
MYANMAR (BURMA)
In conversation with General Ne Win’s grandson
NOVEMBER 22, 2013 | JESSICA MUDDITT | LEAVE A COMMENTFour members of General Ne Win’s family were sentenced to deathfor high treason in 2002. This was seen by many as an aĀempt byMyanmar’s military leaders to demonstrate its independence fromthe former dictator, who came to power in 1962.
Last week, two of his grandsons were released from prison under apresidential amnesty. I sub‑edited an interview with his grandson,Ko Aye Ne Win, for Myanma Freedom Daily (hĀp://www.mmfreedom‑daily.com/) and have been given permission to republish it on myblog.
The interview took place at Ko Aye Ne Win’s home in Yangon andhe was interviewed by Myanma Freedom Daily’s reporter Wai SandarKyaw.
Rumors abound that President U Thein Sein is a puppet leader. What is your view on this?
Such allegations are baseless. Speaking from personal experience, my father and my youngest brotherZwe Ko were released in January 2012. We were imprisoned on the same charges and are from the samefamily. So in theory, we could have been released at the same time, but the government didn’t choose todo so, which proves that President U Thein Sein isn’t under anyone’s thumb. There’s no bad bloodbetween the president and my family and the timing of our release was appropriate. Furthermore, I’dlike to say that the release of the Ne Win family poses no threat whatsoever to the President U Thein Sein– in fact, he has extended goodwill towards us as we both come from a military background. When thevice‑president and ministers were appointed last year, the MP for Meiktila township, U Win Htein, madea comment in the House of Representatives suggesting that the president lacked the authority to makeany changes to the cabinet. His reasoning was based on the fact that the president has not releasedformer high ranking members of military intelligence, such as U Khin Nyunt, despite the fact that thepresidents holds no grudge against such individuals.
He said these words as a lawmaker and he assumed the responsibility for his words. What’s more, hewon three awards while serving in the army and is one of the most senior persons in the history ofDefence Services Academy (DSA). We should treat his view as a testimony of an expert and not a guess.But, what he said that the power of the president is limited is not meant to underplay the role of thepresident. That the president has come this far in spite of the shackles of recent past deserves ouracknowledgement and praise.You were found guilty of high treason under Section 122 of the Penal Code and sentenced to death. In
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You were found guilty of high treason under Section 122 of the Penal Code and sentenced to death. InMyanmar, high treason has often been invoked arbitrarily to punish those deemed to be odds withthe former military regime – is there anything you’d like to say about the circumstances surroundingyour sentence?
If we look carefully at the four definitions of high treason and take into account that fabricated evidencewas used against us, it becomes clear that neither I nor family commiĀed such a crime. We did notengage in armed struggle against the government and we did not provide assistance or incitement toanyone else to do so. Furthermore, the definition requires an aĀempt to overthrow a government whichwas elected according to a process set out in the constitution. Yet there was no constitution in force at thetime of our arrest in 2002 – it had been suspended by Than Shwe’s State Law and Order RestorationCouncil (hĀp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/State_Peace_and_Development_Council) (SLORC) in 1988.
You spent 11 years behind bars – what were prison conditions like?
Every day was the same. My routine involved reading, exercise and prayers – that’s it. However prisonauthorities treated some inmates differently from the rest – they were given extra privileges. Some havesaid that the Ne Win family was given preferential treatment but in actual fact, we were denied the mostbasic of rights, such as family visits. From the day I set foot inside prison until the day I was released, Inever once saw my family. I assume the military regime was concerned we’d talk about things theydidn’t want us to. I was allowed to receive food and medicine packages from my family though, but thatwas it. Restrictions were also enforced against individual prisoners, such as Hanthawady’s U Win Tin, asenior patron of the National League for Democracy. He wasn’t allowed to bring in any Englishlanguage books, only Myanmar, though at least he had a large collection in his possession. He and I builtup a relationship in prison – we used to share books, which allowed him to read some of my Englishlanguage books. I asked him many questions and enjoyed listening to him. Years later, when prisonauthorities discovered that U Win Tin had access to English books, they decided there was no harm inthat and allowed him to start having them brought in. Our conversations became very animated and wegrew rather close.
After spending such a long time in prison, do you ever experience intense frustration or regret aboutlosing such a large portion of your life?
I’m sad about it. If the government had joined hands with the opposition as they are now, an enormousamount of suffering could have been avoided. My family has extremely sympathy for Daw Aung SuuKyi not being able to visit her dying husband Michael Aris. She and I are both descendents of the 30comrades who underwent military training in Japan to against the British. The British royal family sent arequest to my grandparents asking them to help Daw Aung San Suu Kyi be allowed to travel to Englandand return to Myanmar after visiting her husband. It’s shameful that they felt their hands were tied onthe maĀer.
How do you feel knowing that many people have criticized the decision to release you released fromprison?
I’m well aware that there is widespread hatred towards the Ne Win family. They enjoyed witnessing ourdownfall because they were jealous of our power. Nevertheless, I have faith in the people of Myanmarand respect them because regardless of education levels, they are shrewd and not susceptible todeception. I hope that people will understand our past circumstances – but I’m not saying that we werein the right.
Do you want to become active in politics?
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Do you want to become active in politics?
I love my country and will always be ready to contribute in any way I can. But there are capableindividuals in both the government and opposition and they are now working together. Due to myfamily’s close connections with senior political figures, I don’t feel it would be appropriate for me toalign myself with any particular party. While I’d be glad to give advice to leaders I know personally, Ihave no plans to take a lead role on the political stage.
That being the case, do you have plans to engage in business in Myanmar?
I saw business opportunities within hours of my release; however it’s too soon to say which type ofbusiness I’ll get involved in. One thing’s for sure though: I’m not going to rely on family connections tomake it a success. Senior leaders, including U Thein Sein and U Shwe Mann will truthfully tell you thatmy family has not – and will not – ask for land or cars because we are members of the former ruling elite.We do not own any possessions that were obtained illegally – if anyone were to prove otherwise, Ipledge to pay them 10 times the amount that was supposedly unpaid. Although the Ne Win family hasplayed a role in Myanmar’s politics for nearly 70 years, none of us has ever been denied a visa to acountry outside Myanmar, nor has any country frozen our assets.
How does it feel to be the grandson of Myanmar’s most infamous dictator?
I am extremely proud of my grandfather as an individual. But the fact that I am so well known is aresponsibility, not a privilege or an opportunity. Due to my grandfather’s legacy, I feel it necessary to seta good example. It was my parents who inculcated me with this belief. Let me give you an example:when I was at school one day, a classmate asked to look inside my lunchbox because he wanted to seewhat sort of food my mother gave me. When he saw that it was just regular rice and curry, he said hewas surprised that I was eating the same food as him. My family isn’t so different from any other.However from my early years, I was taught to be humble and not show off the family’s wealth.
——————————————————————————
Here is a link to an article published in The New York Times about the court case involving Ne Win’sfamily – Four Relatives of Myanmar’s Ex‑Strongman Sentenced to Death(hĀp://www.nytimes.com/2002/09/27/world/four‑relatives‑of‑myanmar‑s‑ex‑strongman‑sentenced‑to‑death.html) (2002)
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FAMILY OF GENERAL NE WIN GENERAL NE WIN GRANDSON RELEASED MYANMARPRESIDENTIAL AMNESTY
3/28/2017 Birthday party at Secretariat sparks social media firestorm
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Birthday party at Secretariat sparkssocial media firestormBy Noe Noe Aung | Tuesday, 24 March 2015
A private birthday bash held in the grounds of Yangon’s famed butruined Secretariat has kicked up a social media firestorm after UAye Ne Win, grandson of the former military dictator, postedpictures on Facebook describing “a strong scent of nostalgia” atthe party.
U Aye Ne Win (second left) poses with other guests at the Secretariat on March 21. Photo:Facebook
Calling his post “A Casual Dinner at One of the Most Official Venues in Town”,U Aye Ne Win wrote on March 22 that it was “such an excellent idea that MaThi Thi Tun should host her birthday party on the grounds of this celebratedVictorian structure”.
He said this was “not only because is it the largest courtyard in downtown butalso because many guests have fond memories of visiting their fathers andgrandfathers when they occupied offices in some of the rooms in this layers oflabyrinth”.
The birthday host is reportedly the daughter of former general U Tun Kyi, aminister for commerce in the late 1990s who was sacked for alleged corruption.
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3/28/2017 Birthday party at Secretariat sparks social media firestorm
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minister for commerce in the late 1990s who was sacked for alleged corruption.
Yangon residents expressed outrage that such a historic but decaying site –where independence hero General Aung San and six of his ministers wereassassinated in 1947 – should be given over for a private function while closedto the general public.
“This is totally disrespectful. The Secretariat office is not a hotel or restaurant.And this is not a place to make a birthday dinner, regardless of who she is. Thisbuilding has a lot of history, including the assassination of General Aung San,”Ma Cho, an accountant, told The Myanmar Times.
U Ye Htut, information minister, waded into the debate by sharing onFacebook the pictures posted by U Aye Ne Win and wagging an accusatoryfinger at the Yangon Heritage Trust, a nonprofit dedicated to the conservationof the city’s heritage buildings.
“YHT should reconsider about this,” the minister wrote.
In response, YHT released a statement clarifying its role regarding theSecretariat, noting it had no control over the site and that the government’sMyanmar Investment Commission had awarded the complex to the Anawmarart group by tender in 2012 for a museum project.
“Last year the government asked YHT to work on a Conservation ManagementPlan with the Anawmar company. We have done this. It provides specificguidance especially on the use of the legislative chamber and the cabinet roomwhere national leaders were assassinated. It also makes it clear that publicaccess should be provided. YHT has no control over the site. We have not beenpart of any decisionmaking in relation to its tender or leasing,” the statementsaid.
Daw Moe Moe Lwin, director of YHT, told The Myanmar Times that thepublic’s reaction had shown that hosting a private function there wasconsidered “inappropriate”. She said use of the building was the responsibilityof Anawmar and urged the company to “deeply consider” its decision to allowthe event.
“The public’s attitude towards the Secretariat is really deep, and sensitivity forthe building is really high. It can be clearly seen in the public response to thatcase,” she said.
“For citizens, even the compound cannot be touched, let alone the building.”
