being me on instagram: how indonesian hijabers … · 2019-02-11 · 4 abstract few researchers...
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BEING ME ON INSTAGRAM:
HOW INDONESIAN HIJABERS REFRAMED
THE NEXUS OF PIETY AND MODERNITY
Alila Pramiyanti
Master of Science in Communication Management (University of Indonesia)
Bachelor of Arts in Communication Science (University of Padjadjaran)
Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
CREATIVE INDUSTRIES FACULTY
QUEENSLAND UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY
2019
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Challenges make you discover things about yourself
that you never really knew.
-Cicely Tyson-
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KEYWORDS
Authenticity
Community
Hijab
Hijabers
Fashion
Feminism
Identity
Indonesia
Modernity
Piety
Self-presentation
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ABSTRACT
Few researchers have explored the interplay between Muslim identity, social media, fashion,
and religion. In this thesis I explore how twenty-six Indonesian hijabers redefined the self-
presentation of hijab-wearing women through social media specifically, Instagram. These
Indonesian hijabers, or young Indonesian hijab-wearing women who are fashion-conscious,
have embraced the visual affordances of Instagram to perform their unique digital self-portraits.
I used digital ethnography to delve into the motives, values, and impact of Instagram use on
these well-educated, middle-class hijabers, aged 20-34, living in Indonesia’s larger cities,
Jakarta, Bandung, Yogyakarta, and Gresik. These hijabers participated in in-depth interviews,
participant-observations, and social media observations. This research used thematic and
iconography analysis as methods of data analysis.
Drawing on Goffman’s theory of self-presentation and the lens of women’s movement, this
study revealed how these Indonesian hijabers use Instagram as a medium of self-expression,
channel of dakwah (proselytising Islam), and to generate their feminism agendas. Therefore,
they presented authenticity, religiosity, and collectivism by using Instagram as their stage.
This thesis provides new knowledge of how the hijabers have expanded the motives, values,
and impacts of ‘being me’ on Instagram. This thesis also found that these Indonesian hijabers
advanced their visibility in the digital public sphere and challenged the stereotype of being
voiceless, oppressed, and backward Muslim women. They reframed the nexus of piety and
modernity not only in terms of the adoption of Western feminine context, but also in terms of
adeptly using the visual affordances of Instagram to challenge dominant power structures, share
Islamic knowledge, and enhance women’s agency and empowerment.
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GLOSSARY OF ARABIC AND INDONESIAN TERMS
Allah : the Arabic word for ‘God’ in Abrahamic religions
Amanah : fulfilling or upholding trusts
Aurat : body parts that should be covered
Dakwah : preaching or proselytising of Islam
Dhaif : weak
Hadith : record of the prophet Muhammad’s daily practices
Hijab : literally means curtain, but is used to refer to a long colorful shawl/pashmina
pinned in many styles and layers to cover the chest combined with the loose
and trendy outfit
Hijabers : a term for Indonesian hijab-wearing young women who are fashion-conscious
Hijrah : continual self-improvement to become more faithful
Jihad : holy war (not essentially related to violence)
Jilbab : a short square headscarf pinned in the chin and only wrapped around the neck
Kekinian : contemporary and trendy
Khimar : a long loose material covered the head until the hip used with abaya
Kyai : Islamic leader
Muslimah : Muslim woman
Niqab : a face-veiled that leaves the area around the eyes visible
Pencitraan : planned self-images
Pengajian : Quran recitation and Islamic studying
Pesantren : Islamic boarding school
Quran : Islamic sacred book (also termed as Al-Quran, Qur’an or Koran)
Riya : arrogant or show-off
Sedekah : alms
Syiar : spreading Islamic way of life
Tabarruj : display the beauty
Tausiyah : Islamic speech
Ustadz : male Islamic teacher
Ustadzah : female Islamis teacher
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
KEYWORDS ............................................................................................................................ 3
ABSTRACT .............................................................................................................................. 4
GLOSSARY OF ARABIC AND INDONESIAN TERMS ................................................... 5
TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................................ 6
LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................... 10
LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................. 13
STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP ................................................................ 14
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................. 15
FOREWORD.......................................................................................................................... 17
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................... 19
1.1 Research Background ...................................................................................................... 20
The Hijab: Contested Interpretations .............................................................................. 21
Indonesian Hijabers ........................................................................................................... 23
Islamic Culture Industry ................................................................................................... 26
Gap in Knowledge .............................................................................................................. 28
1.2 Research Question ........................................................................................................... 28
1.3 Outcomes of this Thesis ................................................................................................... 29
1.4 Chapter Breakdown ........................................................................................................ 31
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW .............................................................................. 32
2.1 Veiling Practices ............................................................................................................... 32
Veiling practices in Indonesia ........................................................................................... 34
2.2 Feminism ........................................................................................................................... 38
Feminism in Indonesia ....................................................................................................... 39
Piety Movement and Pious Agency .................................................................................. 41
2.3 Islamic Fashion................................................................................................................. 43
Islamic Fashion as Identity Expression ........................................................................... 44
Islamic Fashion: Negotiate Modernity ............................................................................. 48
2.4 Identity on Social Media .................................................................................................. 51
Instagram as Computer-mediated Communication (CMC) .......................................... 52
Self-presentation on Social Media .................................................................................... 54
Selfies culture on social media .......................................................................................... 56
Authenticity on Social Media ............................................................................................ 57
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The Representation of Muslim Women on Digital Media ............................................. 59
Muslim Women’s Identity on Instagram ......................................................................... 62
2.5 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 64
CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH DESIGN .................................................................................... 66
3.1 Ontological and epistemological stance ......................................................................... 66
3.2 Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 66
3.3 Methods of Data Collection ............................................................................................. 69
Interview ............................................................................................................................. 71
Participant-observation ..................................................................................................... 71
Screenshot of Instagram posting ...................................................................................... 75
3.4 Methods of Data Analysis ................................................................................................ 75
Thematic Analysis .............................................................................................................. 75
Iconographical Analysis .................................................................................................... 77
Example 1 of iconographical analysis .......................................................................... 78
Example 2 of iconographical analysis .......................................................................... 79
Example 3 of iconographical analysis .......................................................................... 79
3.5 The Researcher’s Role ..................................................................................................... 81
3.6 Validity, Reliability, and Generalisation ....................................................................... 82
CHAPTER 4: BEING AUTHENTIC SELVES .................................................................... 84
4.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 85
4.2 Being Real ......................................................................................................................... 86
4.3 Being Empowered ............................................................................................................ 92
4.4 Being Fashionable ............................................................................................................ 95
4.5 Being Humorous and Fun ............................................................................................. 100
4.6 Discussion........................................................................................................................ 106
Change the Understanding of Selfies ............................................................................. 106
Layer of Authenticity ....................................................................................................... 108
Curation of Authenticity ................................................................................................. 110
4.7 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 113
CHAPTER 5. BEING PIOUS SELVES .............................................................................. 115
5.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 115
5.2 Being Faithful ................................................................................................................. 116
5.3 Being Righteous .............................................................................................................. 125
5.4 Being Grateful ................................................................................................................ 130
5.5 Being Patient................................................................................................................... 135
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5.6 Discussion........................................................................................................................ 137
Shape Religious Authority .............................................................................................. 138
Exert Power Relations ..................................................................................................... 140
5.7 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 144
CHAPTER 6: BEING COMMUNITY ACTIVISTS .......................................................... 146
6.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 147
The Shifting from Twitter to Instagram ........................................................................ 147
Community Instagram Account ..................................................................................... 149
1. Hijabers Community (HC).......................................................................................... 149
2. Hijaber Gresik (HG) .................................................................................................... 152
3. Hijaber United (HU) .................................................................................................... 153
4. Yayasan Hijab Indonesia/Indonesia Hijab Foundation (YHI) ................................ 154
5. Hijabie Community Yogyakarta (HY)....................................................................... 155
6. Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS) ................................................................................................... 156
6.2. Being an Agent of Knowledge ...................................................................................... 159
6.3 Being Generous .............................................................................................................. 164
6.4 Being a Modest Fashion Icon ........................................................................................ 167
Hijabisation ...................................................................................................................... 167
Beautification.................................................................................................................... 173
6.5 Discussion........................................................................................................................ 178
Expand Pious Agency ...................................................................................................... 178
Challenge Public Role ...................................................................................................... 179
6.6 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 184
CHAPTER 7: IMPLICATIONS .......................................................................................... 186
7.1 Instagram Emphasises Self-presentation ..................................................................... 187
7.2 Instagram Advances Ideology of Muslim Femininity................................................. 190
7.3 Instagram Reframes the Nexus of Piety and Modernity ............................................ 192
Reframing Piety ............................................................................................................... 193
Reframing Modernity ...................................................................................................... 195
CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION ............................................................................................. 198
8.1 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 198
8.2 Contributions.................................................................................................................. 200
