bais yaakov and the preservation of tradition
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An essay analyzing whether the Bais Yaakov movement challenged or reassured traditional Jewish values.TRANSCRIPT
Yoni Mehlman
Bais Yaakov and the Preservation of Tradition
Edward Carr in his revolutionary work What is History argues that what the historian
decides to study, the questions he/she asks, is based on his/her own historical context. His
evaluation of those facts is necessarily tied up and linked to his world. “Facts” are viewed “only
through the eyes of the present.”1 Many historians of Jewish history study the extent to which
surrounding cultures have influenced Jewish communities. The degree of influence is debated all
the way from the time of the First Temple to the present. The way the question is assessed is
based on the historians evaluation of what qualifies as significant influence and what does not. It
is therefore not surprising that this is the central question scholars ask when analyzing the
European Bais Yaakov school system of 1920’s Poland. The movement can be viewed as a case
study of the broader question of secular influence on the Hassidic and Lithuanian Yeshiva world.
Jewish education for women was a new phenomenon. Traditionally, women did not attend
schools to learn Torah. The obligation to learn religious texts was upon men alone.2 While R.
Samson Hirsch had attempted to institutionalize schooling for Jewish girls, never before was
there such a school system in the traditional communities of Poland and Russia.3 This
revolutionary change introduced by a humble Sarah Schenirer begs the question: was the
movement traditional, modern, or a synthesis of the two? In more extreme terms, should the
movement be viewed as an infiltration of values foreign to traditional Jewish beliefs amidst a
society which resisted all forces of change? While some have argued that Bais Yaakov
introduced feminist thought to the Hassidic community, a close analysis of the goals,
1 Edward H. Carr, What Is History? (New York: Knopf, 1962), 28.2 Babylonian Talmud, Kiddushin 29b.3 Agnieszka Oleszak, "The Beit Ya'akov School in Krakow as an Encounter between East and West," Polin 23 (2011): 279.
implementation, and actualization of the movement leads to a different conclusion: it was deeply
traditional with a Neo-Orthodox hue.
We must first define “traditional.” There is no objective definition; it depends on the
historian. Today, the term Ultra-Orthodox or Hareidi may be more familiar. Of course, the term
Orthodox is a misapplication of German denominational terms to Eastern Jewry. Therefore,
equating traditional and orthodox, in addition to being insufficiently specific, is a historical
misnomer. What then does it mean for something to be traditional in the Hassidic Jewish
community of twentieth century Poland? We can identify two major elements. One, strict
observance of Halakha and religious custom. Two, resistance to ideological and cultural
elements of secular society. For example, a change in synagogue decorum to match standards of
modern architecture would be viewed as a progressive act (and matters like these can be seen as
the divide between the Neo and Ultra-Orthodox). While religious observance is likely the
primary factor, one should not under-estimate the legal-neutral elements of traditionalism. In
varying extremes, a fear of incorporating any elements of gentile society lest it lead to
assimilation was and is a defining characteristic of Hassidic communities. The spread of
women’s Judaic studies must be weighed against these criteria of traditionalism.
The first Bais Yaakov school was opened as an attempt to halt the assimilation of
Hassidic female youth and in this regard can be considered as having traditional goals. In early
twentieth century Poland, the average Jewish family experienced economic hardship. Women
had to receive an education and work to assist in supporting the family. This led to two changes.
First, since there were no Jewish schools for girls, they attended public and sometimes Catholic
schools. Second, after the industrial revolution, women worked outside the home.4 These
changes were the cause of high (relatively speaking) assimilation rates of Hassidic women. 4 Caroline Scharfer, "Sarah Schenirer, Founder of the Beit Ya'akov Movement," Polin 23 (2011): 270.