She said she appreciated the sentiment behind U Ye Htut’s comments, even ifthey were misdirected.
“People think the maintenance of the old building is the concern of YHT. Iappreciated what the minister said on Facebook. We can know the governmentis also concerned about this.”
U Aye Ne Win – who spent 11 years in prison accused of high treason alongwith his two brothers and father, and was released in 2013 – wrote in hisFacebook post that a “strong scent of nostalgia was very much in theatmosphere this evening at Rangoon’s Secretariat where giants of Burmesepolitical society deliberated and decided the country’s most important issues”.
Little work has been seen in the vast complex in central Yangon since thetender was awarded. In the last months barbed wire ringing its perimeter hasbeen removed and a spot of gardening has been observed. Anawmar could notbe immediately reached for comment.
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Aye NeWin January 3 · ျမနမာ မာမျ မန
ဒေမနေေခနာမနန နမေခာေတြာခ ခတန မခတြာာတာ န ေ တမမနြာာောင တနာတနတခင တနာတနတခ ေမန ာလခ ျေမခတြာေမနေခာ မာ ခနေ ာေခာာ တမာေကတနေမနေကတနေမနင တနာတနကာဖနာင ခနောမန တတမေခာတ ာ ာဖန ာဖနတခတခာ န မင မနျ ာျကတန ာႏခဖနျာဒျကတန ာႏခဖနျာဒမနန နမေခာေတြာေတကေခ ေ တမမနြ တာတာကမနေခမတာကမနေခမနတ ဖနခ မန နန ာေ နမေ နေ တာေငာေလာ တမနမမ ေခာာျ နနြေမခတြာင ခနောမနျ နနြေမခတြာင ခနောမန တတမာ ေခမမန တတမေခာတ ာေေ ေတြျ ာာတဒာင ခနောမန တန တာခင ခနောမန တန တာခာခတန ခတနေဖမတနေကမန တတ ာေတကေခ ခမနာ န ေျမတနေ န ေျမတနေ တမမန ာျ မန တမ ာႏခဖနျာဒင တနာတနတခ ာ ေခမမန ေခာ ေခမမန ေခာလတ မာေခာနေခတြာေခ မေမခနာာမမ နနတမမမ င မနာေကတနေမန ေကတနေမန တမနမမ ေခာတ ာေခာနေေခမြာခတဖနတ ာငခ နကြတက ငာကျ ာ ခ ျကတနေ ာႏခဖနျ
င ခနောမန တန ဆမခတနေ မ ေမနာတ က မန လာမန ခတြာတာကမနေခမနာျ တာကမနေခမနာျ မန မာခတနောႏ ာေခာနကခ ခတြာ ခနေ ာတာင တနာတနတခ ာနာကး ာမမောလ ျ ျ လ ျ ျ ေကမန ာ မတနာမနန မဖနာ တမ မာကာမျမနာမနနတမန မခတြာာခခ နေတြာေကတနတကာေကတနတကာဖနာေမနောာေ ကတ ာေမခန ကေ တနျ ာတာကမနေခမနြ ာ န မ ာႏခဖနျာာခခ န ာမာခခ န ာမတာခာတနာေ ကမနေဆမနျေမန ေခာတ ာေ မမန တ န မခတြာာင ေခာင မနြာာင ေခာင မနြာ တနေလာလမေမာေခမမေ တ ာတာကမနေခမန ာႏာာေ ကမနေမခနေခာတခာေ ကမနေမခနေခာတခ တန မောမမနာက ေ ေ ခတြာာခခ န ာမတတ ာတာကမနေခမတာကမနေခမနာာလခ ောာျ ျ ာဒေမနာေတကေခ ခမနေ တမမန ာေျ မ ာႏေေတျာေမနနတာကး ေမနနတာကး ာမမောလ ေက မန မာဒာေကတနတကာဖနတေ င မနြခခာင တနာတနာခတနေ နန ာေ ာကာမေ ာကာမ မေတြ ာႏျ ျာဒေမနောာေ ေတြာတကမန မေေင မနြာေခမတန ခတြာာမမခနေခာာာမမခနေခာာခာတနာတာကမနေခမန ေခမမန ာ ာာလ နာခခာတာကမနေခမနြေတြာ ခ တာမနဖတန ခ တာမနဖတနာတမကတနင မေ ာ ခနေ ာကမင မနြာ ေ ာခန ကမာခာတနာ တ ာမ တ ာမခ ခတန တြား ၀ာေင တနတ ာေေ ာ မန မနင မန တ ာႏေတ နာေမနလတတေမာ ေမနလတတေမာ ေခမမန ေ တန ာႏခဖနျ
ေခမမန ေ ခမင မနြာာခခာတာကမနေခမနခ နာမ ကာာခ ျ ာမနြခမတာျခနတာမ ေမာာျခနတာမ ေမာာ ကာကမာော ေခမမန ျေမန ခမာ တ ဖနခ
တ ဖနခ မနတ နန ာေ တမမနြတကာ ာႏဖတ တနလခနျ ာတက ခတြာာ နတ ာလခေလမမန ာႏ လခေလမမန ာႏ ာျ နနြင မနေတမမန ခတြာာေမ ခမ ာႏ တာာတာကမနေခမနခ နတာကမနေခမနခ နာမ ကမာောေက န ာမဖမဖနြာာေ ကမနေဆမနကာေ ကမနေဆမနကာဖနေတမမန ဖနြာာတက ကျ နနြတကဖနြား ၀ာတ ာမကြ မနြေခမမနြခ မကြ မနြေခမမနြခ တ မာာ မနျကတနာ ာာတဒ ာျကတနေတေကမနခတြာင တန က ာျကတန မောမမန ျကတန မောမမန နန ာ ခ နာေတြာာ နာာာေျ မာာာေခာေခာင မနြာျကတနေျမတန မျကတနေျမတန မောမမနာလခေလမမန တက နာ ာႏ ြနဖနာာတာကမနေခမနခတာကမနေခမနခ နာမ ကေတြာတမဖတကာာ တတကာာေမမတကေခာမာတာကမနေခမနခတာကမနေခမနခ နေတြာ ေခာာာ ခနာကတာနတနန ာာင မနမကာင မနြာ ခာမလ တာခတနေ န ကေတြာခတနေ န ကေတြာတက တ ကမာေ ာာတက ာတနေေမတန ာေ မာာ မန တာျကတနချကတနခဖန ခမတ ာ တခနေခမနာေကမနျ ေကတနာောျမမန ကာဖနေမေ ာႏ ခ ျ
ျ ေတြခတြား ၁ာင တနာခာမန ာလခ ျေမင တန ကာဖနာာေတမမန ကတနတာာျကတနာ ကာျကတနာ ကတန ကမတ ာေခာနျမနေတြော ာတာကမနေခမနခ နေခာမာတ တမ တတ ာ ောေက ောေက န ျ ာေမလ မန ကာဖနာေမေမ တျကတနောမမနာ နက နာာကမ တာ မနျေမနေမလ မနေ မနျေမနေမလ မနေ ဖန ခမတ နန ာာခ ေ ခ န မနနာကေခာာ တမေတြေ တမေတြေ ာႏခဖနျာခတနျမနေမနတာေမနတမနျ မာာ ခနေတာခမ ာႏ မာ ခာခနာာာ ကာ ကတေမန ာျကတနေတြခတြာတကခာတေတြာျကတနေ န မာ မနျေမနခကခေမတ ာ တန ဖနျ ာ တနေခ ေတ တနေခ ေတာ နေ နေခာမာ တ ာမတန ာ န ေတျေမန ာမာျကတနေ ချကတနေ ခဖန ခမာာ ာမေတ ာႏခဖနျား ၁ာခတနင တန က မ နန ာ တနမတနတ မန တနမတနတ မနာာ တ န ကတနာောမမန တကမန ာခေခာမာတတန နကာဖနာေမေ ခန ေမေ ခန ေခာာတက ာမနေတြ တျ ာခ န ေခမနမာျ နနာခတ ာလ ောမလ ောမမန တကမန ာခခ နာေမနတေမာတမတာဖနာေ ေတြေ ာႏခဖနျာာေ ာင တန မန ခတနေင တန မန ခတနေတနေမ မာခ မန ျ နနာခာတနာာာတနာေငအမေခာာေ နေတြခတြာခ နေခမန တခ နေခမန တတ ာဂနျ ေမန ာ တနန ာာေောာေ ာတတနာနန ကမ ာမ နေက မ နေက န တကမခ မနောမမနာေတကေခ ခမနေ တမမန ာေျ မ တမ ာႏခဖနျာခေမ ကခခေမ ကခတာမာေ ျမနျေမန င မနြာာမခခန ကျေမန ခမာင တန ကာဖနာခေမကမာျကတန
ခေမကမာျကတနောမန နန ာခတနကတနတာေမေ ခန က တ ာတက ာမနေမျ ာခတနကတနတေခတနကတနတေခမြာ ေဒေ မမနာခာမန တာာ ာႏာတက ာမနာခေခာတ ာခမ ခမ က နာခ တန တာ မနေမေက မန မာာတဒြင တနကတနတ ကတ ာာေ မလမလ နခခာ ကခတာမာ
ကခတာမာေ ျမနင မနက န ခမာ ဖန ာ တနေခာနတက မာခနေခမြာ ာႏ ခ ျ
ေတမေတမတာတာကမနေခမနာေျ မေတြခတြာေေခနာတနာမနန နမ ခမတ တာခတနကတန မ နနခတနကတန မ နန ာေမေ ခနတာမနဖတနေခာာာာ တ န ကတနာ ာႏဒျကမနနာခေခာာခာတနာ တနမ တနမတနာကာဖနာာာကခနနြ မခတြာတ ေ ဖမာခတနေျကတန မ ာႏခဖနျာျမန မငျမနမင မနမကာာေမမတနကတနတာမန ာေေ မနျ နန မ ေမနာာတာမန ေေမတနာာ တ န ကတန ာ တ န ကတန နေ မ ခတနေမာာခခ နတ ာခခ နာေ မနကမာာနနေကျ ာာခခ ာခခ နမာ နေ မ ာခတနေခန တာာက ာင နေကာ ခမနန တ ခတနောျကတနာေဖမမနေဖမမနာတ တမတာကတနတ နနောမမနာ က မေ တန ကတနေ ာႏခဖနျာ ာမနေတြ ာမနေတြခတြာောမတနခ မတာာခခ နာကတာနေတြာတာကမနေခမနခ နာမဖနျေမေတမမနြာခ နကတာနတ ာာ ခ နကတာနတ ာာ တ န ကတနခ တနေ တနျေမန မာာခခ နေတြာာေ န မနတ ာျ မနေ ေတျ ာေ မနကမ ေ မန ကမ ခမာ ခ က တာာနန ခန တာေ မနာေောမေျ မမန ာခာ ခနာကတ ခနာကတာနာတနန ခတနေတ ာခေမ မနာျကတနေတေောခာတနာ တ န ေမခတြာ နေ မ နေ မ ာာနနာမာျကတနခဖန ခမာာ ာမ မ ာႏခဖနျ
မနနြာင တန မေခမြာာမတတမတ ာာတမခေမတာင မနေဖနြတမ ာာ တလတ တလတ ာျမ န ေက န ေေတာာင မနေဖနြတမ ာာာကာဖင မနြာာလမန မ တ ာဖက တနန င မနဖက တနန င မနြာာျ မနာ မနေ တမ တာာင မနေဖနြာတမ ာျကတနာေေမတနေ ေေမတနေ မ နြဖန နာေက မန မနြ ာႏခဖနာာေေမတနေ မ ာႏေတ န နန ာ ေခမမန ာႏ ေခမမန ာႏခဖနျာာမ ကတ ာျေက ေျ မေေမနေခမြာတာကမနေခမနခ နမာာေကမန ေကမန ာနနာာေကမန ေကမန ာနနာခနောာတနန တခတြာျ နနေလမျ နနေလမမနတာမကမာျကတန တနခာတျ ာ မာမခေမာာေမချကတန တ ာာမျ ာမျ နာ တမျမနြျခနခတြာောမမနျမန ေခာတ ာေ မမန တ န ေမန ာာမမခနက ာမမခန က တနာခာတနာာ ခမနာာေ ာတ ာေ င မနောမမနာ တ တမ တ တမ တ ာႏတ န နာခ တနခာမန ာ န ာႏခဖနျ
င တနာတန မာာမဖမေ ကမနေဆမန ာေ ာႏမန ာေေနမမန တမာတကမန မာေက န ာမ ေက န ာမ တ ာႏေတာာ ခနေ ာခ နေတြာ ေခမမန တတမခ နာခာတန နန ာာလခ ေတကေခာလခ ေတကေခ ခမန ာႏခဖနျ
In English see following video link
https://www.facebook.com/ayenewin1976/me
dia_set?set=a.188379894842869.1073741833.