8.3 Limitations ...................................................................................................................... 202
8.4 Future Research ............................................................................................................. 202
REFERENCES ..................................................................................................................... 204
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APPENDICES ...................................................................................................................... 219
APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS................................................................. 219
APPENDIX B: LIST OF PARTICIPANTS .................................................................. 221
APPENDIX B1: PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS .................................................... 221
APPENDIX B2: INSTAGRAM PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS (as per July 2018)
........................................................................................................................................ 223
APPENDIX C: FIELD NOTES ...................................................................................... 225
APPENDIX D: THESIS OUTCOMES .......................................................................... 225
APPENDIX D1: Article in The Conversation ........................................................... 239
APPENDIX D2: Opinion Article in The Jakarta Post ................................................ 240
APPENDIX D3: Included in The Innovation Group Research Report ..................... 241
APPENDIX D4: Indonesian Book chapter ................................................................. 242
APPENDIX D5: Journal Article .................................................................................. 243
APPENDIX D6: Book Chapter .................................................................................... 244
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1 - Proud of the hijab ……………………………………………………………………… 19
Figure 1.2 - Veiling practices across religions ……………………………………………………... 21
Figure 1.3 - The differences between hijab, niqab, burka ………………………………………….. 23
Figure 1.4 - D&G Abaya Collections ………………………………………………………………. 26
Figure 1.5 - DKNY Ramadan Collections ………………………………………………………….. 26
Figure 1.6 - Uniqlo-Hana Tajima Collections ……………………………………………………… 26
Figure 1.7 - H&M advertising ……………………………………………………………………… 26
Figure 1.8 - Diagram of research design …………………………………………………………… 28
Figure 3.1 - Diagram of research design …………………………………………………………… 69
Figure 3.2 - Example of thematic analysis process ………………………………………………… 77
Figure 3.3 - Selfie …………………………………………………………………………………... 79
Figure 3.4 - Allah is Watching You ………………………………………………………………… 80
Figure 3.5 - A Photo Group of Hijabers Community Official ……………………………………… 80
Figure 4.1 - Way-finding diagram of chapters ……………………………………………………... 84
Figure 4.2 - Being authentic ………………………………………………………………………... 86
Figure 4.3 - Selfies after being an MC ……………………………………………………………... 87
Figure 4.4 - Prefer no makeup ……………………………………………………………………… 90
Figure 4.5 - Proud of chubby cheeks ……………………………………………………………….. 91
Figure 4.6 - Don’t worry about weight gain ………………………………………………………... 91
Figure 4.7 - Fall in love with yourself ……………………………………………………………… 92
Figure 4.8 - Love yourself ………………………………………………………………………….. 93
Figure 4.9 - Believe in yourself …………………………………………………………………….. 94
Figure 4.10 - Hijab identifies who you are …………………………………………………………. 94
Figure 4.11 - Stay focus and be thankful …………………………………………………………… 96
Figure 4.12 - Count your blessings …………………………………………………………………. 97
Figure 4.13 - Confidence makes you look stunning ………………………………………………... 98
Figure 4.14 - Fashion Ideas ………………………………………………………………………… 99
Figure 4.15 - Ice cream themed outfit ……………………………………………………………… 99
Figure 4.16 - Thigh vs. Bread ………………………………………………………………………. 100
Figure 4.17 - #prayfordugonk ………………………………………………………………………. 101
Figure 4.18 - The world so dayum amazing! ……………………………………………………….. 102
Figure 4.19 - The style to stop public transport …………………………………………………….. 103
Figure 4.20 - I want this and that …………………………………………………………………… 104
Figure 4.21 - Pardon my office selfie ………………………………………………………………. 105
Figure 4.22 - One selfie will not hurt ………………………………………………………………. 105
Figure 4.23 - Screenshot of @dinatokio ……………………………………………………………. 108
Figure 4.24 - Screenshot of @fitriaulia_ ...…………………………………………………………. 108
Figure 4.25 - Screenshot of @kimkardashian ...……………………………………………………. 111
Figure 4.26 - Screenshot of @gdaghaida …………………………………………………………… 111
Figure 5.1 - Way-finding diagram of chapters ……………………………………………………... 115
Figure 5.2 - Being Pious Selves …………………………………………………………………….. 116
Figure 5.3 - Allah will be there ……………………………………………………………………... 118
Figure 5.4 - Allah is watching you …………………………………………………………………. 118
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Figure 5.5 - The protection of Allah ………………………………………………………………... 118
Figure 5.6 - Keep calm and read Al-Kahfi …………………………………………………………. 118
Figure 5.7 - Migration for the cause of Allah ………………………………………………………. 119
Figure 5.8 - Keep us away from hypocrites ………………………………………………………… 120
Figure 5.9 - Fear of Allah …………………………………………………………………………... 120
Figure 5.10 - Reliance on Allah …………………………………………………………………….. 121
Figure 5.11 - The mosque should be the first destination …………………………………………... 122
Figure 5.12 - Distraction in praying ………………………………………………………………... 122
Figure 5.13 - Imagine death ………………………………………………………………………… 123
Figure 5.14 - Remember death ……………………………………………………………………... 124
Figure 5.15 – Archery ………………………………………………………………………………. 125
Figure 5.16 - Horse riding ………………………………………………………………………….. 125
Figure 5.17 - Share millions of goodness …………………………………………………………... 126
Figure 5.18 - Let’s share the spirit ………………………………………………………………….. 126
Figure 5.19 - Fear of appearing arrogant …………………………………………………………… 127
Figure 5.20 - Hijab as protection …………………………………………………………………… 128
Figure 5.21 – Halal Sushi ……...…………………………………………………………………… 129
Figure 5.22 - Thongs donation ……………………………………………………………………… 130
Figure 5.23 - Washing pray mats …………………………………………………………………… 130
Figure 5.24 - Countless favours from Allah ………………………………………………………... 131
Figure 5.25 - The perfection of Allah creation ……………………………………………………... 132
Figure 5.26 - Feel blessed …………………………………………………………………………... 132
Figure 5.27 - Keeping the harmony ………………………………………………………………… 134
Figure 5.28 - Blessed with a happy family …………………………………………………………. 134
Figure 5.29 - Grateful for the meal …………………………………………………………………. 135
Figure 5.30 - Be sure about patience ……………………………………………………………….. 135
Figure 5.31 - Continue to prepare myself ………………………………………………………….. 136
Figure 5.32 - Don’t over worried …………………………………………………………………… 137
Figure 5.33 - Waiting for the best plan ……………………………………………………………... 137
Figure 5.34 - Shariah, Custom, and Bu Suk (rotten) ……………………………………………….. 142
Figure 5.35 - Defending Islam Action: ‘Arrested and Jailed Sukmawati, perpetrators of
blasphemy.’ …………………………………………………………………………………………
142
Figure 5.36 - Thousands of people joined Defending Islam Action in Jakarta on 6 April 2018
(Source: BBC Indonesia) ……………………………………………………………………………
142
Figure 5.37 - We are Muslim women who love Indonesia …………………………………………. 143
Figure 6.1 - Way-finding diagram of chapters ……………………………………………………... 146
Figure 6.2 - Instagram Account of Hijabers Community …………………………………………... 150
Figure 6.3 - Number of Instagram followers (as of Nov 2017) ...…………………………………... 150
Figure 6.4 - Most ‘loved’ posts of 2017 ……………………………………………………………. 151
Figure 6.5 - Instagram account of Hijabers Gresik …………………………………………………. 153
Figure 6.6 - Instagram Account of Hijaber United …………………………………………………. 154
Figure 6.7 - Instagram Account of Yayasan Hijab Indonesia ……………………………………… 155
Figure 6.8 - Instagram Account of Hijabie Community ……………………………………………. 156
Figure 6.9 - Instagram Account of Syari Lifestyle …………………………………………………. 157
Figure 6.10 - Being Community Activists ………………………………………………………….. 158
Figure 6.11 - Business-style of the prophet ………………………………………………………… 161
Figure 6.12 - The leader of choice ………………………………………………………………….. 161
Figure 6.13 - Inspiring without depriving ………………………………………………………….. 161
Figure 6.14 - Hijrah movement …………………………………………………………………….. 161
Figure 6.15 - Participants of HC monthly pengajian ……………………………………………….. 162
Figure 6.16 - HY visits Islamic school and Quran recitation ………………………………………. 162
Figure 6.17 - SLS Islamic studies ………………………………………………………………….. 163
Figure 6.18 - Feast of sacrifice ……………………………………………………………………... 165
Figure 6.19 - Alms for orphans …………………………………………………………………….. 165
Figure 6.20 - Charity Hopping ……………………………………………………………………… 165
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Figure 6.21 - Well building ………………………………………….……………………………... 165
Figure 6.22 - Book donation ……………………………………………………………………….. 165
Figure 6.23 - HU charity program ………………………………………………………………….. 165
Figure 6.24 - Sharing love with orphans …………………………………………………………… 166
Figure 6.25 - Meeting people with HIV/AIDS ……………………………………………………. 166
Figure 6.26 - Charity in harmony …………………………………………………………………... 166
Figure 6.27 - Don’t forget to give alms …………………………………………………………….. 167
Figure 6.28 - Save for feast of sacrifice ……………………………………………………………. 167
Figure 6.29 - Happy World Hijab Day ……………………………………………………………... 167
Figure 6.30 - You, Hijab, & Healthy Hair Journey ………………………………………………… 169
Figure 6.31 - Proud of your hijab …………………………………………………………………... 170
Figure 6.32 - Hijab never limits you ……………………………………………………………….. 170
Figure 6.33 - Invitation in hearing with Indonesian House of Representatives …………………… 171
Figure 6.34 - Invitation to meet King of Saudi Arabia …………………………………………….. 171
Figure 6.35 - Vote for National Hijaber Day ………………………………………………………. 172
Figure 6.36 - Pre-event of National Hijaber Day ………………………………………………….. 172
Figure 6.37 - National Hijaber Day 2016 ………………………………………………………….. 172
Figure 6.38 - Repost from Khofifah ………………………………………………………………... 172
Figure 6.39 - Dress code for muslimah …………………………………………………………….. 173
Figure 6.40 - Syar’i swimming cloth ……………………………………………………………….. 173
Figure 6.41 - Flawless Longwear Makeup Class …………………………………………………… 175
Figure 6.42 - Beauty Class …………………………………………………………………………. 175
Figure 6.43 - Fashion show for Hijabers Community’s anniversary ………………………………. 175
Figure 6.44 - Fashion show for Syari Lifestyle’s anniversary ……………………………………… 176
Figure 6.45 - Fashion show competition for Hijabie Community's anniversary …………………… 176
Figure 6.46 - Modelling class in YHI’s anniversary ……………………………………………….. 177
Figure 6.46 - Modelling class in YHI’s anniversary ……………………………………………….. 177
Figure 6.48 - Beauty pageant organised by Hijabie Community …………………………………... 177
Figure 6.49 - Annual HC Day ………………………………………………………………………. 182
Figure 6.50 - Example of HY’s fashion events …………………………………………………….. 183
Figure 7.1 - Being Me on Instagram ……………………………………………………………….. 186
Figure 7.2 - Implications of research ……………………………………………………………….. 187
Figure 7.3 - The nexus of piety and modernity …………………………………………………...... 193
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 3.1- Summary of Fieldnotes …………………………………………………………………. 76
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STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP
The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for
an award at this or any other higher degree education institution. To the best of my knowledge
and belief, this thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person
except where due reference is made.
Signature :
Date : January 2019
QUT Verified Signature
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First above all, I am grateful to Allah SWT for always giving me strength, good health, and
wellbeing to face this challenging journey. I gratefully acknowledge the funding received
towards my Ph.D. from Indonesian General Directorate Higher Education (DIKTI). My
research also would have been impossible without the aid and support of Telkom University.
This has been a long, bumpy Ph.D. journey. In three years, I have changed my supervisory
team three times because my previous two principal supervisors left QUT and moved on to
other roles. I thank you, Prof. Ben Light, my first principal supervisor, who guided me through
my first year of Ph.D. I would like to thank Dr. Emma Baulch as my second principal supervisor
who assisted me in shaping my thesis for almost two and a half years of my candidacy.
I express my appreciation and thanks to my principal supervisor A/Prof Evonne Miller and
associate supervisor Dr. Glenda Caldwell who stood by me until the end of this Ph.D. journey.
Evonne, you have been a tremendous mentor. Your ‘in haste’ modes of thinking always gave
me the best, fastest ideas and solutions to solve both my research as well as non-research
problems. And Glenda, thank you for your brilliant feedbacks on my thesis. You always gave
me calmness, comfort, and words full of spirit to boost my confidence. You both always open
your door whenever I ran into trouble or had a question about my research and writing. Thank
you again for believing that I can pass through this journey. Your advice, kindness, inspiration,
and encouragement have been priceless.
I would like to thank the members and staff of the Creative Industry Faculty, School of
Communication, and Digital Media Research Centre for your assistance and support. Sincere
gratitude also for language advisors, Dr. Christian Long, Dr. Martin Reese, Dr. Emma Caukill
and Karyn Gonano for helping me improve my writing skills. Thanks also to the faculty
librarian liaison, Alice Steiner, for the fast response in supplying references in my unique
research area.
I also take this opportunity to express gratitude to all my participants. You are all the essential
part of this research. Thanks for giving me your consent and sharing your experiences. Your
unique experiences on using Instagram gave us better understanding of veiled young women
and their online self-presentation.
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My sincerest thanks go to my mum, Emmy, and dad, Pranggono, who always gave me their
best prayers, unconditional love, and everlasting encouragement. I am also grateful to my
husband, Rizal, for unceasing support, for dealing with my tears, and for being patient with my
thesis ‘tantrum’ times. For my son, Zaky, thanks for being a good entertainer while my mind
was overwhelmed with thesis stuff. You all have provided much moral and emotional care.
Last but not least, thanks to my dearest friends, Fiona, Ambar, Ririn and Inka for our chit-chats
at coffee times, providing ‘hugs and kisses’, listening to my worries, and for the many laughs
before approaching deadlines. I am also grateful to all my friends in Indonesia and Australia,
my family members, ‘malmingan’ family, ISAQ team, and Ikomers Tel-U who have supported
me along this journey, as well as to my naughty kitten, Neng Cleo, who kept my sanity with
her silliness and endless cuteness (rest in peace my dear).
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FOREWORD
This research study is important to me for two main reasons. First, as a hijab-wearing woman
from a Muslim majority country, I sometimes feel different being a minority while living in
Australia to pursue my PhD degree. I felt awkward when people stared at me and my hijab (or
perhaps they were just looking at something else near me). One day, I was stopped by a woman
when I am walking to a bus stop in a university complex. The woman asked, “Why do you wear
a headscarf? But I like your colourful headscarf. I do not like the women who are wearing
face-veiled or burqa.” I was silent for a moment because I did not expect her question and I
tried to be positive by perceiving her question as a form of curiosity rather than intimidation.