Schenirer witnessed the assimilation of her fellow Jewish women and dramatically remarked, “I
was shocked to see with my own eyes one of the officers [of the Ruth convention] lighting
candles on Sabbath… I never imagined they would have publically violated the Sabbath.”5 Her
response was simple: “There it first occurred to me: If only these girls were in the right
environment, things would be different.”5 In this spirit she decided to open the first Bais Yaakov
school with 25 students in 1917 Cracow.6 Before opening the school she wanted to receive
rabbinic support. She went with her brother to the famed Belzer rebbe, R. Issachar Dov Rokeach,
who notably opposed Aggudat Yisrael because it was too modern. He recognized the need for
the school and gave her his blessing. Only then did Schenirer feel comfortable starting the
school. Interestingly, however, the Belzer rebbe did not permit his own Hassidim to attend. 7 It
was an innovation, although one he recognized as necessary for the future of Hassidic Jewry.
Schenirer reflected on the early success of her class; “They learned that man does not live by
bread alone and everything comes from God’s mouth. They came to know that only by serving
God sincerely could they live truly happy lives.”8 With this religious spirit Bais Yaakov was
born.
Not only were Schenirer’s goals deeply traditional, but, more importantly, the teachers
and administrators ran the school with these goals in mind. At the start of the movement, the
teachers were graduating students of Schenirer’s class. She would train girls as young as fifteen
and then send them to communities throughout Poland to set up a school.9 Therefore, in the first
5 Sarah Schenirer, "Mother of the Beth Jacob Schools," in The Golden Tradition: Jewish Life and Thought in Eastern Europe, ed. Lucy S. Dawidowitz (Canada: Holt, Rinehart, 1967), 207.6 Interestingly, while this information is based on Sarah Schenirer’s reflections, other sources indicate that the school originally opened in 1918 with only 7 students.7 Deborah Weissman, "Bais Ya'akov as an Innovation in Jewish Women's Education," in Studies in Jewish Education, ed. Walter Ackerman, vol. VII (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1995), 282-283.8 Sarah Schenirer, 209.9 Deborah Weissman, Bais Ya'akov, A Women's Educational Movement in the Polish Jewish Community: A Case Study in Tradition and Modernity, diss., New York University, 1977, 55.
few years of the movement Schenirer’s influence was strongly felt; she passed her goals down to
her students who then moved on to create new schools. In 1919, the Agudah incorporated Bais
Yaakov as their official school for female Jewish education. In 1923, Dr. Leo Deutschlander was
given the responsibility of organizing and expanding the movement.10 With funding from the
Keren Torah fund, Bais Yaakov went from a mere 7 schools in 1923 to 265 schools by 1933.11
Indeed, Schenirer expressed concern over expansion, worried that the schools wouldn’t meet her
standards. Nonetheless, even with its expansion, the ideologies of the schools reflected
Schenirer’s idealistic spirit. Their views were expressed in the Bais Yaakov Journal. Many
articles openly criticized feminism.12 The leaders of Bais Yaakov sensed the need to explicitly
separate their actions from those of the feminists. Simultaneously, they wrote a great amount of
positive content on the ideal role of the Jewish woman. While the pioneering scholar for the
study of the Bais Yaakov movement Deborah Weissman claims that they didn’t offer a clear
unified ideology, the views expressed primarily emphasized what would be considered a
traditional role. Nonetheless, some view the lack of a unified ideology as part shifting values and
part legitimization.13 While one can only speculate, it seems that the lack of a unified ideology
may actually reflect the multitude of debate characteristic of traditional Jewish thought. Further,
even if the articles reflect an effort of legitimation, the need to legitimate itself demonstrates that
the actions of the leaders of the movement were not intended to be tradition breaking. Indeed,
Weissman herself admits that “the Bais Yaakov movement always stressed the traditional values
of family and of modesty in dress, thought, behavior, and speech.”14 In a teachers’ training
course in 1927, Jacob Rosenheim emphasized, “A humble obedience towards the tradition of our
10 Ibid. 57-5911 Pearl Benisch, Carry Me in Your Heart: The Life and Legacy of Sarah Schenirer: Founder and Visionary of the Bais Yaakov Movement (New York: Feldheim, 2003), 99.12 Deborah Weissman, Bais Ya’akov, 83.13 Ibid. 90
Fathers is also nowadays our highest wisdom… and deviation from Jewish tradition, from Jewish
tseniut [modesty], and most of all any violation of borders and limits… will inflict heavy
losses.”14 This statement cannot be seen as apologetics. It was instruction given to teachers and
thus strongly demonstrates the intense effort the Bais Yaakov leaders put into maintaining
traditional values. An honest recognition of the dangers of the movement can account for the
surplus of literature defending traditional Jewish norms.