100010125793104&type=3
https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=237413673399607&id=100013929283236&pnref=story
ေ ဇ လငး April 7 at 1:37am · သခ းႀက းေ နလငး ရေအကၾလငး သ႔ေျမးဇေးေ နလငးက ဇေျ ၾျ ကင
ဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးဇျ ျင ၾမလာငဇသခလငသေမၾလင ဦးေ နလငးဇဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးဇျ ျင ၾမလာငဇသခလငသေမၾလငက ေ ကဇေ နေ က ေ နေ က လင ျၾက ကငမၾ ျၾက ကငဇ ျၾေ းဇဗခ မ ကင လငး ျၾေနဇ ျၾ ျၾ ႔က ျၥေကြၿ းဇ လငေ ႔ လငေ ၾကငက ခ ဇခ းဇေကခၾငကေကခၾငကကၾးေကၾကငဇေ က ာဇေ နေ က လငမ း ြ လာင ရဇေ ၾကငဇေျမၾကငေ ၾလာေျမၾကငေ ၾလာငကဇ ျၾက ကငေ ရကဇ ကငေ ၾလငးေ ေမၾဇကခၾး းကခၾး း းဇေ ကၾ ဇခခ င သေ ြရကခၾး းေ ဇကၾ ဇသကဇကခၾးကခၾး းကၾက ဇ မလငးေမာဇလငးေမာဇ းကကငကလင ဇသၾး သၾး ႔မလၾး ႔ ေ မလာငဇ ျၾက ကင ျၾဇေ း ခ ႔ဇၾ ႔ငက ေကၾာဇ မလငးဇေကၾာဇနေေကၾာဇနေၾလင ျၾးား လငကၾေ ာဗခၾ ဇကခၾးသမၾးက ေကၾာဇကြကငကဇျမလငကကငကျမလငကကငကလင ဇကြကငေကခၾငျမလငဇကကငကလင ဇယ ႔ဗမၾ ျမငးသ း ဇနလင ၾးေ နလင ၾးေ မလာငသ႔က လငသခလငကဇမဇသ င ကင ကကလငးဇမ ဇး ဇသခလငသခလငေၾလငက ငးက ႔ဇသခလငဇ ေ က ႔ဇသခလင ျ းဇသခလငသ ငး ြ ငးဇက ႔က ဇလငေျခလငေျခ ခၾးမ မ ယ ေ မ ာဇသ႔ ျငက လငး ႔ဇ ကငသကငၿ းဇသခလငဗ ျ င ရ းဇမ မ သၾး ျ က ေကၾာဇ လငေ လငး ၾးဇား လငကလင ဇ းသျ လာငသခလငဗ ျ င ရဇမ ငးမႀက းမ ငးမႀက းကဇသရက ဇေကၾငခလငဇမလငကလငဗခၾ ဇယ ေ းက မငးဇျမ ငမၾာျမ ငမၾာသမ လငးဇေခခၾကင ကခ ႔ဇျ ျငဇ ၾေ ျခ ာကၾ ဗခၾ ကခ ငက ႔ဇျမ ငမၾျ မငက မငးဇကက း ကလင ဇေခ ငဗ ငမးႀက းဇက က းဇးဗ းဗ ငမ းႀက း) ႔ဇဗ ငခခ ငဇေၾလငက ငးဇသခလင ၿမ လငက ႔ကသ ကငဇျ မငဇမြ
မြ လငၿမ ရမၾဇေကြအကၿ းဇဗ ငခခ ငက ဇေခ ငေခေသြၾးဇျမ ငမၾာဇ ြကင ြကင ငေ း ျ မခခကငက ဇဗ ငခခ ငဇေၾလငက ငးကေ းကြ ၿ းဇဗ ငမ းႀက းဇကဇကကဇက ျငကလာငဇေခ င ျ ျငဦး ျ း ြ ရက ဇကလငျ သေၾကေကၾာဇ ေၾ ေၾငသ းဇကခ ငက သ ကင ကငေ ၾငမ ကၾကြ ငးဇမၾဇ ျ ျင မၾသ ျ ျင မၾသလင ႔ဇေခေေကၾာကၾဇေ ာ ဇသခလငေၾလငက ငးကဇဗ ငဇေက ျေက ျ ျင ဇသခလင ေ ကဇဗ ငဇ ကငခၾ ျ ျငသခလငေၾလငသ ငးကဇဗ င ျဗ င ျႀကၤၾျ ျငက ေ နကဗ ငေကခၾငေ ၾဇ ျ ျင ဗ ငေ လခဇ ျကၾေကြျ ျကၾေကြျ ျငအကဇၿ း ဇ ျ ျငျ ျငခ းက ေကၾာဇ ကဇ မငးဇ ေ ေကၾာဇသခလငဗ ျ သခလငဗ ျ င ကငဇျခမငးက ေ ကၾ ႔ဇက ျငေ ႔ဇ လငခလငးမၾဇသခလငဗသခလငဗ ျ င းကဇသခလငသေမၾလငက သက ၿ းသက လငက လငဇ နကငၿ းဇေ နေ နေ က လင မငးက ကဇ ျၾက ကင ျၾေ းဇသခလငသေမၾလငက ဇေခေခ လငး ကငကလင သခလင ျ င ကငက ျခမငးကဇေခ င ႔ ႔ဇ ေ က ာ ခခ ငမၾဇသခသခလင ြ ငး ငကဇေၤ ငဇ ငဇ ကင ႔ဇ မငက ျင မင ရဇ ငခ းမၾဇ ငးေ က ငးဇ မငေ ရ မငး ကဇသခလငသေမၾလငဇးဗ ငးဗ ငေ နလငး)ျ ကငဇသြၾးကၾဇျမလင ကငကလင ဇယ ႔ဇသခလင ြ ငး င မငးဇ ာယ ာယ မငကဇကေ းက ျငေလၾကငက ဇ ကငေခေဇခ လငးၿ းဇေခ ငက ဇ ေၾ
ေၾငသ းကခ ငဇျ ျင ႔ဇ မာင ကငကၾဇျ ျငကလငဇ ႔းသ ႔းသခလင ြ ငး ငက လငက လငကဇျ ငေျ ၾကၾက ဇကခ ငမ ကငေကြဇက လငက က လငက လငဇ ၾးေ ၾလငခ ာ ကလင) ာယ က ျၿ းဇသခလငဗ ျ ငဇကင င ျ ကေ ဇ ေၾငသ းကခ ငဇ ြ
ြ ရနလင ျ ျငသခလငဇသေမၾလငေခ ငဇျ မငက သြၾးၿ းဇဗ ငေ နလငးဇျ ျင ၾျ ျင ၾေကၾာကၾ ဇဗမၾျ မငဇကက း က, သခလငေၾလငက ငး ႔ဇသခလငဇ ၿမ လငကဇေခ ငျ မငေ ၾကငေ ၿ ဇျ ျငေကၾာျ ျငေကၾာဇျမ ငမၾျ မငကြလငးကဇးဇေလၾကငေခေ ကၾေ ာဗခၾ ဇသခလငဇက
သခလငဇက လငေကၾငမ လငး ႔ဇသခလငျမကငဇျခမငျခမငးကက ျငနကငေခေကၾေ ာဗခၾ ဇသခလင ေသခလင ေ းဗ င ကငခၾ)က ႔ဗ ငေ လခဇက က ႔က ေ နးဗ ငေကခၾငေ ၾ)က ႔ဗ င ြရငဇက ႔ေ ာဗခၾ ဇသခလငဗ ျ င ဇသခလင ြသခလင ြ ငးဇ င ကင ျခမငးက မငးဇသခလငေၾလငသ ငးးဗ င ျႀကၤၾ)ဇ ႔ဇသလာ ႔ဇသလာငေကၾငမလာငသေကြဇေ ြး ႔အကကၾဇေ ာဗခၾ ဇမခၾးေသၾၾးျ လာငဇ ခ ြ ခ ြကငေကြဇမ ခ မ ာသမ သဇေကြ ဇေ ြးကၾ ဇဗမၾျ မငမခၾးဇကက းကက းခခလငေကၾာဇသခလငဗ ျ ငဇ းႀက းကဇသခလငသေမၾလငက ဇခလငမလငဇမ မ ေ ေကၾာဇသြၾးသက ၿ းဇ ျစငး ျၾးဇမ ကလင ဇသခလငဗ ျ ငဇက လငက လငဇကေကေကၾာဇသက ကၾဇမ ကင း ဇသ႔ းကေျ ၾေကၾာဇသခလငသေမၾလငဇမၾမၾကဇသၾး ႔မလၾး ႔မ ႔ဇသ ငသေၾဇမေကြ႔း ဇသခလငဇဗ ျ င းက ဇ င ငေျ ၾေ ကၾ ႔ဇသခလငဇသေမၾလင မငးဇသခလငဗ ျ ငဇကေကၾင ရဇက ငခ းက ငခ း ႔ဇ ေၾငသ းကခ ငဇ သြၾးကၾ ဇကခ ငက ႔ဇဗမၾျ မငဇ ၾ နလငကဇ ာယ ာယ ဇမ ငးမေကြနလငနလငဇၿ းဇား လငလေ းဇ ျ ျငေ းေကြမၾဇနလငနလငၿ