This experience of being a minority made me realise that many Westerners have little
understanding of veiling practices particularly when many mainstream media portray and
stereotype Muslims as extremists, terrorists, or jihadists, and veiling as an oppressive practice
toward Muslim women by fierce Muslim men.
The second experience that shaped this research was when I attended a conference in Adelaide,
South Australia, where an Indonesian student presented his research about a group which
adopted a conservative view of Islam and the women in that group veiled their faces. This
groupbuilt exclusivity by developing a mosque, a housing and school complex for their group
members, and used Arabic as their mother tongue, instead of Indonesian. His view, according
to me, represents the increasing number of conservative Islamic individuals in Indonesia.
Indonesia is a multiethnic, multicultural country with six religions recognised by the state. His
exclusivity could damage the Indonesian principle of ‘Unity in Diversity.’ Moreover, driven by
curiosity, I challenged his opinion on hijabers (a term for hijab-wearing young women who are
fashion-conscious). He answered that hijabers are a group of women who wear the hijab merely
to follow a fashion trend; and that their hijab is not in accordance with Islamic Sharia Law. He
assumed that the face-veiled women in the group he was discussing were a group of devoted
Muslim women, while the hijabers were a group of ‘fashionistas’ who were less religious or
pious.
Reinforced by both reasons, I realised that face-veiling or hijab practices are an interesting yet
problematic phenomenon. As a fashion commodity, hijab fashion has been recognised
worldwide with high-class fashion brands such as Dolce & Gabbana and DKNY launching
hijab collections. Even in Indonesia, the hijab fashion industry is one of the most significant
contributors to the country’s income. Some accuse the hijabers who promoted veiling practices
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for young women as being ‘too trendy,’ ‘too glamorous,’ or ‘not Islamic’. As an identity marker
for Muslim women, the hijab is still implied to be a form of submission, disempowerment,
oppression and backwardness, by Westerners. These contrasting and conflicting views made it
essential for me to develop more nuanced understanding of the complexity of veiling practice.
By studying the case of Indonesian hijabers from several hijab communities and investigating
their self-presentation and identity construction on Instagram, I have established new nuances
of the unique experiences of young veiled Muslim women who reframe their piety and
modernity through selfies, dakwah (proselytising Islam), and community activism.
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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Indonesia, located in South-East Asia and the largest archipelago country in the world, is home
to 12.7% of the world’s Muslim population. Approximately 20 million Indonesian Muslim
women wear the hijab (Directorate General of Small Business Industry, 2015). A headscarf
that covers women’s hair is the most recognisable, and some would argue the most
controversial, symbol of Muslim identity. In this thesis, I explore how the hijabers (a term for
hijab-wearing young women who are fashion-conscious) as one active group of young, middle-
class Indonesian women are re-defining the meaning of wearing the hijab through a visual-
based social media platform, Instagram.
Hijabers have embraced the visual affordances of Instagram to express their authenticity and
religious identity, to form a strong collective identity, and to challenge stereotypes of being
oppressed or backward to Westerners audiences. Figure 1.1 presents a visual example of an
Indonesian hijabers. Irine, one of the participants in this research, wears a red and white outfit
that identifies with the Indonesian flag. She presents as a being conscious of fashion, while at
the same time she describes her gratitude and pride in wearing the hijab, and in doing so
signifying her religiosity and Muslim identity. She captions in English:
Happy Independence Day! We should be thankful to Allah for those opportunities.
We could study anywhere with hijab, we could work anywhere with hijab, we
could travel anywhere with hijab, and we could be anything we want with hijab.
Dear all Indonesian Muslim, let’s celebrate the freedom with something that you
can do: Be a better Muslim! Sure, together we can create a better Indonesia.
Figure 1.1. Proud of the hijab
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Few researchers have explored the interplay between female Muslim identity, social media,
fashion, and religion in Indonesia. This research uses digital ethnography to delve deeply into
the motives, values, and impacts of these women. Before I describe the research question and
methodology in detail, I will first briefly summarise the reason for investigating the debate on
current veiling practices, Indonesian hijabers, the growth of Islamic consumer culture, and the
gap in knowledge.
1.1 Research Background
In addition to being one of the largest Muslim-majority nations in the world, Indonesia is a
relevant site for investigating the relationship between hijab-wearing women and social media
for three reasons. First, the large Muslim population makes Indonesia a significant market to
study Islamic consumer industry, with the busana Muslim or Muslim/hijab fashion industry
developing/expanding substantially since the 2000s (Lewis, 2007), and being the third largest
country for the consumption of hijab fashion, behind Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates
(State of the Global Islamic Economy Report, 2015).
Second, the development of the Indonesian hijab fashion industry has shown the creative
cultures of Indonesian Muslims and a desire to establish Indonesia as the centre of Muslim
fashion in Asia in 2018 and the world by 2020 (Directorate General National Export
Development, 2015). The fact that Indonesian Muslim women have a different style of hijab
that can be differentiated from the Middle Eastern dark-coloured niqab, the Malayans style of
baju kurung (tunic), or European and American Muslims’ jeans and long sleeves, suggests that
Indonesian Muslim women have created their own taste and style of modest fashion.
Third, Indonesians are significant consumers of social media with 71.6 million Facebook
users, 19.9 million Instagram users and 14.5 million YouTube users (Hidayat, 2016). These
data are discussed not just to highlight the popularity of Instagram in Indonesia, but also to
underline the increasing tech-savviness of Indonesian young people who form a significant
component of contemporary South-East Asian consumerism and are driving the expansion of
middle classes in the region (Agustina, 2015; Chen et al., 2014). Such expansion entails not
merely the production of well-to-do, tech and media-savvy individuals but also creates new
kinds of associational and community lives, which are growing around critical commodities
including the hijab.
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The Hijab: Contested Interpretations
In this study, the terms veil, veiling, and hijab will be used interchangeably for clarity
expression. The Merriam-Webster English dictionary describes a veil as, “A length of cloth
worn by women as covering of the head and shoulders and often, especially in Eastern
countries, for the face.” The term veil or veiling is usually used as an umbrella to refer to the
Muslim head-covering, worn by many Muslim women around the world. Meanwhile, hijab is
mentioned in the sense of the curtain or modest compartment as explained by Bucar (2012) :
The common Quranic meaning of hijab is not clothing at all, but rather a separation,
and in Quran Surah 33:53 hijab seems to refer to a physical screen. All three terms
can be interpreted as gender barriers, but they separate men and women in different
ways (hiding, making recognizable, covering) for different norms (privacy, bodily
integrity, modesty). Although hijab today is used to refer to the Islamic veil, or
even more generally to any form of women’s Islamic dress, it has a more generic
meaning in the Quran. In the other places it is used, hijab separates things, such as
gods from mortals (42:51), wrong-doers from the righteous (7:46), believers
from unbelievers (41:5, 17:45), and light from darkness (38:32). In fact, other than
verse 33:53, hijab refers to women in only one other place in the Quran, 19:17,
where it partitions Maryam (Mary, mother of Jesus Christ). This means the Quranic
hijab is not necessarily an article of clothing, nor is it tied necessarily to women.
At its most basic level, hijab in the Qur ’an is a term used merely to connote borders
and establish thresholds. (p. 5 of chapter 2)
The history of the veil is not exclusive belonging to Muslim societies. Veiling practices can be
traced from Hinduism, Buddhism, pre-Islamic European, and Middle Eastern cultures (Amer,
2014). In European societies, such as Ancient Greece, it was worn as a garment by women
from prominent families to show their status, and in the Middle East, including Israel, women
wear veils to protect themselves from the sun (El Guindi, 1999). Veiling practices are still
appeared in specific Jewish and Christian communities (El Guindi, 1999; Macdonald, 2006;
Fayyaz & Kamal, 2014). Figure 1.2 below illustrates the range of veiling practices by women
from varying religious communities.
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Figure 1.2 - Veiling practices across religions
Veiling is not and has never been a neutral phenomenon. It has never been merely a personal,
religious or cultural practice. “Veiling has always had a multiplicity of competing meanings
and motivations at different times and in different places” (Amer, 2014, p. 5). In actuality,
there are many different interpretations of the epistemology of the hijab and different
requirements to wear the hijab (Ruby, 2006). In some conservative Islamic states, many women
have been forced to wear the hijab, specifically, Taliban fundamentalists in Pakistan and
Afghanistan, the Islamic state government of Iran, some Arab countries, as well as in Aceh,
the only province in Indonesia which implements sharia law. However, in most cases, Muslim
women can choose whether or not to wear a veil, as in the majority of Indonesia.
The veil comes in different types, forms, and colours according to each woman’s cultural,
ethnic, historical, political background and personal preference (Amer, 2014; El Guindi, 1999).
Thus, some women wear the veil as a form of nationality or, in multicultural contexts, a sign
of racial and cultural distinction as an effect of cultural variance amongst Muslim people, in
addition to observance of religious beliefs.
In general, there are three types of Islamic veil: hijab, niqab, and burqa. Hijab in Arabic literary
means “curtain”, now it describes the act of covering up generally but is often used to describe
the headscarf worn by Muslim women. This headscarf covers the head and neck but expose the
face and comes in many styles and colours. The niqab is a face-veiled that keep the eyes
23
uncover and may be worn with a separate eye covering and long headscarf. The niqab is usually
worn by conservative Muslim sects in Arabian countries. Burka or burqa is a full body-veiled
that covers the whole body with a net grille around the eyes to see through. Wearing a burka is
required for women in Afghanistan. Based on a survey conducted in 2015, 79.4% of Indonesian
women preferred to wear a regular hijab, while 13.5 % chose the longer sharia-style veil, which
covers head, shoulders, and buttocks, and less than 2% worn the niqab or burqa (Hawley,
2017).
Figure 1.3 - The differences between hijab, niqab, burka
Suffice to note, beyond core definitions, a significant discussion about the history of veiling
and debates about its terminology is beyond the scope of this research which focus on social
media. This research investigates how veiling practices are implemented and expressed by
Indonesian hijabers on Instagram.
Indonesian Hijabers
One of the most striking developments of the late-20th and early 21st century Indonesia has been
the rapid increase in the number of Muslim women who wear the veil – a development with its
roots in the growth of political and public Islam beginning in the 1990s. In the 1980s, veiling
served as a sign of opposition to the authoritarian New Order regime, which was determined to
quash the growth of political Islam. But after the Suharto regime relaxed restrictions on political
Islam in the 1990s, and as the consumer economy began to expand, notions of consumer choice
began to infuse veiling practices, rendering veiling a sign of the individual transformation
consumerism makes possible (Beta 2014, 2016; Bucar, 2016; Jones, 2010, 2017).
24
The decision to don the veil presents women with a number of style choices, including the jilbab
(a simple piece of cloth pinned under the chin), the kerudung (short veil loosely draped over
the head leaving the hair partially visible), the cadar (a long, knee-length veil covering the face)
and the hijab (colourful fabrics wrapped closely around the head, often associated with high
end fashion trends). Part of an increasingly crowded Islamic popular cultural field, including
public intellectuals, tele-preachers, soap operas, Islamic-themed vigilante groups, Muslim boy
bands, and Muslim style leaders, these various styles of veiling are not free-floating signs but,
like many of the other identities available for adoption from the Muslim marketplace, often
tethered to established class positions, signalling various degrees of proximity to the modern
and the global. Therefore, they exist in varying degrees of antipathy and affinity to one another.
Islamic intellectuals, for example, look down upon tele-preachers, and the hijabers are keen to
distance their style of veil from the simpler jilbab.
The hijabers’ style has its genesis in the online Hijabers Community (hereon HC) established
on Facebook by four ‘modest fashion’ designers – Dian Pelangi, Jenahara, Ria Miranda and
Ghaida Tsuraya, in 2011. Since that time, HC’s activities migrated to Twitter and again, more
recently, to Instagram (based on the interview with this research participants on Sept – Dec
2016). The designers employed strategies common to the cultivation of microcelebrity – a
global phenomenon in which ordinary people use online affordances to develop popular
following among niche audiences, typically using performative strategies that evince an
authentic self well within reach of his/her fans (Senft, 2008; Marwick, 2015; Abidin, 2016).