The emphasis on the traditional role of women can be seen most clearly reflected by the
curriculum, entrance requirements, and code of conduct. Some example rules include washing
hands (ritually) and praying in the morning, washing hands and blessings before and after meals,
abiding by the Halakhic prohibition of combing hair on the Sabbath, and modest dress. The girls
were taught Jewish laws which related particularly to women, bible, and important concepts of
Jewish belief and practice. All of these areas of Jewish study were codified as permissible by the
classic Halakhic work, the Shulhan Arukh. Therefore, while the institutionalization of women’s
Torah learning itself was revolutionary, the leaders of the movement were very careful to remain
within the bounds of traditional Halakhic attitudes. One could point to the literature, history, and
science included in the curriculum as signifying the influence of secular values. However, even
here the subjects studied were carefully chosen to heighten Jewish values and to generate an
appreciation for God’s creations.15 The integration of secular subjects was necessary to receive
recognition of the schools by the government. Yiddish was also taught to foster a greater sense of
separate Jewish culture but not as an ideal like the Yiddishists.16 The entire thrust of the
movement was overwhelmingly traditional. This assertion is further attested to by the continued
14 Agnieszka Oleszak, "The Beit Ya'akov School in Krakow as an Encounter between East and West," Polin 23 (2011): 284.15 Deborah Weissman, Bais Ya’akov, 69.16 Ibid. 75.
support of the Rabbinic elite, including many notable figures such as R. Yisroel Meir Kagen (the
Hafetz Haim), R. Elchanan Wasserman, R. Chaim Ozer Grodzinski, the Gerer Rebbe, and R.
Meir Schapiro.
If any form of intentionally modern influence can be discerned, it is not through the
infiltration of secular values but of Neo-Orthodox values. Agnieszka Oleszak was the first to
point out how Sarah Schenirer’s contribution to the movement was often ignored in early Bais
Yaakov writings. He argues that the Neo-Orthodox who led the movement after its association
with the Agudah, did this intentionally to downplay the role of Eastern European Jews, whom
they viewed with some negativity, and emphasize the Western Jewish involvement in the
movement.17 While Oleszak may overstate his point, the influence of Neo-Orthodox thought can
be clearly discerned in the movement. Schenirer writes that it was Rabbi Dr. Fleish of Vienna, an
archetypal Neo-Orthodox rabbi, who through his inspiring sermons about Jewish women
motivated her to fight against assimilation.18 Schenirer was greatly influenced by R. Hirsch’s
thought and the curriculum included learning bible with his commentary. To be accepted into the
teacher’s seminary, one had to own a copy of Hirsch’s Nineteen Letters.19 Being associated with
the Agudah, many of the administrators were Neo-Orthodox doctors and rabbis who modernized
the structure of the school. As opposed to the heder model, Bais Yaakov had grade levels,
hygiene standards, secular studies, laboratories, textbooks, and a class schedule.20 While most of
these elements would seem to be positive changes and certainly would not violate any Jewish
laws, the very similarity to secular schools would tend to make the traditional Hassidic
community opposed. Yet, it’s not entirely clear how significant a break from tradition this was.
17 Agnieszka Oleszak, 286-287.18 Sarah Schenirer, 208.19 Deborah Weissman, Bais Ya’akov, 62,70.20 Ibid. 69.
Being within Halakha and without any pre-existing paradigm of female educational institutions
may explain the acceptance of these secular structures. To be sure, this can be viewed as part of a
much broader phenomenon catalyzed by the Agudah which narrowed the gap between Western
and Eastern European Jewry.
Until now we have considered the way the movement was run, its intentions and goals.