နလငနလငၿ း ကၾကေ ဇယ ကေ ႔ဇက လငးျ မင ခကင က ာဇေျခေ က ဇေ ၾကင ေ ၾကင ကၾ ဇသခလငဗ ျ ငကဇေကၾငကဇ နကငၿ းခခ ငမ ေကၾာဇးဇ ငက ငက ငက ငကမငးကဇေခ ငက ငဇသေ ၤၾက မငးဇက ျင ကငား ျင ကငဇကြလငကြလငးဇ ြကငမၾမ ႔ေ နေ က လင ျၾက ကငဇေ ေ ရ ကငေ ၾလငးမၾကခၾးက ျၾးေ ဇက ာဇသခလငသ ေမၾလငက ဇျမ င ေျမ င ေခေဇ နကင ကငၿ းဇေခ ငျ မငက ဇ သြၾးဇေကၾာကၾ ဗခၾ ဇေ ၾေ ၾကငျမ ငမၾဇျ မငက ဇၾ ၾ လင ျ ျင ျကလငဇမခ းမခ းေ ျာခခမလာင ငေ ကငက ဇ ြကငကၾဇသ ကၾဇ ေ က ႔ဇေအကၾလငးဇက ၾးေကြေက ၾးေကြေအကၾလာငဇေသေသခခၾခခၾဇမေ ြးအက ဇ ကငသလာင ၾဇ ကငက ႔ဇၿ းၿ းဇေခေခ ာက ာဇေ ြးအကက ာဇကခ ငက ႔ဇျမ ငမၾ ၾ နလင ရဇေ ာ ျ ျငက းဇေအကၾ
ေအကၾလာငဇ ေၾငသ းကခ င က ဇၾဇ ၾ လငႀ ၾ လငႀက းျ ျင ၾမလာငဗ ငေ နလငးဇက ေ ြး ကငမ ခ ာအကကၾ ဗခၾ ဇးက င းက င လငေ ေ ၾလငးအကကၾ ) သမ လငးေအကၾလငးသ လငးသြၾးေ ျက ာမ င႔လငးခ း သ ကငက ၾက ဇေ ေ ေဇကလငခ ာမ က ာဇ ၾကင မငးကယ ဗခၾ ဇး း က )န ငႀက းခခ ငေၾလငးဇဦးဗေကြး ၾးနလင)သရ းက ရ ဇျ ျင ျ ျင ကဇယ ဗခ ဇဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးဇကဇေယေခလငေမသ ငး ႔ဇခ ခ ဇေကြရ မခၾးေကြရ မခၾးေကၾာဇ း ျ င ၾကဇႀက ကငဇသြၾးအကၿ ဇဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးကဇေယေခလငေယေခလငေမသ ငးက ဇ ကင ငလဇ ကငကလငဗခၾ ဇကကလငေကၾာဇေယေခလငေယေခလငေမသ ငးက ကင ေလၾကငခၾးဇႀက းလ ကငက ကင ႔ဗခၾ ဇသရေလၾကငသရေလၾကငခၾးဇႀက းကဇေၤ ငမၾေ ၾကငေ က ာဇေယ ကငကၾေယ ကငကၾေကၾလငႀက း သ႔ေလၾကငခၾးႀက း ႔ကေ းဇ ကလင ဇသ ကၾနသ ကၾနလငးဇ ာ ာနလငးဇေသၾငကၾနလငးက ႔ျ ျငကလင န ငႀက းခခ ငဦးား ကဇေလၾကငခၾးဇ ကင ကၾမ လင ႔ဇသရက ျင းဇမလၾးက မလၾးက ဇေျဗၾလငလက ာ ကြကငဇဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးက ဇ းနဇ ျ ကငက းဇကလင ဇခြလာငမ နခြလာငမ နကင း ဇက ငမေကၾငဇေခ လငးေကၾလငက ျငဦးဇား လငလေခ လငးဇေကၾလငက ျငဦးကေကၾလငက ျငဦးကဇျ မငသဇျ မငသၾးဇမခၾးေ ရမၾ ျျ ေကၾလငးကခလာငဇ ျၾ ကမ ျၾ ကမ႑ လငဇႀကာခ လငျ သလာင ခကငဇသၾး ႔ဇခ ဇသမခၾးမလၾးဇအကၾခ ဇကၾမခ းကၾမခ းက ဇန ငႀက းခခ ငဇဦးား ကဇ ကငမခး ဇဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးက ဇက ငမေက ငမေကၾငမဇ ကင လငက ာ ျၾက ဇေ းၿ းဇက ငမေကၾငမဇား ကင ြကင ငဇမ ငမ င႔က ဇ ာယ ခခ ငကဇကၾကြလငဇေ းန ငႀက းဦးဗေကြးကခၾးႀက းဗေကြ)ဇက ဇ န ငအ န ငအကၾး ကငကလင ဇဦးဗေကြဇက မငးဇဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးက ဇက ငမဇေကၾငမဇေကၾငမဇား ကင ြကငခ လငးက ာ ျၾက ဇသ ကငဇၿ းၿ ဇ ကငမကင း ႔ ႔ဇက ၾးနက ၾးနလငဇေအကမၾ ႔ ဇကခ ငေကၾာကၾ ယ အကၾး ဇကၾကြလငေ းန ငႀက းဇဦးဗေ
ဦးဗေကြကဇသ ကငက ကငဇား လငလျခၾးဇခ း ျစငက ျငခ ဇေကၾကငက ဇ သြၾးဇ ကင ကင ကလင ဇျ င ၾမဇ ကငျ ငဇေအကမၾမလငေ ာဗခၾ ဇဗမၾျ မငဇ မငးဇက မငးဇကဇက းက က း ကလင ဇယ အကၾးေ း မၾဇေ နေ က လငဇ ကငဇေ ၾလငေ ၾလငးမၾကခၾးေ နရေ က ာဗ ငေ နလငးဇကဇသ င ခလငကလင ဇဦးဗေကြေ က ာဇ ငက င မငးကဇ မငႀက း ရဇေ ေ ငဇမာငခ ငးေကၾလငက ဇမ ကငမမ ကငမ ကငဇဦးဗေကြ ႔ဇ းက ႔က က ဇမ ငရလငးခ းဇခခ လာငႀက းဇခခ လာငလလငဇေအေအကၾင ျ လင ႔ဇမ ကငမ ကငလလ ၾၿ းဇလ ကငက ကင ၾ ၾဇ လငေ ကလင ဇ ကငလ း ၾ ခြ ေျခၾကင ၾ ေ ၾကငက ဇဗ ငခခဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးကမ င႔လငးခ းခခ လာငႀက းဇ ႔ဇကၾကြလငေ းန ငႀက းဦးဗေကြဇ မင မင မာငခ ငး မၾဇလ ကငက ကငႀက းဇ လငၿ းဇသ ၾးခေ ကလင ဇမ ကငဇ ငလၾ ငလၾက ၾက ာဇဦးဗေကြဇ းကဇမာငခ ငး ေ ၾကငဇၿ းဇမ င
မ ငရလငးခ းခခ လာင ႔ဗ ငေ နလငးဇက ဇေကြရ မခၾးေကၾာဇၾး ၾ ၾၾး ၾ ၾကလင ဇ မေကၾာဇဦးဗေကြက ြကငမေကြရဇး ဇေ ႔ ျစင ကငကကငက ေကၾာဇဦးဗေကြ းက မငးဇသ ၾး ၾဇကလင ဇဦးဗေဦးဗေကြက ဇ ြကငေကြရ ႔ဇေ ခၾလငး ခ ၾကလင ဇယ ႔ ဦးဗေကြဇ မငးဇ ျ ကင ျ ကငေကြ မငေ ခၾငၿ းဇဗ ငေ နလငးက ဇက ငမေကၾငကေ ဇ ကငမ ျင ႔ဇန ငႀက းန ငႀက းခခ ငဦးား က ဇ မငး မငးေ လငး ျ ႔ဇ ၾးခခ ေကၾာဇကလင ဇလငယလင လငယလင ျင ၾခဇခ ာေကၾာဇယ က ျငခ ေကၾာဇခြဇခြလာင နကငသလာငဇ ကလငဇၾမၾေ ာဗခၾ ယ ႔ဇဦးား မငးဇ ၾးေလၾလငဇသြၾးၿ းဇျမ ငမၾျ မငက ဇေျ ၾလငးျ ငဇ ငေကၾာမလာ ငေကၾာမလာငၾ ၾ လငႀက းက ဇဦးား ဇဦးဗေကြ ရ းက ႔ကဇက င လငဇေ ေ ၾေ ေ ၾလငးခ ာမ အကျ င ေ ာဗခၾ ဇာ။ ဇဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးဇၾ ၾဇသ မငးေကၾာသ မငးေကၾာဇဦးား ေ ၾဇဦးဗေကြေ ၾဇေ ၾလငေကြ ဇား ျင မငား ျင မငေ ၾကငဇသြၾးအကကၾ ဇဦးား က ဇာ။ ဇမကငဇဇ ကငဇၾ ၾ