This community adopted the term hijab to distinguish their style of veiling from practices
associated with the jilbab and deemed ‘improper’. The so-called ‘jilbab gaul’ (trendy veil), and
later ‘jilboobs’, phenomenon, by which women combined jilbab wearing with tight-fitting jeans
and tops showing their curves and sometimes their skin - was criticised by Islamic scholars,
who deemed it failed to qualify as Islamic dress (Beta, 2016). Beta, in her analysis of the
jilboobs phenomenon, argues that the moral panic about jilboobs overstates its actual
prevalence (Beta, 2016). Similarly, the spectre of jilbab gaul perhaps speaks more to male
anxieties about women’s sartorial choices, and their impulse to regulate women’s bodies, than
it does to the prevalence of jilbab gaul phenomena per se. The hijabers’ use of the term hijab
worked to differentiate the style from jilbab gaul, but it also worked to mark it with global
nuances.
25
The term ‘hijabers’ is specific to Indonesia, but its appearance in Indonesian lexicons coincided
with that of resonant terms, like hijabistas (hijab and fashionista) or hijabsters (hijab and
hipster) in Malaysia, Singapore, Middle East, UK, and North. Use of the term gestures towards
the global – being a hijaber marks one as part of a global community of transnationally mobile
Muslimah keen to present themselves as at once fashion conscious, tech-savvy, transnationally
mobile career women in possession of considerable buying power.
The Indonesian hijabers aspire to be global, but the cultural contexts they inhabit shape the
meanings of their dress styles in ways that distinguish them from the hijabis in Muslim minority
contexts studied by Tarlo (2010), Moors and Tarlo and (2013) and Lewis (2015). Moors and
Tarlo (2013), for example, aver that Muslim women use Islamic fashion to “disrupt and
challenge public stereotypes about Islam, women, social integration and the veil, even if their
voices are often drowned out in political and legal debates in these issues” (p. 3). But the picture
of hijabis as those who defy or resist a prevailing Islamophobia does not apply to the Indonesian
hijabers, and our study of them shows how global Islamic fashion is unfolding in distinct ways
at various conjunctures, Islamophobic and otherwise.
The “hijabers” are characterised as young, middle-class, and well-educated Muslim women
who demonstrate creativity in wearing hijab by marking it as their fashion statement (Beta,
2014; Faiz, 2017). Nowadays, the term of hijabers not only refers to the members of HC but is
also used to mention Indonesian hijab-wearing young women who are fashion-conscious. In
this thesis, my twenty-six participants are the hijabers who are active in HC, Hijaber Gresik,
Hijaber United, Hijabie Community, Yayasan Hijab Indonesia (Indonesian Hijab Foundation),
and Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS).
In a majority Muslim context such as Indonesia, wearing the veil is not a contested issue.
However, Indonesia is a multiethnic and multicultural country with many sects of Islam, from
the most conservative to the most progressive. The hijabers - who could be classified as young
Muslim women from moderate group (the term “moderate Muslim” is used to differentiate
Muslims who are antiterrorist and to distinguish with extremist group) - have to deal with
negative stigma from other Indonesian conservative Islamic groups due to their hijab fashion
preferences are not reflecting modesty or in other words, their appearances are too stylish, too
luxurious and attracting the male gaze (Umam & Altiria, 2010; Faiz, 2017). This criticism is
26
not only faced by Indonesian hijabers, but also by other young Muslim women who choose to
augment fashion attributes into their veiling styles (see Sandıkçı & Ger, 2005; Moors, 2013).
Therefore, even though wearing the hijab is not a contested issue, consideration about the
fabric, colour, length of hijab, and the style in wearing the hijab have become contested among
Indonesian Muslim women.
Islamic Culture Industry
Alongside Islamic feminism, the meaning of traditional religious symbols has also changed to
reflect new patterns of consumption, pleasure, and identity. The hijab has become a public and
fashionable expression of Muslim identity, influencing both how Muslim women view
themselves and how the world views them. This renewed debate about the symbolic, religious
and social value of the hijab has contributed to the rise of an Islamic consumer society, with
the global value of modest Islamic fashion estimated at USD $243 billion (State of the Global
Islamic Report, 2016).
For many young fashion-conscious Muslim women, consumption has become a critical way to
construct an identity as Islamic. Muslim women are active participants, as both consumers and
producers (Gökarıksel & McLarney, 2010). Modest dress and the hijab fashion trend, fusing
fashion and faith, “no longer have stood in opposition to the practices of consumer culture, on
the contrary, Islamic symbols become part of it” (as Nef-Saluz, 2007, p. 1). Of course, the
rising importance of commodities (and women) to the public expression of Muslim identities,
prompts debates among Muslims about the normative role of fashion in religious practice and
makes hijabs contentious and worthy of investigation.
Several studies have explored the growth of an Islamic consumer industry, constructing
particular relations between faith and fashion and inspiring Muslims to be both veiled and
stylish (Kiliçbay & Binark, 2002; Gökarıksel & McLarney, 2010; Lewis, 2007, 2010). Islamic
fashion, as argued by scholars (e.g. Tarlo 2010; Moors & Tarlo 2013; Lewis, 2015), adheres to
modernity and globalisation, unlike the old label that Muslim woman appearance lacks the
ability to fit in with Western fashion.
Muslim women are a potential market for high-class international brands with many high-end
fashion brands, such as Dolce & Gabbana, DKNY, Armani, Tommy Hilfiger (see Figure 1.3 –
27
1.6 below) offering hijab fashion collections for Muslim consumers in the Middle East (Islamic
Fashion Design Council, 2015). Uniqlo also launched its first line in Asia in 2015 and later in
2016 for the European market. Uniqlo is a Japanese clothing giant collaborated with a British
creative and blogger, Hana Tajima (who converted to Islam at age seventeen) to launch her
own clothing line of stylish Muslim wear (Sharkey, 2016). H&M, the second-biggest fashion
outlet in the world, featured the first-ever veiled Muslim model, Mariah Idrissi, a 23-year-old
Londoner (see Figure 1.7), in a video of their collection (Staufenberg, 2015). Therefore, Islamic
fashion has created new images and identities of veiled Muslim women as modest yet
fashionable women.
Figure 1.4 - D&G Abaya Collections Figure 1.5 - DKNY Ramadan Collections
Figure 1.6 - Uniqlo-Hana Tajima Collections Figure 1.7 - H&M advertising
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Gap in Knowledge
Many Indonesian veiled Muslim women, actively engage with blogs, Twitter and Instagram to
express their selves. These Indonesian hijabers also network via social media, mostly
Instagram, thereby underlining the new ways religion is intersecting with consumer culture,
fashion, and technology. Yet, only a handful of researchers, for example, Beta (2014), Aisyah
(2015), and Jones (2017) looked at how young Indonesian hijabers employ the visual
affordances of Instagram. To date, little is known about how these Indonesian hijabers reframe
their piety and modernity through Instagram. Therefore, it is essential to include the discussion
about how Instagram, as a Western platform, could be experienced uniquely to present the
selfies, religious identity, and collective identity by Indonesian hijabers who live in the Eastern
culture. The unique experiences of Indonesian hijabers using Instagram could create an
opportunity for performing the entanglement of piety and modernity.
1.2 Research Question
Based on the gap in knowledge, this study addresses the overarching research question: How
do the Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim self through Instagram? As
the study progressed and data were collected, this question was then broken down into the three
sub-questions:
1. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their selfies on Instagram?
2. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their religious identity on Instagram?
3. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their collective identity on Instagram?
Figure 1.8 outlines the research design and questions, methodology, data collection methods,
data sets and approach to data analysis.
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Figure 1.8 - Diagram of research design
1.3 Outcomes of this Thesis
This research uses the new approaches of digital ethnography to contribute to the growing body
of literature in media, fashion, and feminist studies. It establishes how Instagram as a visual-
based platform enables and/or limits the way hijabers present themselves in the digital public
sphere, and to explore the unique experiences of how these hijabers engage with Instagram.
This research identifies the role of social media in forging new conceptions of the nexus of
piety and modernity using the visual affordances of Instagram in shaping and defining the piety
30
and modernity concept of the Indonesian hijabers. My research outcomes are presented below
with Appendices D1-D6 highlighting some research outputs.
▪ An article in The Conversation
Title: Hijabers of Instagram: the Muslim Women Challenging Stereotypes.
This article explained how Indonesian hijabers challenge stereotypes of being submissive and
disempowered through their involvement in the fashion industry and engagement with
Instagram.
▪ Opinion Article in The Jakarta Post
Title: Impact of Islamophobia on Covered Women.
This article described my concern as a hijab-wearing woman toward Islamophobia after several
bombing incidents in the UK in 2017. This article aimed to grasp public understanding around
the impact of Islamophobia on covered women because hijab is the first identification of a
Muslim woman.
▪ Included in The Innovation Group JWT Intelligence Research Report
Title: The New Muslimah: Southeast Asia Focus, Exploring the Changing Face of Young
Muslim Women in Southeast Asia’s Dynamic, Connected Economy.
The Innovation Group from JWT Intelligence interviewed me about the phenomenon of
Indonesian hijabers as middle-class Muslim women who are fashion-conscious and tech
savvy.
▪ Book chapter in Indonesian
Title: Feminism Ideology in The Era of Digital Media.
This book chapter explored the pros and cons of digital media on the ideology of femininity.
For example, digital media could become the space for promoting knowledge related to women
empowerment. On the other hand, digital media also could increase the circulation of the
objectification of women’s body (i.e., porn website).
▪ Journal article published in ‘Social Media and Society’
Title: Hijabers on Instagram: Using Visual Social Media to Construct the Ideal Muslim
Woman.
This journal article illustrated how the hijabers not only play an essential role in shaping an
Islamic-themed bodily aesthetic for middle-class hijab-wearing women but also pioneered the
‘writing in’ of this bodily aesthetic as an authoritative form of Islamic knowledge.
▪ Book chapter under consideration for publication by Routledge Publisher
Title: #Hijabers: How Indonesian Muslim women construct and express their Islamic identity
through Instagram.
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This book chapter explained how the Hijabers Community, the most prominent hijab
community in Indonesia, present their religious identity through various community activities
such as pengajian (Quran recitation and Islamic studying) and charitable programs.
1.4 Chapter Breakdown
This research is presented in eight chapters. Chapter 1 establishes the purpose and scope of this
research as well as the research questions, significance and contribution to knowledge. The
literature review is presented in Chapter 2, which reviews scholarship on hijab related to its
meaning, Islamic feminism, and Islamic popular culture. It also reviews the concepts of
affordances of social media, Goffman’s theory of self-presentation, and modern identity.
Chapter 3 describes the research methods of ethnography, thematic analysis, and
iconographical analysis used to investigate the hijabers’ experiences, narratives, and self-
presentation on Instagram. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 present the findings and discussions of this
research, including how these Muslim hijabers expressed themselves visually and narratively
online as being authentic, being pious, and being community activist. Chapter 7 is the
implications of this research, including how Instagram emphasises self-presentation; Instagram
advances Muslim femininity, and Instagram reframes the nexus of piety and modernity.
Chapter 8 is a conclusion of this thesis with suggestions for future research.