We must now consider its effects. Was there an unintentional or subconscious progression
toward the modernization of the female Hassidic community? Weissman argues that the
movement “raised the ‘feminist consciousness’ of its students.”21 However unlikely it is that this
was intended, it is quite reasonable to expect that quality education for girls will encourage
greater freedom of thought, promote a sense of self-dependence, and stimulate reflective thought
about societal roles. Weissman points to responses students gave to a questionnaire conducted by
the Bais Yaakov journal as evidence for this claim. Some girls responded that they would “like
an occupation,” prefer financial independence, or that a “wife should not only be a housewife.”22
One response even mentioned the emancipation of women. While these answers should certainly
be viewed as a modern way of thinking about gender roles, there are two concerns in drawing
conclusions from this data. First, the questionnaire provides no statistics as to the frequency of
certain answers. Therefore, there is no way of knowing how common these attitudes were.
Second, there is no way of knowing if these views reflect values absorbed from their education
or values absorbed despite their education. One can just as easily interpret this data as the partial
failure of the movement to keep girls traditional rather than the movement itself raising “feminist
consciousness.” It seems that without any definitive evidence Weissman drew this conclusion.
21 Deborah Weissman, "Bais Ya'akov as an Innovation in Jewish Women's Education," 146.22 Deborah Weissman, Bais Ya’akov, 94
It is hard to offer any direct evidence for the effect of the movement. It unfortunately
came to an abrupt end during the Holocaust and so the impact of the movement was never able to
fully actualize. Nonetheless, there are a number of secondary sources which imply that the
movement achieved its goal of keeping girls religious and traditional. In writing, Schenirer has
been idealized as the model of the traditional pious woman. The best example is Pearl Benisch’s
Carry Me in Your Heart, a comprehensive biography of Schenirer’s life and contributions to the
Bais Yaakov movement. Regardless of the accuracy of the book, it reflects an effort by her
students to idealize her as the traditional Jewish woman (Benisch was a pupil of Schenirer),
indicating that many of her students were indeed instilled with traditional values.23 Her first
student, Hindy Birenbaum (who currently resides in Bnei Brak) recounted that Schenirer “spoke
to us with such warmth that only a mother can equal.”24 Furthermore, a number of stories are told
about the piety of the Bais Yaakov students and teachers during the Holocaust. One particularly
famous story involves ninety-three girls committing suicide the night before German officers
planned to rape them.25 Joseph Friedenson, a holocaust survivor, described the piety of the Bais
Yaakov girls in the camps: they would light Sabbath candles, they wouldn’t fight for bread, they
didn’t use vulgar language, etc.26 The reliability of the accounts is less important than the simple
fact that this is how Bais Yaakov students are remembered. It seems unlikely that a radical break
from tradition would be remembered in such pious terms. The mere growth of the movement
attests to its success in keeping girls relgious. Rabbinic support did not decrease but grew with
the movement. As late as 1933, the Hafetz Haim, the leading Rabbinic figure at the time,
emphasized the importance of the movement: “Anyone who has fear of God in his heart, it is a
23 The book includes a number of accounts from her students reflecting the students’ own traditional beliefs. 24 Pearl Benisch, 34.25 Judith T. Baumel and Jacob J. Schacter, "The Ninety-three Bais Yaakov Girls: History or Typology," in Reverence, Righteousness, and Rahamanut, ed. Jacob J. Schacter (London: Jason Aronson, 1992), 93-4.26 Joseph Friedenson and Chaim Shapiro, "Sarah Schenirer: The Mother of Generations," The Jewish Observer, http://www.tzemachdovid.org/gedolim/jo/tworld/schenirer.html.
moral imperative (mitzvah) to have his daughter learn in this school… We must attempt to
increase schools like these.”27 It seems unlikely that this would have been his response if the
schools were producing a modern feminist breed of Hassidic women.
There is no doubt that the idea of Jewish schooling for women was both innovative and
revolutionary. There is no denying that the idea itself broke from tradition. This is only
somewhat abated by the Halakhic approval it received. Certainly, though, there was no conscious
effort to alter the role of women within Hassidic Jewish society. The extent of modernization
was in the structure of the schools and the Neo-Orthodox values taught. The movement was only
able to succeed because of its adherence to traditional values. Therefore, the Bais Yaakov
movement would better be framed as a case study of innovation within tradition.
27 A copy of the letter is in Pearl Benisch, 117.