ၾ ၾသ မငးေကၾာဇ မငးခ က ာ ခခ ငမၾေကၾလငဗ ငခခ ငဇေ နလငေ နလငးေ ၾဇေျခေ ေကၾလငးဇ ရ ၾး ႔ဇေမးေကၾာေမးခ ာကလငဇေျ ၾကလင ကခ ငက ႔ဇျမ ငမၾျ မငား လငလေ းဇေခ လငးေကၾလငေကြၾး း ႔ဇျ မငသဇၾး းၾျ မငသဇၾး းၾဇ မင း ငဇက ျငဦးက ျငေ ဇ ကင ျြ ကင ျြမငးျ ကၾ ႔ဇေျဗၾလင မာငခအက ေကၾာဇကၾ ဇက ျငား လငလ းဇကမခ းသၾး ကမခ းသၾး းက ဇက ျငဦးက ျငေလၾကငကမငးကေ ဇေျဗၾလင ေျဗၾလင မငသြၾးက ာဇ ၾကင မငးေကြဇေ ာဗခၾ ဇေ ၾကငကၾာဇေ နေ က လငဇ ျၾက ကငေ ျၾက ကငေ ရမၾဇကခၾးက ျၾးေ က ာဇးသခလငသေမၾလင)ဇဗ ငေ နလငးကဇဗ ငခခဗ ငခခ ငႀက းေ နလငးဇျ ျင ၾၿ းဇသခလငဗ ျ င ဇဦးား ဇဦးဗေကြဇဦးေကခၾဦးေကခၾငၿလ မငးဇ ျက ာ ၾး းဇေသၾက ၾသမၾးေကြက ေ ၾလင ဇ မာင ၾး မာင ၾး ကငကလင ဗ င ကငခၾဇ မငးဇ လငး ျမ ငမၾ လင ျ ငမၾဇေကၾခ ေကၾခ လငးဇၿရဇသကင ႔ေသ ဇဗ ငေ လခဇသခလင ၿမ လငဇက ႔ဇၾး း မငးဇ'' ခးသ းမ'' မၾဇေကၾခ လငးဇဗ က ဇျ ကင ကငသကင ႔ဇသကငခအက ဇဗ ဗ ငေကခၾငေ ၾ မငးဇကသ ကငျ မငဇ လင ျ ငေကၾခ လငးဇမား ျငက မား ျငက ဇကသ ကငျ မငမၾဇကြလင ြ ငသြၾးဇကလင ဇဗ င ျႀကၤၾကဇ င ငေကၾကငဇမၾက းသြၾးကလင ဇၾး းေသၾဇား လငလေ းား လငလေ းေခ လငးဇေကၾလငေကြ ႔ဇ ေၾငသ းကခ ငေကြဇက ျငေလၾကငဇမကခ ငက ျငေလၾကငဇမကခ ငဇျ ျငက း ႔ဇ ၾကငသ မငးသြၾးဇ ကၾ ယ ကဇျမ ငမၾာား လငလေ းဇျမ ငမၾာဇသမ လငး ႔ဇက ငမေကၾငသမ လငး ရဇျ ျငက းျ ျငက းေကြ ဇ လင လာင ျ ၾေကြ ေၾငသ းကခ ငေကြၾး းဇ း း မငးယ ကးေကြဇ လင လငေနခ ာဇကၾ ဇဗ ကၾ ဇဗ ငခခ ငေၾလငက ငးၿ းဇ လငဇယ ယ က လေခ လငးေကၾလင ကလာင က ာဇသခလင ေ းဗ င ကငခၾ)က ဇဗ ငခခဗ ငခခ ငေၾလငက ငးက ငမေကၾငကဇ ြကငၿ းဇ က စကလဥဇဦးေၾလငဇက ငးျ
က ငးျ ျငသြၾးကလင ဇဗ င ကငခၾကဇဗမၾာက ငမေကၾငေခ လငးေကၾလငဇျ ျင ၾခ ာျ ျင ၾခ ာကလင ဇေ ၾကငက းဇက ျငေ ႔မၾဇဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးဇ ႔ဇကလငမေျ ကလငမေျ ကၾ ႔ဇေ ၾကငက းဇာ။ ဇေ ၾကင လငးဇ လငးဇျမ ငမၾ လင ျျမ ငမၾ လင ျ ငက ဇေျ း ကၾ ဇန ငႀက းခခ ငဇဦးား ဇဦးသြလငက ႔ ႔ဇျ မငဇခခ ျငကခခ ျငက ငမေကၾငေကြဇၾေကြဇ ငေ လငး ႔ဇၿရဇသကင ႔ဇ လငဇ ျ ငမၾဇကခက းခ ာကခက းခ ာ ကလင ဇဗ င ကငခၾဇ မငးဇသကငခ ကင ကၾ ဇဗ ငဗ ငေ လခဇသခလင ၿမ လငးဗ င ငဇေၾလင)က ႔ မငးဇဗက က ာဇ ခးဇသ းသ းမ သြၾးေ လငးၿ းဇေကၾခ ေကၾာဇသခလငသ ငး ြ ငးက ႔ဇဗက ျ ကင ဇ ကငသ ကငသကင သြၾးၿ းကခက းသြၾးဇ ၾကလင ဇဗ ဗ ငေကခၾငေ ၾ မငးဇကသ ကင ကသ ကင လင ျ ငေျ း ကၾ းကေ ၾကေကၾာဇက းသြၾး ၿ )ဇဗ င ဗ င ငား လငကေကၾာဇ ျငေ း းဇ ဇ ေသးကလင ဇ ျငေ း းဇၿ းမဇက းကၾၿ းမဇက းကၾ ဇခ က ဇဗ င ြရငဇက ျငေလၾကင ဇေ ၾကငက းကခ ငဇေကၾာကလင ဗ ငခခ ငေ နလငးၾဇက ၾသဇမၾးမၾးေကြၾး း မငးေ ၾလင မာင ဇ ကငကြ ခ ာက ာဇက ကငေ ၾက ကငေ ၾငက ကင ကငဇ ေၾငသ းကခ ငေကြက မငးေကၾဇ ေမၾလငး ကင ေမၾလငး ကင ဇက င လငးခ ာဇကၾ ဇေ ၾကငက းေကၾာဇသဇ မငးျ င မငးျ င လငးခသြၾး ကၾ ဇသ႔ေအကၾလာငဇျမ ငမၾျ မင ၾဇေ ရေေ ရေကၾလင ၾ မၾဇခခမငးဇသၾက းား လငလက ျငခ ကေ ဇကမကၾာဇကလငး ကလငး က းား လငလဇ ဇား လငလဇ ျၾ လငး ဇ သြၾး ေကၾာကၾ ား လငလက ျငား လငလ ရဇသမ လငးက ဇေျ ၾလငးသြၾးေ ျခ ာက ာဇဗ ငေ နလငးက ဗ ငေ နလငးက ႔ဇ ဇ ျ ငးျ းေကြဇ ြကင ငဇေ ၾကင ၾ ႔ဇက င က င လငေ ေ ၾလငးဇမ က ာသေကြကခခ ရေအကၾလာငဇျမ ငမၾာဇသမ လငးဇျမ ငမၾျ ျမ ငမၾျ မငယ နက းကခဇေ ၾကငခ ာ ကၾ
ေဠ ငဦးေ ျၾ သရ ၾမမငကဇဦးေ ျၾ ဇေၤ ငေခကငဇေျခၾကငက ငး ဇ ဇေကခၾလငးကကင းကလင ဇသ ငၿ းဇႀက း ျၾးေကၾာဇေၤ င လငခ ႔ဇျလလငျလလငးား လငခ ငား လငက ာ ဇေၤ ငဇ ျကၾးေျ ၾကဇေကၾလငးကလင ဇ ေကၾလငးကလင ဇ မၾေ းက မငးဇ မာငဇနက မငးဇေၾကငေျခကေၾကငေျခကဇကကင ၾေကၾာဇသ ငႀက း ျၾး ႔ျ ျငဇေျမၾကင ၾေျမၾကင ၾေ မလာငဇ မၾ မ ဇ မငးကၾေအကၾလာငဇ မၾကကငက ျငဇေလၾကင ရေလၾကင ရေကြးေခေလကဇေကြဇမ း ဇယ ေအကၾလာငဇသေၾဇ ၾးမ ၾးမႀက းား လင း ဇက ၾးမ း ဇဦးေ ျၾကဇ ငး လငးန ငဇးန ငႀက းခခ င)ဇဦး က ဦး က ဇလ အကမငမ ဇးၿသမဇ သမငလ မဇဠသ )ဇ န နကငေကၾင ဇမၾဇကလငသြလငးေကၾာဇဦး ျ း ဇသ း မာငၿ းဇား ကင ြကငေ းား ကင ြကငေ း ကငဇ ကလင ဇက ကလငဇက ာက ျၥကဇာကနနဇျ မာငဇေ းဇေ းဇေကၾင ဇေ ေျမသ ကငဇက င ႔ဇဗ ငေၾလငေကခၾငဇကခက းခ ာ က ာကခက းခ ာ က ာဇေလကငေကြေအကၾလာငဇဦးေ ျၾက က ာဇသမ လငသမ လငး ခကငမလာင ျ ငးျ းဇက ျငေလၾကငဇေ ေ ြကင ၾ ႔ဇေအကၾလငေအကၾလငး ငခ ာျ ငကၾေ ာဗခၾ ဇဦးေ ျၾကဇသ႔က ၾဇသ႔ေကခး း လငဇ လင လငးျ ျငက ာဇႀက းေ က မငးဇေကခး းက ငၿ းဇက ငျ ငခ ာကၾ ယ ႔ဇယ က လကမကၾ ျ ျငမျ ျငမ ဇျမ ငမၾျ မင ရဇေ ၾကငက း ျ း ဇ ငး လင ငး လငးန င ျ ျငဇဦးေ ျၾျ ျင ၾဇခ ာကလင ဇ ၾ ာလငဇေခြးကကင ငဇသ ျ သ ျ ျငေ ႔ဇ လင ကလင ဇအကၾဇအကၾမခ း ဇ ျ ျငႀက းျ ျင ၾေကၾာဇဦးေ ျၾဦးေ ျၾ မငးဇေ င ဇသ ဇေကၾလငးျ ျငခခလငကၾ ႔ဇ ငသြၾးဇၿ းဇၿဗ က သခၿဗ က သခန ငႀက းခခ ငဇနလင ျက ငခခၾဇခခ က သြၾးၿ းဇ ြကင ငေ းေကၾလငးဇက က ကလင ဇဦးေ ျၾဇနလင ျက ငခခၾခခ ႔ဇေကြရက ာ ခခ ငကဇစေ ၾ က ကငမၾဇ ၾ ၾ ေခၾမ ကဇ ငက ဇသ မငးဇ ကင ကငၿ းဇကခ င ေ ၾကငစေ ၾ ဇား လငလ