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CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter analyses the literature according to the four themes of veiling practices, Islamic
feminism, Islamic fashion, and identity on social media. Each theme will be explained in four
sections with a conclusion. Section 2.1 examines the meaning of hijab and the literature that
considers what it means to consume the hijab. This review also considers the meaning of hijab
in terms of the interpretation of Quran verses on hijab, and what it means to adopt the hijab
practice in various cultural contexts (Western, Middle Eastern). An analysis of the literature
also examines the meaning of wearing the hijab in Indonesia specifically. Section 2.2 is a
review of the literature about Islamic feminism. This section is needed because, first, this thesis
discussed hijab which has become a contentious debate among feminists, Muslims or non-
Muslims in Muslim-majority or minority countries. Second, the subject of this thesis is women
and their femininity which is the focus of feminist studies. Next, in Section 2.3, I explore
previous research on Islamic popular culture and how hijab fashion has become a part of that
culture. In Section 2.4, I explore how self-presentation on social media through digital self-
portraits could represent self-authenticity. Lastly, I identify how the investigations on hijab,
feminism, and fashion, especially in the Indonesian context show a need for further research
about how hijabers engage with Instagram and its implications for a rethinking of the modern
Muslim self.
2.1 Veiling Practices
Veil or veiling is usually used as an umbrella term to refer to the head-covering worn by many
women around the world. Described as, “A length of cloth worn by women as covering of the
head and shoulders and often, especially in Eastern countries, for the face” (The Merriam-
Webster English Dictionary), the practice of veiling is used by several religions including
Hinduism, Buddhism, and Abrahamic religions like Judaism, Christianity, and Islam for than
two millennia (Amer, 2014). In fact, this practice is still followed not only by Muslims but also
orthodox Jewish and Christian groups from various level of religiosity (El Guindi, 1999;
Macdonald, 2006; Fayyaz & Kamal, 2014). The term veiling is indistinguishable from the
Islamic veiling practices which are based on the Islamic holy script (Quran/Koran). The Quran
verses that usually use as the reference of veiling practice are Quran Surah (QS) 24:31 and
33:59:
“And tell the believing women to reduce [some] of their vision and guard their private
parts and not expose their adornment except that which [necessarily] appears thereof
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and to wrap [a portion of] their headcovers over their chests and not expose their
adornment except to their husbands, their fathers, their husbands' fathers, their sons,
their husbands' sons, their brothers, their brothers' sons, their sisters' sons, their
women, that which their right hands possess, or those male attendants having no
physical desire, or children who are not yet aware of the private aspects of women.
And let them not stamp their feet to make known what they conceal of their
adornment. And turn to Allah in repentance, all of you, O believers, that you might
succeed”. (QS 24:31)
“O Prophet, tell your wives and your daughters and the women of the believers to
bring down over themselves [part] of their outer garments. That is more suitable that
they will be known and not be abused. And ever is Allah Forgiving and Merciful.”
(QS. 33:59)
What is so critical about these verses is that in the 21st century those verses have become fierce
issues among everyday people, women’s activists, scholars and even policymakers globally,
not only in Western countries like North America and Europe bust also Muslim-majority
countries (see Ingham and Dirgantoro, 2006; McDonald, 2006; Amer, 2014). In fact, these
Islamic veiling practices have become a flashpoint in debates over feminism, neo-colonialism,
and the secular state, especially after 9/11. Since then, women wearing a hijab in Muslim-
minority countries began to experience a lack of friendliness, distrust and became stigmatised
as danger strangers, challenging their rights to be ordinary human beings (see Akou, 2010). In
the West, the veil has become to be seen as “a disruption to white, secular space” (Arjana, Fox,
& Ali, 2017, p. 31). Critically, while some Western feminists argue that the veil symbolises the
oppression of women and patriarchy, Muslim feminists are making their voices heard to change
this argument (El Guindi, 1999).
Adding difficulty to the debate on veiling practices and what the Quran verses mean for Muslim
women is the fact that Muslims themselves have several different exegeses toward those verses.
Some believe that veiling is not compulsory for women, while others say these verses are just
a suggestion to wear hijab, with others thinking these verses clearly state veiling as an
obligation (Hughes, 2013). Nevertheless many scholars have explained the reasons of veiling,
including: “revolutionary protest, political protest, religious, continued access to the public
sphere, expression of personal identity, custom, and state law requirement” (Bullock, 2010, p.
11-12). Bullock (2010) also argued that hijab is a symbol of audacity to prevent the
objectification of women’s body, therefore veiling is an “empowering tool of a resistance to
consumer capitalist culture’s beauty game of the twenty-first century that has had such a
detrimental impact on women’s self-esteem and physical health” (p. 24). Her arguments are in
contrast with Western feminists who viewed Islam considers women as a sex object through
34
veiling practices. She noted, “hijab is a religiously sanctioned dress that is not oppressive and
is part of a religion that gives Muslim women dignity and respect” (Bullock, 2010, p. 26). In
another word, veiling practices could support the advancement of women empowerment and
agency.
The practice of Islamic veiling becomes even more complicated by the influence of history,
particularly in terms of colonialism, politics, culture, and ethnic background (Arjana et al.,
2017). Some scholars (Amer, 2014) emphasise how “each type of hijab is the result of a
complex interplay between factors such as religious interpretation, customs, fashion, race,
ethnicity, geographic location, and the political system in place at a given time” (p. 13).
Moreover, significantly, not only are there differing views in terms of the compulsion to wear
the veil but differing views about the level of covering, the fabric, its style, and colour. This
intense scrutiny is because Muslim interpretation of veiling is based on their understanding of
the literature, context, and history behind those Quran verses, as well as the differences in
political, social, and cultural background. Such complexities with the unique experiences of
veiling practices in each Muslim group makes it worthwhile for further investigation.
Diversity in interpreting veiling practices has created different types of head-covering practice
among Muslim women around the world which generally categorised into four main types
including jilbab, hijab, khimar, and niqab (Lazreg, 2009). Jilbab is a short square headscarf
pinned under the chin and wrapped merely fitted around the neck. Hijab is a long colourful
shawl/pashmina that is usually longer than jilbab. Hijab is pinned in many styles and layers to
cover the chest and then combined with a loose and trendy outfit. This term gained popularity
among the younger generation with the emerging Islamic popular culture of the early 2000s.
The term hijab in Arabic actually means to screen, to separate, or to hide from sight and in the
Quran, never refers to a woman’s clothing. It was the growth of popular culture where
eventually, this word became known as an Islamic dress (Amer, 2014). Khimar, the third type
of veiling practice is a long loose material covering the head to the hip and used with gamis or
abaya. The niqab is a face-veil worn by conservative groups such as Salafism or Wahhabism
from Saudi Arabia.
Veiling practices in Indonesia
Since Indonesia has the most Muslim population in the world, with its multiethnic and
multicultural with several sects of Islam, from the most conservative into the most liberal, then
35
it is essential to discuss the veiling practices in Indonesia within its dynamic political,
economic, social, and cultural backgrounds. The experience of Muslim women in a majority
country such as Indonesia differs significantly from women in a minority setting (Wagner, Sen,
Permanadeli, & Howarth, 2012). Indeed, the practice of veiling itself is not a challenging issue
in Indonesia compared with Muslim-minority countries, but the dynamic of veiling practices
in Indonesia have shown how this practice has become an essential indicator in Indonesia’s
history. This research will, therefore, use the term hijab because it is the most widely adopted
veiling style in Indonesia today (Hawley, 2017). The term veil or veiling will also be used
interchangeably for clarity of expression.
Historically, Islam came to Indonesia in the 7th century through commerce, marriage, arts, as
well as through education. Islamic education spread with the building of pesantren, traditional
Islamic schools, where since 1870 female students covered their hair using a scarf, known as
kerudung (Tantowi, 2010). In the middle of 19th century, several customs such as the Padri’s
custom in Minangkabau region, special district of Aceh, and Wajo’s custom in South Sulawesi
region tried to force veiling practices (see Tantowi, 2010; Palupi & Maryani, 2016). Returning
from a pilgrimage to Mecca, the hajj from Padri’s custom in Minangkabau, one of Indonesia’s
ethnic groups, tried to coerce the adoption of Arab dress to its community where men had to
wear white clothes and women had to wear their face-veiled. Aceh a name that means ‘the
veranda of Mecca’ also applied shariah law including head-covering and is the only province
in Indonesia today which implements Islamic shariah law. Wajo’s custom also adopted Islamic
shariah law and made veiling compulsory. Meanwhile, in Java, the centre of Indonesia, the
veiling practices have been introduced in the early 20th century by Muslim organisations such
as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadyah (Tantowi, 2010).
In the early 1970-1980s, veiling practices were limited to women who had a high level of
devoutness such as the wife of Islamic teachers (Kyai or Imam) or women who had completed
the pilgrimage to Mecca (the holy land for Muslim) (Brenner, 1996; Palupi and Maryani, 2016).
Moreover, Brenner (1996) stated that:
Covering the head with a gauzy scarf or woven cap was generally reserved in the
past for a small number of older, devout Muslim women, particularly those who
had already made the pilgrimage to Mecca. The head covering, if it was worn at
all, typically accompanied a tightly wrapped batik sarong and a close-fitting blouse
(kebaya), often low-cut and of sheer material. This style of dress tended to
accentuate rather than hide the shape of a woman’s body, differing from the loose
36
styles of Islamic clothing worn now by some women, which cover the head and
body completely, except for the face and hands. (p. 673)
Though veiling practices had already been established in Indonesia from the mid-19th century,
this practice was not too popular until the 20th century (Bucar, 2016).
In the New Era of the Soeharto regime, the use of the veil in the early 1980s by public school
students and civil servants was strictly forbidden, and the regime publicized the jilbab wearer
as an extreme Muslim, suspecting the jilbab to be part of the movement against the government
(Palupi & Maryani, 2016). With the decline of Soeharto’s regime in the early 1990s, Soeharto
tried to reassure Muslim societies and support Muslim organisations by lifting the ban on jilbab
wearing after many veiled women marched to protest the banned jilbab (Palupi & Maryani,
2016). This explanation of veiling practices demonstrates how veiling practice in Indonesia has
been subjugated by a patriarchal system through its political structure.
The Indonesian New Order Regime (1966-1998) led by Soeharto who governed with repressive
military power and saw veiling as symbolising a political movement that threatened his regime.
In the 1980s, Soeharto’s government forbade the veiling practices by civil servants and state
school’s students (Palupi & Maryani, 2016). Since that time, Indonesian Muslim women who
wore hijab experienced difficulties, such as finding a job, getting married, removal from school
or work, and being labelled as fanatics (Ingham & Dirgantoro, 2006). In the 1990s, the veil
was merely worn to attend events in mosques and during the recitation of the Quran instead of
demonstrating a commitment to the tenets of Islam (Smith-Hefner, 2007). The restrictions on
veiling were lifted in 1991 following protests of thousands of students in Indonesia’s major
cities (Ingham and Dirgantoro, 2006). With the decline of Soeharto’s regime in the early 1990s,
Soeharto tried to reassure Muslim societies and support Muslim organisations by lifting the
ban on jilbab wearing after many veiled women marched to protest the banned jilbab (Palupi
& Maryani, 2016).
For women activists, veiling practices not only symbolised the power to overcome their fears
of violence but also emphasised their political movement during the mass protest rallies (Smith-
Hefner, 2007). Most scholars conclude that the growing popularity of veiling practices in
Indonesia is related to veiling as a symbol of insubordination to the controlling government
and representation of the new autonomy caused by reformation movement (Smith-Hefner,
37
2007; Jefferies, 2011). This explanation of veiling practices demonstrates how veiling practice
in Indonesia has been subjugated by a patriarchal system through its political structure.
The number of Muslim women who wear the hijab in Indonesia sharply increased at the
beginning of the reformation era in the 2000s (Ingham and Dirgantoro, 2006), to demonstrate
not only their religious self in the public sphere, but also politically, legally, economically, as
well as in social and cultural practices (Hasan, 2009). This era gave Indonesian people freedom
of speech, to share opinions, to get involved in organisations, and to exhibit religious symbols
in the public sphere. As a democratic country, Indonesia gives its Muslim citizens freedom to
wear or not wear hijab, with the exception of one province, the Special District of Aceh
Darussalam, where wearing hijab is compulsory.