ား လငလေကြက ဇကကငက ကငသ မငး ၾဇေ ၿ ဇေၤ ငေကၾလငဇေ ႔ကခဇမ ၾးဇမကခမ ၾးဇမကခမ ၾးဇကခ း င႔ ျၾဇ ျၾးေ က ာဇခခ ငႀက းဗခၾ ဇယ ႔ဇခခၾခခ ကဇဦးဦးေ ျၾက ဇေၾကင ျငဇ ကငကလင ဇယ ခခ ငကဇ ြကင ငဇေ းေ းေကၾလငး မလာငခခ ငမ ကင း ဇေၤ ငက ဇ ား လ ႔ဇျမ ငမၾျမ ငမၾျ မငကဇ ကငကြ ကမ ေ းၿ းဇ ျ ျငက ဇား လငက ား လငက ကင မလာငခခ ငက ၿ းဇေၾကငခ ကင ကလင ဇယ ႔ ဦးေ ျၾ မငးဇေမ က ငျ မငဇေ ၾကငသြၾးကလင ဇသမ။ကဇသ ျဗကငင ႔ဇေကြရ ေကြရ ကငေသးကလင ဇေမ က ငမၾဇေခ ငေ ၾကငဇ မငးေ း ႔ဇကကငသြကကငသြလငဇ ျ ငမၾဇေခ ငသသ းသြၾးဇနလငေကြရၿ းဇဦးေ ျၾဇကဇေခ ငက ေခ ငက ကဇ ကင ကငဇကဇမ ဇေကၾလငးၿ းဇေၤ ငက ဇျ ငခခ ႔ဇ ငက ာ ငက ာ ေ ၾကင ၾးဇေကြဇေကြ႔ ႔ဇဦးေ ျၾေ လၾစငဇ ကငဇ ျက ျက လငးဇခ ကလငးေကၾာဇဦးေ ျၾ ႔ဇဦးကလင ြရငက ႔က ေၤ ငဇေ ၾကင မငးေ းကဇ မငး ကငဇကလင ဇဦးကလင ြရငက ဇျ င နကငေ းဇ ကငၿ ကငၿ းဇဦးေ ျၾက ဇလေားႏၾမၾဇေ ၾလင မာင ၾး ကငကလင ယ က လကမကၾ ျ ျငႀက းၿ း ႔ဇဦးေ ျၾဗမၾျ မငျ ငေ ၾကင ၾေကၾာဇဗမၾျ မငကဗမၾျ မငကဇေျ ၾလငး ေ ၿ ဇျမ ငမၾက ျငျ မင းကဇဗ ငခခ ငဇေၾလငက ငးဦးေၾလငက ငးဦးေခ လငးေကၾလငက ာဇ က ြ ရခခ င ရဇဦးေကၾလငမ ႔ဇ ြကင င ြကင ငေ း ငးက လငက က ဇခခ ကကငဇေ အကၿ ဇဦးေ ျၾဇ ျ ကင ဇမ ယ မ ယ ကၾဇမ ၾးား လင း ဦးေ ျၾဇျမ ငမၾျ မငဇျ ငေ ၾကငကလငအကၾးေကၾာဇဗ ငခခဗ ငခခ ငေၾလငက ငးကဇဦးေ ျၾ မငမၾသြၾးား ကငကကငကလင ဇဗ ဗ ငခခ ငေၾလငက ငးက ဇမာငခ ငးဇ မၾဇေ းမ သ ဇအကၾႀက းဇ လင လငေ ျၾလာငခ လငး ၾးကလင ဇဦးေ ျၾဇ ႔ဇေၤ င ၾ ႀက းက ျငေလၾကင ႔ဇ မလငးဇ မလငးဇ ျၾးခ ငး မၾဇ ျၾး ကငဇေသၾကင ကငဇ ကငဇေမၾ ကငဇ င
ငေ ၿ းဇဗ ငခခ ငက ဇမာငခ ငးဇ အကၾႀက းဇ လငေ ျၾလာငခ လငး ၾးဇကလင ကမလငခခ းကလင ကမလငခခ းကၾေ ာဗခၾ ဇဦးေ ျၾကဇဗ ငခခ ငဇေၾလငက ငးက ဇ ယ ယ ငကၾေကြဇေကၾငေကၾငဇမခၾး ၾကလင ဇက းက းကဇာ။ဇ င န
င န ဇဗ ငခခ ငဇေၾလငက ငးဇ ငသြၾးေကၾာဇေၤ ငဇ ျ း ျ း ေယေမ င ျမ ျင ကင ျခမငးဇကဇဦးေ ျၾ မငး ငမၾဇျမ ငမၾက လငဇ ျၾး ျၾး လင ြ ရမၾဇ ကလင ဇေၾလငဇက ငးကငက ျၾခခ ငဇခခ ငအကဇေကၾာဇဦးေ ျၾဦးေ ျၾ ႔ဇသခလငဗ ျ ငကဇ ကငမကငမ းး ျမ ငမၾာ ြကင ငဇေ းေ းေ ၾကငက းကလာငဇေ ၾကငခ းဇမၾဇဦးေ ျၾကဇက ခကငလ ခကငဇ ငငဇ ျငကၾ ငငဇ ျငကၾ ဇယ ေအကၾလာငဇေၾလငက ငးဇ ကငက ျၾခခ ငမၾဇဦးေ ျၾ ႔ဇန ငႀက းန ငႀက းသခလငဗ ျ ငက ႔ဇ ကငမကငဇမ းေအကၾလငးဇမကငခခကင ႔ ျၾခခ ငဇခခခခ ငခ ာ ကလင ယ ေအကၾလာငဇက လင ျင က ဇကဇလလငက ငးဇယ က လက ငးဇ ေၾ ေၾငကခခ ရကဇဦးေ ျၾက ဇျ ကငဇ လငး ႔ဇႀက ျမငအကကလင ဇ ငက ငဇေကြေကြကက လင ျင က ကဗ ငျမဇ ငက မၾေကၾငမ ေ ငးေသ ကငသြၾးဇလၾးကလၾးကလင ဇဗ ငျမ ငကဇသ င ခလငဇကဇ ငးႀက းေကခၾလငးက ျငေကခၾလငးဇမၾဇက မၾဇက ျ မင ျကလ ႔ဇေသေသခခၾခခၾဇ ကငၿ းနကင ၾးက ာဇသရ ရဇေကၾေကၾငမ ေ ငးေသ ကငက ဇ ငက င ေကြက ဇေ း ကငကလင ငက င ေကြ လငဇကျခၾးက ဇ လင ျင က က ေၾငား ျငေလၾကငဇ လငဇသ လသ လသကလငး ျၾက ကငကဦးေ ျၾဇ ြကင ၾက ဇေ ျၾလာငေ အကကလင ဇဦးေ ျၾ ြဦးေ ျၾ ြကင ၾေကၾာဇဦးေ ျၾကၾးေ ၾကငက ဇသက ႔ဇေခ ျငကၾးကဇလစငကလစငကကငၿ းဇေသ ကငဇ ႔ဇက င ျငကလင ဇ ငက င ေကြဇ ျငက ာဇေသေသ ကငကဇကခမငမ ြကင းဇျ ျငသြၾးကလင ဇးား ျင မင မခၾးဇက ဇ ႔သ ႔သ ကငၿ းမဇသ မငး ၾးက ာဇေသ ကငဇမ ႔ဇသ ကငက ကငဇေခမငးျ ျငသြၾးကလင)ဇယ က ယ က ဇဦးေ ျၾကၾးကေကြရေကၾာဇ ငကလငၿ းေမၾလငးေျ းကလင ဇေ ၾကငက
ေ ၾကငက ျငေလၾကငကဇသရ ရဇေသ ကင ႔ဇ င ျငေကၾာဇဦးေ ျၾက ဇမ မ ဇကၾးမ ငက ဇ ၿ းဇဦးေ ျၾဇမခကင ျ ဇမ င ျေကြဇနလငသြၾးကလင ဇဦးဦးေ ျၾက ဇ ငက င ေကြက ႔ဇ ငႀကကၾဇမေၾလငျမလငခ ာ း ဇဦးဦးေ ျၾ မငးဇေၤ င ဇေကၾလငသြၾးၿ းဇသ႔ဇမခကင း ကဇမ င ျေကြဇသြၾး သြၾး ကငကလင ဇက င ကင ႔မ း ဇကခ ငဇေ ကလင ယ က ျၿ းဇဦးေ ျၾကဇသရက ဇ ငႀကက ာသေကြၾဇဗ ငခခ ငဇေၾေၾလငက ငးက မာငေကြက ၿ းဇဗ ငခခ ငေၾလငက ငးက ဇ ငႀက ႔ဇ ကင ကင ကင ကငေကြ ျ ေကၾလငးေကၾာကၾ ဇေ ၾကငကေ ၾကငက းေကၾလငးက ာ ကငကဇအကမငး ကငျ ျငက ာဇ ငက င ေကြဇက ႔ ရက ႔ ရ ငႀကမ ကမေၾလငျမလငေ မလာငဇမေကၾလငးက ာ ကငကဇ ငႀကမ ျ ျငဇက ာဇဦးက ာဇဦးေ ျၾ ရ ေကြကဇဗ ငခခ ငဇေၾလငက ငးက ႔က ဇ ငႀကကၾဇေၾလငေၾလငျမလငသြၾးကလင ျမ ငမၾာသမ လငးဇၾဇသ လငးကလငဗခၾ ကခ င လင အကမငး ကငဇ ငဇႀကကၾမခ းက မဇ ကငမခ း ဇမေမေ ၾကငခ း ဇျ လငး ငက ဇက င႔ကြကင ကလင ဇေဠ ငဦးေ ျၾက ဇ ငက ငက င ေကြက ႔ကဇ ငႀကကၾဇေ ၾဇမေ ၾကငခသ ဇဗ ငခခ ငဇေၾေၾလငက ငးက ႔က ဇေဠ ငဦးေ ျၾဇ ငႀကကၾက ေ ၾဇ းနသ ငခခက င႔ဇကြကင ကြကင ကလင ဇယ ေ မ ာဇကခ ငက ႔ဇျမ ငမၾသမ လငး ရဇကက း က ဇလကခးဇမ ျ ျငကၾမ ျ ျငကၾ ဇဦးေ ျၾက ဇ ျငခ ာက ာဇ ငက င ေကြၾဇဗ ငခခ ငက ဇအအကမငမ ေ ၾကငခက ာဇေခ ငေကၾငဇ ငေ းဇေၤ ေၤ ငေကၾင ငေ းမၾဇေ ရက ငးက နလငခ ာက ာဇေ ခၾကငကခၾးဇေခ လငးေကၾေခ လငးေကၾလငက ျငဦးသၾဇျ ျငကလငဇဗ ငခခ ငေၾလငက ငး ႔ဇလင လင မဇ ကငသကငမ မ း ဇဗ ငခခ ငကဇ မငးဇၾကၾန ငမဇမေ းခ ာ း ဇသသရၾသၾဇမခား လင ြ ငး ႔ဇ ျ ကငဇမ ငးား လင ဇသရ လငးကကငက ာဇ မငးဇ မငး မငးဇ မငး ႔ဇသြၾး လငးကၾ ဇယ ေ မ ာဇဦးေ ျၾဇမေသေကၾာဇ ခၾး က ဇက ကငဇ
က ကငဇ ႔ းမ သ ဇျ ျငသြၾးခ ာကၾ ဇ ငဇက င ေကြက ႔ဇဦးေ ျၾက ဇေသ ေသ ကငဇ ႔မ ျင မငးဇက ျငေ ႔မၾကၾာဇဦးေ ျၾဇကဇဗ ငခခဗ ငခခ ငေၾလငက ငးက ဇက ျငဇ မငးမ ကငဇက ျင မငးေကၾာဇ ငႀကမၾဇေသခခၾ ေသခခၾ ကလင ဇဦးေ ျၾဇၾဇက ၾးမ ာသဇမ ယ ကၾဇမ ၾးား လငဇသ ဇက လငကခ းက လငကခ း ၾဇား လငလေ းသမၾးဇမာ ျၾးျ ျငကလငဗခ ဇႀက း ျလငေ ေဇကကငကၾေကၾကကငကၾေကၾလငဇခ ငကမငကမင ႔ဇၿ းၿ းကကငသြၾးခ ာကလင ႔ဇေျ ၾဇကလင ဇကလင ဇသ႔က လငသဇသ႔ င ငက ဇမမၾးးဇမ ငကလင ႔ဇလကၿ းဇက ၾးမ ာ ျြၾဇေသက းသြၾးက ာဇ ဇက ျငေလၾကငျ ျငကလင ဇ ယ ဇဦးေ ျၾ ဇ မခ း မခ းေကြဇကခ ငက ႔ဇျမ ငမၾျ မငမၾဇက ကငကဇေခ လငးဇေကၾလငေကြဇ ငး လငးန ငး လငးန ငေကြဇျ ျငဇခ ာအကသ ဇ ျၥ စ င ႔ဇ ၾေကငမၾဇျ ျငမ ၾ ႔ဇေ းႀေ းႀက းကလင ဇား လငလဇေ းဇၿ လင ကငက ဇမား လငေကၾာ ႔ဇ ငႀက ႔ဇႀက း ျၾးႀက း ျၾးမ ဇမ ငသမခၾဇေဠ ငဦးေ ျၾဇန ယသၾဇျ ျငကလင ဇယ ယ လလငး ငႀကမ ၾဇေဠ ငဦးေ ျၾဇ ကငသ ျငေကြ ရဇေဠ ငဦးေ ျၾန ယဇ မငး ျ မငး ျစငသၾဇျ ျငကလငဗခ နရငက ကၾဇယ နခခကငခခလငးဇ မငကကငကလင ာ။းဇခ ား ျငဇ ျကငကလင ၾ ဇမၾဇေလြ ျကလ ေကြဇက ၾးမနလငေကၾာဇေအကၾလငေအကၾလငးဇ ခကငသ မငးေအကၾလငးဇေအကဇမၾကၾဇခလငဗခၾက ႔ဇမကငမ အကမၾ ဇျမ ငမၾကျမ ငမၾက ျငျ မင းဇမြ သြၾးကာ ဇေ ႔ေ ာဗခၾ ဇအ<ြကကငက ျငေကၾလငဇမ မ မငးား လငကၾ ႔ဇ ျ းကခ က ဇမ းသ ရကၾဇေ ာဗခၾ ဇမက ဇဦးေ နလငးဇ ျ း ဇက ျ း ဇကဇျ မငသက ျင င းက ဇေသ မ ျ ကငဇက ာဇ င ငေ ာ ဇလ က လ က ႔ ငခခလငကၾဇ င လင ကလင ဇမလငးက ႔ၾး းဇခ ဇမၾ ေ ာ ဇဇကခ ငကကခ ငက င ဇကဇကခ ငဇက ငဇ ျက ာဇေလြ ျကလ ေကြဇ ခကငသ မငးဇေအကၾလငးက ဇ ျ ျ င ြလငက ၿ းဇေအကဇမၾခ ာကၾဇေအကမၾက ငးကဇဦး ျ င ြလင ၾဇမက မက က ရဇေ ြေ ြကြလငးေ းမးျ ျငကလင
သသ ၾကေကြရမၾဇျ ငက အကဇေကၾာဇာ။။ဇခ ား ျငေ ၾကငေ ာ ဇကခ ငမ ကခ ငမ ကငေကြက ျငေလၾကင ႔ဦး ျ င ြလငဇ မငဇ ကငသြၾးခ ာ းကလင ဇကခ ငဇမ မ ကငေကြကဇဦး ျ င ြလငက ဇေလြက းဇသြၾးေ းကၾဇဦး ျ င ြလငဇမာငခ ငးဇ ြကင ၾ ြကင ၾၿ းဇသေခခးေ း ၾးက ာဇေလြေ းေ ေကဇ က ာဇက းက းေလြက ဇေ ကြကငေ ကၾဇကခ ငမခကင ျ ႔ဇျမလငဇ ကင းကလင ဇသကငကသကငက မငးဇႀက းဇမခကင ျ က မငးဇမ ငေကၾာဇက း က ာေလြဇက ျငေသၾက ျငေသၾလငးား ျငဇေသၾလငးက ဇား ျငခ ဇသ းခ ဇျ ငျ ငၿ းဇျ မာငမျ မာငဇေ ကြျ မာငမျ မာငဇေ ကြကငေ ကငကၾဇေကၾငေကၾငက ဇ ငသ င ငသ ငေ ကၾဇေကြရ ကလင က ျင ေ ၾခ က ြ ငခ ာေသၾဇ ျငား ျငခ င႔ကဇေလြ ျကလ ေကြဇက ၾးဇမနလငေကၾာမနလငေကၾာေအကၾလငးဇ ၾ သ ႔ဇျခေသၤာဇ ငးက ာ သ ႔ဇက ျငျ မင က ျငျ မင းက ဇေအကမၾခ ာက ာဦး ျ င ြလငက ျငေလၾကငဇခ ေကၾာဇေလြက ျင ၾေလြက ျင ၾသ းကခ ငက း ႔ဇက းေ း ျၾးက ာဇနက ဇေ ၾကငခ ာဇ ၿ းဇ ျစင ျစင က း ၾေ းကၾက ဇေမခၾငၿ းဇေ ျၾလာငေ က ာဇ ငမ ဇက လငမက လငမ ဇာန။ ာာနဇနက ဇေ ၾကငသြၾးခ ာ က ာဇ ၾကင မငး ဇဗခၾ ဇဦးဦး ျ င ြလငကဇေျ ၾေသးကလငဇေကခး းကလငကလငဇသၾး လင ဇေ ၾကင ေ ၾကင ငဇက မၾ က ာဇ ကငကဇေ းက ဇ ျ ကငခခ က ာ လငဇေခခးေခခးေ းဇ းက ာဇလ က းေ း ႔ ဇ ျၾးေ ဇ ကၾက ာ ဇကခ င ကခ င မငးဇေကၾငေကၾငဇက ၾးကခသြၾးကလင ဇကခ ငက ႔က ဇက ျငသကင က ျငသကင းဇ ား င ၾခ ာက ာဇျခေသၤာဇႀက းက ျငေကၾလင ၾဇကခ ငေ ကခ ငေ ရမၾဇန ေ ြေ ကငကေ းေကြဇေ ခခလငးဇမခခလငးဇျ ျငသြၾးျ ျငသြၾးအက ေ ၾဗခၾ ဇကခ င ၾ ၾကမ ၾး း ဇက ျငကလငေကၾာဇကခကခ ငက လငက လငဇဦး ျ င ြလင မ င႔ေ း ႔ ငးေကြဇသ သ ကင ားကငခခ ာ က ာဇဦး ျ င ြလင ရဇသၾးေကၾလငျ ျငခ ာ း ကလင ဇနရငက ဇကၾဇယ