Research about the veiling practice in Indonesia is mostly associated with Javanese culture as
it is the most populous ethnic group. Smith-Hefner (2007) explained that young middle-class
Muslim Javanese women who don the veil had resolved their opportunities for independence
and the possibility for modern education by increasing their devotion to Islam. Through this
interpretation, veiling is seen as a self-transformation from traditional self into Islamic self.
Similarly, Dewi (2012) examined the identity formation of Javanese women in the early 20th
century when Javanese women struggled with the custom that was demeaning to women,
especially with the practice of pingitan (seclusion), arranged marriage, and polygamy. Dewi
(2012) explained that Islam liberated women from the Javanese custom, and so their identity
characteristics changed from Javanese women to Javanese Muslim women. This early research
by Smith-Hefner (2007) and Dewi (2012) indicate that the veiling practice in Indonesia
constructed social change against the local cultures. This research presented in this document
will add to the literature by presenting the new viewpoints of young Indonesian Muslim women
who are continuing to generate new social and cultural structure through their veiling practices.
Therefore, by exploring how young Indonesian women today don the veil, this thesis would
redefine veiling experiences in Indonesia.
Recent investigations into the veiling practice of young Indonesian women includes Sunesti's
(2012) ethnography study in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, who categorised four popular styles of
Indonesian veiling and examined the connection between veiling and public spaces in the 21st
century. The first, cadar/face-veiled is a fully covered usually dark-coloured garment. Face-
veiled women limited their interaction with men and with public activities, chose to not work
38
in public spaces, and prefer to be a stay at home mother. Jilbaber is the second term which is
used for a woman wearing a long hijab and loose outfit, but one that is not limited to a dark
colour. Jilbabers are aware of the segregation between men and women, but still, they allow
themselves to build few interactions between man and woman. The third style of veiling, the
jilbab tradisi is used for participants who wear a medium size hijab and outfit only to maintain
socio-cultural traditions in their family or environments. They did not limit their involvement
in the public sphere, believing that the public space is the area to build the nation, together,
side by side with men. The last category is the jilbab gaul or trendy veils made famous in the
early 2000s when many actresses started wearing hijab and at the same time looking beautiful.
For these women, public spaces are where they can interact with men. In the 1980s the term
kerudung was replaced by jilbab and around the end of 2000s the term of hijab gained its
popularity (Arifah, Sobari, & Usman, 2018).
Though the donning of the veil is not a contested issue in Indonesia as Muslim-majority
country, there is still no singular term that refers to veiling practices, and more importantly,
there is insufficient knowledge about young Indonesian women who don the veiling and their
attitudes and reasons for such behaviour.
2.2 Feminism
Feminism generally serves to support women’s need and to advocate the equal treatment
toward women in the male-centred society (Gamble, 2006). Feminism aims to enforce gender
equality between men and women by promoting women’s rights and emancipation (Badran,
2008). Such a patriarchal paradigm denies women equal access to the public domain as well as
of gender representation.
Feminism based on the Western-ideology from North America and Europe proposes that
veiling practices contrast with feminism ideals, that veiled Muslim women are the victim of a
patriarchal system and a sign of women’s backwardness, subordination, and oppression (see
McCloud, 1996; Pham, 2011; Arjana et al., 2017). These feminists, whom Arjana et al. (2017)
labels “feminist fundamentalists,” demand the adoption of Western body norms by all women
in the world. This norm includes a style of dress which achieves gender equality. These
feminists believe it is their ideology which aims to liberate a woman from any system of
repression, and so does not resonate with Muslim women’s veiling practices that they believe
restrain a woman’s freedom of expression.
39
While these Western feminists argued that the veil symbolises oppression and patriarchy,
Muslim feminists are making their voices heard in term of opposing this view (El Guindi,
1999). Muslim feminists have instigated a new genre of feminism, Islamic feminism, a term
coined in the 1990s and generated by women from both Muslim majority and minority
countries (Badran, 2008). These Muslim feminists have a vision of gender equality and social
justice within their Islamic faith, with a global Musawah (“equality” in Arabic) movement
proposing a more female-centred and reasonable interpretation of the Qur’an. They argued that
“the Quran affirms the principle of equality of all human beings, and the practice of equality
between women and men has been impeding or subverted by patriarchal ideas (ideology) and
practices” (Badran, 2008, p. 4-5 of chapter 10).
Muslim researchers who are trying to understand the rise of this new Islamic feminism identify
this ideology as “a new consciousness, a new way of thinking, a gender discourse that was
feminist in its aspiration and demands, yet Islamic in its language and source of legitimacy”
(Mir-Hosseini, 2006, p. 640). Adding to this discussion are Hughes (2013) who not only
confirmed the new consciousness, but believed Islamic feminism offers a more balanced
approach to interpreting Islam and Al-Sharmani (2014) who believed Islamic feminism, which
is based on Islamic ethical and theological principle, is an alternative approach to criticise
patriarchal interpretation on religious knowledge.
Islamic feminism is an ideology which reinforces women’s rights according to the Quran and
hadiths/record of the prophet Muhammad’s daily practices (Piela, 2012). Some argued that
Islamic feminism can lead to “(1) the re-visioning of Islam; (2) the constitution of new
modernity in the twenty-first century; and (3) the transformation of feminism itself” (Badran,
2008, p. 4 of chapter 9). These approaches present Islamic Feminism as a new paradigm in
terms of approaching women roles from women’s perspectives, and it means that Islam and
feminism cannot be viewed as an oxymoron. When combined, Islamic feminism pursues the
similar purpose of a better quality of life for women.
Feminism in Indonesia
Feminism in Indonesia started with the colonial era in the 17th century. The first most famous
feminist was Raden Adjeng Kartini (1879 – 1904, even though she was labelled a woman
emancipation fighter rather than a feminist). She focused on giving girls the same chance for
40
education as boys and wrote about her aspirations in several written forms such as letters and
publications (Taylor, 1976). She fought not only for equal education but also against the
practice of polygamy and woman seclusion, an issue she was familiar, having been forced to
become a third wife. Significantly she succeeded in opening the discussion about the
importance of education for woman and the concept of gender equality (Najmi & Ofianto,
2006).
The development of women’s rights was slow with women's organisations started to become
established around the 1920s with Indonesia’s pre-independence. The first Kongres Wanita
Indonesia (Indonesian Women Congress) was held in December 1928 and formulated the
mission to keep Indonesia’s unity in diversity, improve women's rights, and fight for
independence. Following independence in the 1950s, women's organisations were no longer
established (Djoeffan, 2001) particularly since the concept of feminism was always associated
with the West and did not reflect Indonesian culture. Moreover, while Many Indonesian non-
profit organisations, for example, voiced their concerns regarding women issues and gender
equality, only some accepted the label of feminist (Rinaldo, 2010a), a term which by the
majority of Indonesians was interrogated to be a “nonindigenous concept” that irrelevant to
Indonesian values. It was difficult for women to take on the term feminist when “certain
assumptions remain common: feminism is a Western or Northern concept; it is anti-men; it
perceives men to be the source of all gender inequality; it promotes the acceptance of
lesbianism” (Sadli, 2002, p. 80-81). The slow development of women’s movement reflected
on the high level of gender inequality in Indonesia (Human Development Index, 2015).
Indonesians have developed a unique interpretation and expression of a feminist movement.
Feminism has evolved in Indonesia, particularly since the 1950s which researchers are
categorising types of feminism’s philosophy as socialist, secular liberal and Islamic
(Blackburn, 2010). Socialist feminism emerged during the 1940-50s in affiliation with the
Indonesian Communist Party, the PKI and led by Gerwani (Indonesian Woman Movement)
whose mission was to stop the oppression of woman, particularly sexual harassment and rape,
and heavily punishing rapists. Gerwani later was dissolved because it also spread the values of
PKI. Women organisations were then restricted during the New Order era with the government
concerned they may develop like Gerwani. It was then that feminism became labelled as
communism. Soeharto’s regime tried hard to domesticate Indonesian women and forbid their
activity in public roles by establishing the Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga(PKK- Family
41
Wealthy Training) and Dharma Wanita (Women Service) with the aim of spreading the
doctrine of male-domination in a patriarchal system by propagating the ideal women’s figures
as a good wife, mother, family caretaker who obeyed their husband. (Djoeffan, 2001).
Secular liberal feminism was intertwined with nationalism which started in the 1930s and
continued to after 1945. Although the New Order regime strictly forbid any organisation that
tried to mobilise grassroots, by 1990 new feminist NGOs began to form under the leadership
of well-educated young women who aimed to promote women’s reproduction health and to
stop sexual harassment. Meanwhile, Islamic feminism began in the colonial period. The two
largest modernists Islamic organisations, Muhammadyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)
established their women’s wing called Aisyiyah (1917) and Muslimat NU (1946), respectively.
However, being subordinate to male-dominated Islamic organisations, these women’s group
felt constrained by the views of the male leadership, which for many decades were very
conservative on women’s issues. Islamic feminist activism, therefore, emerged as an
“emancipatory project at the periphery of political Islam” (Blackburn, 2010, p. 88). Moreover,
when women could not articulate their ideas of “empowerment and emancipation in Male-
dominated religious organisations,” (Blackburn, 2010, p. 88), Indonesian Muslim feminists
rose to “endorse women’s issues in Indonesia’s public sphere” (Parvanova, 2012). It is through
this lens of feminism that this study investigates how young Indonesian Muslim women today,
consider their veiling practices and whether it forms a part of their preference in supporting
feminism ideas.
Piety Movement and Pious Agency
Another point to consider is, the aims of feminism are always changing, depending on the
problem faced by women, in a particular place, at a particular time, and could articulated in the
local term (Badran, 2008). In that way feminism formed various women activisms and activists
who committed to change the social and political circumstances according to their thought and
believes (Rinaldo, 2010a). The definition of activism or activist which is tends to be associated
with a political movement could be attributed to someone or some group of ordinary people,
who advocates their values in order to create changes.
Activism has also created new performances of piety movement (Rinaldo, 2010b). Piety is
defined as “the acts involve self-control and bodily practices concerning diet, attitudes,
42
clothing, and bodily discipline” (Tong & Turner, 2008, p. 43). Piety is not only a form of
expression, but also a mode to cultivate a pious habitus (Tong & Turner, 2008).
The most prominent scholar who located the paradox of piety movement is Saba Mahmood
(2005). In her book Politics of Piety, Mahmood (2005) explored how Muslim women in Egypt
organised a movement to educate each other and to advance the ideal virtous self. She argued
that the subjectivity of her participants is developed within and through social norms. The
Egyptian women’s piety movement demonstrates that agency is not merely a subject of
liberation or submission, but also the effort of constructing a self. Adding to the discussion of
piety movement, Rinaldo (2010b) suggested piety movement as “a religious revival, seek to
reinvigorate religious teachings and practices, and have appeared within all the major religious
traditions” (p. 584). It means women can develop their agency or their capability to make
choices and take actions by participating in the piety movement (Rinaldo, 2010a, 2010b),
therefore, women will develop more power to act for herself.
Furthermore, Mahmood (2005) suggested that “agency not simply as a synonym (equal) for
resistance to relations of domination, but as a capacity for action that specific relations of
subordination create and enable (make possible)” (p. 18). The Egyptian women movement in
Mahmood’s study demonstrate agency through their purposeful attempts to develop
appropriately devout selves. Referring to Mahmood’s (2005), Rinaldo (2010b) mentioned that
“consideration of agency has therefore been especially important in reminding scholars that
agency in the feminist literature has too often been conceptualized simply as resistance” (p.
599). Mahmood (2005) also proposed that as not simply as resistance or submission, the agency
should be extensively understood as the capacity to develop a self from predominant norms.
Another general conceptions of agency are “being able to intervene in the world, or to refrain
from such intervention, with the effect of influencing a specific process or the state of affairs.
This presumes that to be an agent is to be able to deploy (chronically, in the flow of daily life)
a range of causal powers, including that of influencing those deployed by others" (Giddens,
1984, p. 14). Moreover, agency could be affected by religion called ‘pious agency’ which
centralised in becoming religious persons (Rinaldo, 2010a). In other words, women could
advance their pious agency in order to create change and to counter male-domination in
interpreting religious scriptures and disseminating religious values. Therefore, this research
will be used the concepts of piety movement and pious agency to explore how young
43
Indonesian Muslim women engage with activism within their hijab community in order to
create change.
2.3 Islamic Fashion
New technology and accelerated information flow, combined with urbanisation and the growth
of prosperity have led to new forms of religious expression (Fealy and White, 2008). Since
new media and communication technologies have entered into Muslims everyday lives, they
are increasing their expression of religiosity in various ways and generating new ideas, images,
and meaning about Islam through Islamic popular culture in the form of “film, music,
television, radio, comics, fashion, magazines, and cyberculture” (Weintraub, 2011, p. 1).
Islamic popular culture has gradually become a culture industry that focuses on the production,
packaging, and distribution of religious products within many media platforms (i.e., traditional
print media, cassette sermons, online fatwas) (Gökarıksel & McLarney, 2010). Women’s
magazines that initially spread fashionable veiled photographs also have become a style
mediator and offer a space to generate and articulate new images of Muslim women (Lewis,
2010). Veiled Muslim women increasingly become demanding consumers (Deniz, 2014) as
well as producers of the Islamic culture industry as active shoppers, buyers, models, designers,
entrepreneurs, or, fashion bloggers (Moors, 2009; Gökarıksel & McLarney, 2010). Therefore,
Islamic fashion has also become a niche market which fuses faith and fashion and targets the
Islamic culture industry to specific consumers (Lewis, 2010).
Veiled women often navigate Islamic fashion as “a chance to learn about fashion as they
transition to a new wardrobe, or to wear an externally required form of dress to their greatest
personal advantage” (Bucar, 2012, p. 3 of chapter 8), in a process of expressing their Muslim-
ness. Though the increasing market of Islamic fashion could be driven by capitalism, it could
also be a good reason for the increasing Muslim women’s participation in public expression.
This growth of an Islamic culture industry, which is constructing particular relations between
religiosity and fashion has encouraged Muslim women to be both modest and fashionable
(Kiliçbay & Binark, 2002; Gökarıksel & McLarney, 2010; Gökariksel & Secor, 2010; Lewis
2007; 2010). For example, in Turkey where veiling practices have been stigmatised and
regulated under secular tradition, Islamic fashion has been changed into new patterns of
consumer culture, a change influenced by the representation of veiling practices in several
44
publications media such as advertising, magazines, and branded fashion catalogues (Kiliçbay
& Binark, 2002). Turkish women who are wearing tesettür (“pious fashion” in Turkish) have
to think thoroughly about their appearance in order to please the public expectation, therefore
“this allows a Turkish woman to represent Islamic piety in the best way possible, as well as to
avoid the harsh critiques of the secular elite that veiled women are ugly and unfashionable”
(Bucar, 2017, p. 6). Therefore, Islamic fashion has developed into a symbol of Turkish
women’s Muslim-ness as well as a marker of elite class and social status (Bucar, 2017).
A decade after post-authoritarian Indonesia, Islamic fashion has become popular with various
types of hijab outfit, inner clothes, accessories, and hijab tutorials could be found in the market
(Bucar, 2012). She argued that for Indonesian women, veiling is a fashion statement, veiling is
worn due to its aesthetic value, and veiling could increase women’s beauty (Bucar, 2016,
2017). “Jilbab has become associated with women who are educated, upwardly mobile, and
stylish, a stunning shift when we remember that until very recently jilbab was a symbol of
provinciality” (Bucar, 2017, p. 122). While Islamic Indonesian popular culture may be
understood as a critical feature of post-authoritarian life, and therefore rooted in local political
histories, it is also undeniably linked to the global growth of Islamic popular culture of which
the commodification of Islamic fashion is an important part.
Another point to consider is how modesty is endorsed with hijab and Islamic fashion beecause
“modesty is not strictly defined, a wealth of interpretations on compliance with hijab have
emerged” (Shirazi-Mahajan, 1995, p. 39). Indeed, the concept of veiling practices as Muslim
women modesty depends on historical, political, and socio-cultural contexts therefore it is
difficult to determine which is proper or improper ‘pious’ fashion (Bucar, 2016, 2017). For
example, in Iranian women could be modest if not wearing tight clothes that reveal body’s
curves, but in Indonesia, modesty means cover aurat with clothes, even though in the form of
tight mansets (inner sleeves) and leggings (Bucar, 2016, 2017). Bucar’s studies have given
groundworks for understanding the unique development of Islamic fashion, different
conceptualisation of aesthetic, and modesty which is useful to identify how Indonesian veiled
Muslim women in this present research have given meaning to their appearances and modesty.
Islamic Fashion as Identity Expression
Over a century ago, sociologist Georg Simmel (1904) authored a notable manuscript entitled
‘Fashion’ which is cited by many scholars who are studying fashion and cultural studies.
45
Simmel made the arguments that fashion is a way to be both individually unique yet conform
to social norms.
“Fashion is the imitation of a given example and satisfies the demand for social
adaptation; it leads the individual upon the road which all travel, it furnishes a
general condition, which resolves the conduct of every individual into a mere
example. At the same time it satisfies in no less degree the need of differentiation,
the tendency towards dissimilarity, the desire for change and contrast, on the one
hand by a constant change of contents, which gives to the fashion of today an
individual stamp as opposed to that of yesterday and of tomorrow, on the other
hand because fashions differ for different classes-the fashions of the upper stratum
of society are never identical with those of the lower; in fact, they are abandoned
by the former as soon as the latter prepares to appropriate them. Thus fashion
represented nothing more than one of the many forms of life by the aid of which
we seek to combine in uniform spheres of activity the tendency towards social
equalisation with the desire for individual differentiation and change”. (Simmel,
1957 [1904], p. 543)
Simmel’s Fashion, 1904, remains the more precise explanation of fashion as a tension between
how to become similar with others and at the same time how to become unique with personal
preferences. While people wear fashion to indicate their relatedness to particular groups, at the
same time they negate if their fashion is duplicated (Entwistle, 2015). In an effort to become
similar, people commonly signify their fashion preferences into their social system. “Fashion
is based on adoption by a social set which demands mutual imitation from its members and
thereby releases individual of all responsibility – ethical and aesthetical—as well as of the
possibility of producing within these limits individual accentuation and original shading of the
elements of fashion” (Simmel, 1904, p. 558). It means individual fashion preferences are
determined by a shared value within the social group because “individuals are located within
communities, and their style of dress expresses this belonging” (Entwistle, 2015, p. 2 of chapter
4).
Simmel’s notion also mentions how fashion is shifting ‘top-down.’ Fashion is created by
people from higher class. The new fashion styles that are adopted by higher class communities
will be mirrored by lower classes causing the higher class communities to progress towards
wearing another new style (McNeil, 2015). For example, a replication of a leather jacket that
is worn by a runway’s top model will be available in a rural fashion store a few months later.
Besides the contradiction between conformity and individually, the ‘top-down’ fashion flows;
Simmel also argued another important notion of fashion as a “voice or agency” for women
(McNeil, 2015, p. 74). Through fashion, women can communicate their ideas and values that
46
signify existence of their selves. Indeed, over a century after Simmel’s notion, his nuanced
concept of fashion as voice and agency is evident in modern Islamic societies.
How Simmel’s notion is informing the development of Islamic fashion, can be found in studies
conducted by Moors (2007), Tarlo (2016) and Peterson (2016a). Moors (2007) found Muslim
women’s intention to don the style of Islamic dress in San’a is driven by their social circles
which are aligned with “the dialectics that Simmel pointed to as central to the development of
fashion, that is the need to belong to a community and to aspire to some sense of individuality,
are obviously at play” (p. 329). Meanwhile, Tarlo (2016) studies on the negotiation of fashion
and religion in the case of Jewish wigs and Muslim women’s sportswear. Tarlo argued both
the wig and sportswear are reflected in the elements of conformity and individuality in fashion.
She also noted that women have been navigating their religion, which is associated with rules
and limitation, and fashion as creative practices.
In addition, Peterson (2016a) agreed with Simmel’s ideas on fashion as voice and agency for
women. In her study on hijab fashion’s tips and tutorials from two famous Muslim women
(Amena Khan and Dina Torkia) on YouTube, she argued that both women have shown their
ability to create new visuality of Muslim women. These new images then contested the
stereotype of “oppressed and lacking individuality” (Peterson, 2016a, p. 5). Resonate with
Simmel’s notion; Peterson (2016a) further explained, “the voices of Muslim women are often
unheard in public discussions, then they find opportunities to express themselves visually
through their fashion” (p. 5). Therefore, in Muslim communities, Islamic fashion could offer
the opportunity for Muslim women to share their cultures, religious values, and their unique
identities as well as to express and communicate their ideas and voices.
Lastly, Simmel’s analysis of conformity and individuality is argued by Entwistle (2015) to be
relevant to how people attempt to understand the relation between fashion and identity. She
suggested further discussion on “how fashion and dress articulate group identities, in particular,
how they are deployed in order to mark out distinctions between classes and groups of people”
(Entwistle, 2015, p. 2 chapter 4). In my research, Simmel’s (1904) notion could be brought to
explain the tension in relation to how veiled Muslim women are displaying their religiosity
while at the same time, they are also expressing their fashion preferences, conforming their
identity and challenging stereotypes of being oppressed and backward.
47
Moreover, Simmel’s notion is further explained by Barnard (2002, 2011) who noted that
fashion has facilitated people in creating a cultural entity and constructing particular ideas and
beliefs. Fashion is not merely clothing that covers and protects the human body from the
weather. Fashion indicates identity expression (Entwistle, 2000) and signifies as meaningful
non-verbal communication tools (Barnard, 2002, 2011). Fashion not only conveys messages
about people’s appearances but also makes a statement about their self-concept. In terms of
non-verbal communication, fashion reflects people’s identity and covey messages about both
their outer (physically) and inner characteristics.
As an identity statement, fashion is also “part of the expressive culture of a community”
(Entwistle, 2000, p. 66). In Muslim communities, Islamic fashion has given a chance for
Muslim women to share their cultures, values, and identities. Islamic fashion is also helping
Muslim women to challenge stereotypes about Islamic practices, Muslim women, and veiling
by limiting visual barriers between Muslim and non-Muslim women (Tarlo, 2010) as well as
amplifying Muslim women’s visibility and voice (Moors & Tarlo, 2013). “Through
experimenting with style and adopting mainstream fashion, innovative young hijab women
develop and project assertive and attractive self-images which correspond to their complex
backgrounds, interests, and concerns whilst simultaneously challenging and combating
dominant negative stereotypes of Muslims” (Tarlo, 2010, p. 74). In another word, Muslim
women (specially in Muslim-minority countries) use Islamic fashion as a means for changing
the perception of veiling practices as women’s oppression.
Muslim women could, therefore, use Islamic fashion as Barnard (2002) argued, “fashion as
ideological weapons” (p. 44). The Islamic fashion and veil not only transmit a religious
message but also symbolise a public consideration for appreciation of the right for equality of
diversity (Kulenović, 2006). Through Islamic fashion, veiled women could develop their
identity and be able to empower themselves. Nevertheless, limited studies have tried to work
between and across Islamic fashion as a faith-based consumer culture and the veiled woman’s
identity expression, especially in the Indonesian context. Therefore, there is a need to
investigate how young Indonesian veiled women who do adopt Islamic fashion, do so to
express themselves and to challenge stereotypes.
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Islamic Fashion: Negotiate Modernity
Western culture, especially from the US, has become the standard of modern life for many
people globally where the image of the West is perceived to be more superior, and in some
cases has become an obsession for many non-Western people (Sairin, 2011). In an effort to
resemble the West and its modernisation through technology (Hassan, 2002), Muslim societies
are impacted both positively and negatively. Muslim scholars and organisations, for example,
have tried to deal with the adverse effects of westernisation by introducing a new form of
Islamism as “a modern political movement whose aim is to win the power and shape the society
according to the Islamic ideal – the creation of unified Muslim modern identity” (Kulenović,
2006, p. 717).