ယ နကြလင ဇ မငကလငက ကၾဇေကြရ ကလင ေ ၾကငက ျငား ျငဇား ျငား ျငား ျငား ျငေ ၾကငဇ မငးအကၾေ ၾဇဦးေ နလငးက ဇကခလငခခ င ၾးဇ ကငသ ကငသ ဇဦး ျ င ြလင မငးဇသရ မင မၾဇကခလငခခ င န ႔ဇေ ေ သြၾးခ ာ ကၾ ၿ စဇေခ လငးေကၾလငေ ျၾဇဦးႀက းက ဇသ ခသ လင ကဇ ျ ျငကလငဇေ းမၾဇေသ မငးက းေသ မငးက းမ ခ ာက ာဇးကကလငကဇေ ျၾဦးႀက းက ဇယ င ၾ ၿ းဇမေမေျ းား လငေကၾာ ႔ဇ မငးဇမ ကငကၾက ဇသ႔မ င႔ ႔ဇ လငး ျငဇ ကငက ကငကလင ႔ဇက ကလင ဇလင ၾဇမ ငကလငဇမၾးကလငက ကၾေကၾာဇကက ျငေ ႔ကခ လငဇသမ လငးမၾေ ေ ၾမၾဇ ဇလင ျ ျငသ ႔ ငးဇ စန ဇက ဇေခ ေခ ဗၾကြ ငးဗလငး လငး ဇ လငမ လငဇ လင ဇ မငး မၾ ဇယ ေကြကဇေ ၾကငကခေ ၾကငကခမဇ လငးအကကၾေ ာဗခၾ )ဇၿ စဇေခ လငးေကၾလငဇေ ျၾဦးက ဇမ သြၾး မ သြၾး ႔ဇက ျင င းဇ ၾမမငႀက းဇၿ းဇဦးေ နလငးဇေျမ ၾကင ျၾးခ ာကၾကဇ ျ ႔ ျ ႔ဇာ။း းးဇခ ား ျငမၾဇ ြကငဇ ငဇေ ၾကင ၾခ ာက ာသ ဇဦးဦး ျ င ြလင မငးဇ ၾကငသ မငးမ ဇေယ သ ႔ဇေသခ ာ ကၾ ဇယ ကေ ႔ဇဦး ျ ဦး ျ င ြလငက ကၾဇသမ လငးမၾဇေ ခၾကငဇကြလငၿ းဇမခ းကကငသ ျငေကြဇလငသဇမဇမဇမသ အကေကၾာ း ဇျမမ ငကေ းဇက ျငမ ငသၾဇျ ျငခ ာ ကလင ကခ ငေ ၾကငက းေျ ၾခခလငက ာဇျခေသၤာေလၾလငေကၾလငေ က ာဇန ေ ြဇေကြန ေ ြဇေကြကေကၾာဇခသ ေကြ ဗခ ဇယ ကေ ဇဗမၾျ မငမၾဇကခ ကခ ကခ ကခ ကကငခခမငးသၾဇေ က ာဇ ျလင ျ ျငကေ ဇ ကငျ ျငေ ဇက ာဇခသ ခသ ေကြကဇ ြ ငခ ာက ာဇာဇား ျငဇား ျငဇနဇေ ၾကငကဇက ျငခခ ရက ဇ း ျ င း ျ ငား ျင ကငဇ ၾးမၾဇကခ းက ငးဇ း ျ င ႔ေကၾလငဇကခ ငေကြရခ ာ းကလင ဇက ျငခခ က ျငခခ ငကဇကခ းက ငး း ျ င ႔ဇျ ျငခ ာဇ ကၾ ကၾကေကၾလငးေကၾလငးမ ျၾးား လင ႔ဇၾၾ ဗ ကၾမလင ျ မာငနက ာဇသ ငငဇ သ ငငဇ ကး ၾေ ာဗခၾ ဇ းမၾဇခြကငေ ဇအကကလင ဇ ငခခ
ငခခး ႔သၾးေ ၾလငဇက မငးဇေ ေခခးေ ၾလငဇ ေ ဇ က ာဇ ေကြ ေကြ ဇကခခ ရခသ ေကြက ဇကခ ငက ႔ ႔ကဇကင ျကၾးက း ျ းဇခ ာခ ာ း ကလင ဇ ငက ငကကလသ ငဇကဇျ ငဇကၾးအက ငအက ငမၾဇကဇကဇကၾးခ ျ း ကၾ ဇကၾးခ ျ း ကၾဇမၾဇေျခေ ၾကငက ျင ကင ႔ဇ ကငဇက ျင က ျင ကင ဇေ ကၾ ဇကၾးခဇကဇျ ၾးဇမကကငား လင ႔ဇကၾးခ း ျ း က ာဇခသ ခသ ေကြေကၾလငဇ ကလင ဇ ျ လငလၾဇကဇေ ရေ ကငကဇ ၾ လငဇေ ၾကငဇေ ကငေ ကငေျ ၾလငး ျ းဇေ ၾကငေ ကငကဇ ၾ လငဇေ ရေ ကငက ဇေျ ၾလငး ျ းေျ ၾလငး ျ းဇ ျ လငလၾေၾကငခၿ းဇကၾးခ းဇ ျ းခ ာ က ာဇေကၾလငေကြကဇယ ကေ ယ ကေ ႔ဇျမ ငမၾက ျငျ မင းက ေ ခခလငးမခခလငးဇသက ႔ ကင ဇ မာင ကငၿ ာယ က ငးက ငက ငကကလသ ငဇေကခၾလငးကလငးခခ ငမၾဇကၾးခ း ျ းက ာဇေကၾလင
ေကၾလငေကြက ဇေၾကငေ က ာဇ ျ လငလၾက ဇကခ ငမခကင ျ ဇျမလငဇေလၾလငေ ေေလၾလငေ ေသးကလင ဇခလငဗခၾဇေၾကငခ ာက ာဇေကၾလငေကြကဇခလငဗခၾဇေ က ာဇက လငးျ က လငးျ မငက ဇ ကငက င ဇ မာင ၾး ကငၿ ဗခ ရ ဇကခ ငက ဇခခလငကၾကဇယ ကေယ ကေ ႔ဇေ ခခလငးမခခလငးဇၿ းခ ာက ာဇ ျ ျင ျ း ကကငကကငဇၾ ၾၾ ၾ လငကခခ ရ ႔ေ လငးၿ း ျၾး လငဇခခမငးသၾသြၾးခ ာအကက ာဇခသ ေကြၾဇမ သ းမ သ း ၾဇခခမငးသၾခ ာအကက ာဇသေကြဇမ ကင း ဇဦးေ နလငးဇမက ေမက ေခကငဇေၾကငမၾကင ျကၾးခ း ျ းခ ာ က ာဇသေကြဇ ကင ကင ကင မငက လငဇ ြလာငေ ဇက ာသေကြဇ ကငက း ေေးကဇ ငဇေ အကေ အကက ာသေကြဇဦးခခ ျင ကင ကငဇ မငက လငမၾဇ ျၾး ၾးက ာဇေ ကင ျ ဇ ႔ဇ ကင ကင ကင မင းဇမ လငးား လင ႔ဇေ ကင ျ ငးက ငျ ၾးက ဇေကခၾလငးဇ ြလင ကင ြလင ကင ဇ မာငသြၾး က ာဇေ ကင ျ ခ း ျၾးအကက ာဇ ေကြဇမခၾးဇႀက းႀက း ေ ကလင ဇကသ ကငက ျင ၾ ငဇ ျ ဇစကလဥႀက းက မငးဇသေ က ာဇ မင မင ႔ၿခက ဇေ လငၿ းမဇ ငေ ၾလငဇကၾ ဇ ယ ငကဇ ငးေလြမမငးဇေကြက
ေကြက ဇေလြျ ငေ း ကငမဇယ နဇယ ခသ ျ ျငသြၾးကၾ
ယ ေအကၾလာငဇယ ကေ ႔ဇျမ ငမၾဇား လငလေ းဇ ျ း ြၾးေ းမၾဇေကၾ လငဇျခေသၤာေလၾလငျခေသၤာေလၾလငဇေကၾလငေ အကက ာဇ ေ ငကခခ ရ ႔ဇခသ ခသ ေကြႀက းေကြဇၾဇကကလငေကၾာဇန ေ ြေကြ ဇသ ငးဇ နဇေသၾဇျ မငသေသၾဇျ မငသေကြ ရေ ရဇမၾဇေကၾ လငေလၾလငေကၾလငၿ းဇ ငေ းျ ေ ငေ းျ ေ က ာဇန ေ ြေကြသၾဇျ ျငကလငက ကၾဇျမ ငမၾျ မငသဇသ ငးဇ နသ ငးဇ နဇသ ႔ဇကခ ငသက ေ း ကငဇကၾ ဇန ေ ြက ကၾဇေကၾ မၾဇအကၾအအကၾအကၾ လငဇလင ငား လင ာမ ဇၾေအကၾလာငဇ က ေကၾာဇေကၾ လငက ေကၾ လငက ကၾဇေကသ ၾ ၾျခေသၤာ ႔မဇ ကငက ငဇကၾ ဇန ေ ြက ဇကၾဇေခြးကၾဇေခြးမခ းားြလငေကြ ဇေကၾဇေခြးဇေျမေခြးဇေခြးေကြ ႔ဇမခ းားြလငမခ းားြလငဇက ျင င ျ ကမငး ေ ကခ ငက ႔ဇေခကငသ ျငဇျမ ငမၾဇျ မငသမ လငးကဇကက းခ ာ ကလင ဇသ ကငကးသ ကငကး ႔ ကင ၾေ က ာသ ကငက ၾဇက မဇေ ေ ေက ကလငခ ာမ ကာ ဇမျမ ျ မျမ ျ မငး ရဇေလၾကငခၾးက ငးအ<ြကလငဇ ရ ၾကင မငးက လငးျ ျငခ ာကလင ဇျခေသၤာျခေသၤာေလၾလငေကၾလငက ာဇန ေ ြဇ ဇေခ လငးေကၾလငေကြ ႔ဇျ မာငားကငဇေ က ာျ မာငားကငဇေ က ာဇသမ လငး ဗခၾ ဇ ၾမလာငဇ ၾေကငမၾဇေခ လငးေကၾလငေခ လငးေကၾလငေကၾလငးဇေကြေ ေေ ကငက ာဇျမ ငမၾျ မငဇျ ျငဇ ေ ျ
ျ ျငသ ဗ မလငး လင Tags: The Sunlight Weekly News