How these Islamic and Western modernity interacts with each other is explained by Göle
(2000) as “not simply rejected or adopted but critically and creatively reappropriated by new
religious discursive and social practices in non-Western contexts” (p. 93). How Muslim women
negotiate their Islamic identity through their veiling and Islamic fashion to reframe their
version of modernity is critical therefore to understand.
Establishing the identity of the modern Muslim women could be seen through their veiling
practice, which is a part of the new Islamism movement. Islamic veiling is inextricably
associated with “development, reform, and progress, and women’s garb is the key measure by
which to judge a society’s modernity” (Amer, 2014, p. 4). However, acknowledging veiling as
a ‘modern identity statement’ is still a controversial issue. This controversy could be explained
by early twentieth century behaviours where Muslim-majority societies viewed the unveiling
of Muslim women as the indicator of modernity (El Guindi, 1999). While the veil has become
an influential fashion commodity and has generated the trend of a fashionable veiling style, the
issue is increasingly controversial because veiling and fashion are understood by traditionalist
to be “two incompatible symbolic systems: veiling, which references tradition and divine
revelation, and fashion, which is ever-changing, consumer-based, and decisively modern”
(Niessen, 2003, cited in Bucar, 2012, p. 1 of chapter 8). Such controversy, in fact, encourages
Muslim women to strive in verifying whether their veil could be justified as a modern attribute.
One way veiled Muslim women express their veil as part of their modern identity is by
associating their appearances with the Western feminine concepts of fashion and beauty. For
example, they can be seen wearing a mixed and matched long flower-patterned top, blue jeans,
49
high-heels, a colourful hijab, with red lipstick, and long-lasting makeup (see; Beta, 2014;
Saraswati, 2015; Annisa, 2016; Bucar, 2016, 2017; Peterson, 2016a, 2016b; Jones, 2017). The
trend in blending Islamic fashion with Western styles is based on the assumption that “fashion
is a Western experience and that Muslims are not part of the West” (Lewis, 2015, p. 12). And
because of the veil, Muslim women are aware that “as a marked category, they can never escape
the burden of representation,” and therefore they want to portray Islam in a favourable light
(Moors & Tarlo, 2013, p. 20). The approach of modernity by veiled women, through the
assimilation between Islamic veiling with Western feminine styles, seems in line with
Barnard's (2007) argument that “the existence of fashion in a society is a good test of whether
that society is modern, or western” (p. 4). At that juncture, many veiled Muslim women adopt
Western fashion styles to be identified as modern women.
This assimilation between Islamic veiling with Western feminine styles has created a group of
young, stylish Muslim women who are now referred to as hijabistas and hijabsters (Williams
& Nasir, 2017). The hijabistas (hijab and fashionistas) who live in the Middle East, UK, and
North America are dedicated supporters of fashion who produce and consume beauty content
for and from both print and digital media. Meanwhile, the term hijabsters (hijab and hipster) is
mostly used in Malaysia and Singapore and to indicate young women whose appearances
purposefully broadminded identity.
In the Iranian context, veiling practices developed post-revolutionary in 1979 after thousands
of veiled women protested against the Shah who banned the veil in his modernisation program.
Now under the Islamic regime, veiling is an obligation even for non-Muslims and foreigner
visitors (Bucar, 2012, 2017). As a form of protest to the Islamic regime control toward a
woman’s body, young wealthy Iranian women choose to wear colourful knee-length coats
combined with a short hijab that is showing some hair and a full makeup and is called as bad
hijab by Iranian authorities. This bad hijab phenomena in Iran has been portrayed in Western
media as a “resistance to local Islam norms through the adoption of Western concepts of beauty
and sexuality into traditional practices of religious dress” (Bucar, 2012, p.6 of chapter 8). This
bad hijab phenomenon has started the new trend of veiling which was previously formed by
Islamic law and politics (Bucar, 2012).
In Indonesia, the veiling practice has also become a way of how Indonesian Muslim women
are approaching modernity (Brenner, 1996; Sairin, 2011). In the early 2000s, the assimilation
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between Islamic veiling with the Western feminine in Indonesia leads to the creation of the
term trendy veil (jilbab gaul) and hijabers. For example, a study among Indonesian university
students (Nef-Saluz, 2007), where one might expect to see young women adopting the trendy
veil or jilbab gaul demonstrated how veiling practices by participants resonance the dynamic
interaction of the personal and the social. These young Indonesian Muslim women were seen
to be assimilating the Western and global Islamic culture within their Javanese (the most
populous ethnic in Indonesia) traditions. Here, Nef-Saluz (2007) makes a point that the trend
of jilbab gaul was an attempt by young Indonesian women to negotiate their traditional selves
into more modern selves. Nef-Saluz (2007) claims these new forms of jilbab gaul and another
form of Islamic pop culture, to be “an expression of hybridisation as a process of cultural
interactions between the local and the global” (Nef-Saluz, 2007:1). This glocalisation is seen
as a process of cultural transactions between locality and global trends.
While the study by Nef-Saluz (2007) generally claims that young Javanese women wear the
jilbab gaul to be identified as modern, Kusciati, Susilorini, and Febriary (2013) observed how
young Javanese women, living in Java, speaking Javanese, and identifying as ethnically
Javanese, used the jilbab gaul to occupy a social position that identified them as modern and
located at the intersection of Javanese norms and Islam. Students in Kusciati et al.’s study also
considered wearing jilbab gaul as a negotiation between Javanese culture, Islamic culture, and
modern lives.
Following on from the popularity of the jilbab gaul, several young Indonesian Muslim fashion
designers created a new hijab fashion trend at the end of 2008 by mixing long colourful hijabs
with a fashionable loose outfit. In doing so, they created the term hijabers, a new fashion design
that gave not only new nuances to the image of veiled women at that time as ‘old and
unfashionable.’ They adopted the term hijab to distinguish their style of veiling from practices
associated with the jilboobs (jilbab and boobs) and deemed ‘improper.’ The so-called ‘jilbab
gaul’ (trendy veil), and later ‘jilboobs’, phenomenon, by which women combined jilbab
wearing with tight-fitting jeans and tops showing their curves and sometimes their skin - was
criticised by Islamic scholars, who deemed it failed to qualify as Islamic dress (Beta, 2016).
The hijabers’ use of the term hijab worked to differentiate the style from jilbab gaul, but it also
worked to mark it with global nuances. Since 2010 the term hijab and hijabers have become
more popular than jilbab, especially with the young generation. Designers have chosen the
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term hijab as it initially comes from Arabic and so makes their designs recognised
internationally and emphasizes its association in presenting modern veiling.
At the end of 2011, young Muslim fashion designers such as Dian Pelangi, Jenahara, Ria
Miranda, and Ghaida Tsuraya along with 30 young Indonesian Muslim women from various
backgrounds formed a community known as the Hijabers Community (HC). This HC attracted
Muslim women to follow their style in choosing fashion for Muslim women. Recent studies by
Agustina (2015) and Saraswati (2015) claim the Hijabers Community as the first and most
prominent hijab community in Indonesia.
Agustina (2015) found that many young women are being inspired by the HC to don the hijab
while Saraswati (2015) discovered the identity of young Muslim women in HC illustrates the
dynamics in representing an ideal Muslim identity. Agustina (2015) and Saraswati (2015) both
offer an understanding that HC has accommodated the trend of Islamic veiling and fashion
which supports the formation of a modern identity for Indonesian hijabers. However, both
Agustina (2015) and Saraswati (2015) only addressed the hijabers’ modernity from their
fashion statement and did not explore other aspects of modernity to challenge the of
backwardness stereotype of the veiled Muslim women’s images. The interconnectedness of
piety and modernity of these Indonesian hijabers is worthy of further investigation because,
from all the Indonesian practices of veiling, the hijabers are those most closely associated with
modern Islam. Therefore, the research contributes to this under-researched field by examining
the interconnectedness of veiling practice, Islamic fashion, and modernity in Indonesia.
2.4 Identity on Social Media
Identity is a complicated personal and social concept, containing in part “who we think we are,
where we think we came from, and where we are going” (Storey, 1999, p. 135). It means people
attempt to develop self-concepts by consuming particular products to intentionally or
unintentionally communicate personal characteristics to others. Identity is not only constructed
in the real world but also in the digitally mediated online world. An important aspect of identity
is how people present themselves to others. In fact, research from Bargh, McKenna, and
Fitzsimons, (2002) argued that people have better ability to express and have others observe
their authentic selves online than offline. Evidence continually reveals how the online self is
merely an extension and reflection of their offline self (Schau & Gilly, 2003) and where the
internet not only allows a portal for information and interaction but also creates a connection
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whereby self-expression and self-representation can be enacted in a way that has not been
experienced before.
Instagram as Computer-mediated Communication (CMC)
Changes and developments in technology have given people a variety of options to
communicate in a process known as computer-mediated communication (CMC). The
definition of CMC has changed over time and two decades ago was described as “synchronous
and asynchronous electronic mail and computer conferencing by which senders encode in text
messages that are relayed from senders’ computers to receivers” (Walther, 1992, p. 52). Knapp
and Daly (2002) defined CMC as the process of how the process of communication through
computer technologies enable people to relate and engage with each other in the particular
medium with varied purposes.
As the purposes of CMC have developed, CMC signifies to “a wide range of technologies that
facilitate both human communication and the interactive sharing of information through
computer networks, including e-mail, discussion groups, newsgroups, chat, instant messages,
and Web pages” (Barnes, 2003, p. 4). Wood and Smith (2005) more recently positioned “CMC
research within the realm of communication studies” (p.5) highlighting how CMC can be
thought of as an experience of online interaction, where human behaviour and the exchange of
messages are mediated through the machine.
CMC studies have explored the influence of media technology in constructing communication,
connection, and a sense of identity (Barnes, 2001) with some proposing that CMC may also
assist individuals in presenting their identity in a way that seeks to be truthful (Bargh et al.,
2002). In general, CMC addresses identity formation, presentation, distribution and other
issues, where individuals may have an online presence expressed by what we choose to share
with others and ourselves. This phenomenon demonstrates that self-presentation, enacted in
online space can influence users’ self-concepts (Gonzales & Hancock, 2008).
CMC happens within the broad context of social networking sites (Lipschultz, 2015). In this
study, CMC is limited to the communication channel of Instagram I am aware of the plethora
of literature on the CMC platform (such as Facebook, Twitter, blogs, etc; see Kaplan &
Haenlein, 2011; Murthy, 2013). Nevertheless for clarity, this thesis focuses on Instagram as
the most active social media used by the Indonesian youth (Hidayat, 2016).
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Instagram is a visual platform with a mission to strengthen relationships through shared
experiences. Instagram marks itself as “a medium that allows users to transform an image into
a memory to keep around forever through photographs and short videos” (Instagram, 2016).
“Unlike Twitter and Facebook, text-only content cannot be created on Instagram which serves
to create a strong visual-oriented culture” (Lee, Lee, Moon, & Sung, 2015, p. 552). Instagram
as a visual-based media platform, affords extensive visual connection and interaction between
its users (Serafinelli, 2017). The eight different types of photo categories found on Instagram
include “friends, food, gadget, captioned photo, pet, activity, selfies, and fashion” (Hu,
Manikonda, & Kambhampati, 2014, p. 597). While Words describe the way of thinking,
perspectives, and feelings, images, on the other hand, speak a thousand words, making
Instagram the communication medium to communicate what words are unable to describe.
Communication through words and images in Instagram advance narratives to people to
describe connections between the users/Instagrammers and the digital world.
As a visual-based social media platform, the capacity of Instagram is set on its visual
affordances. The term of affordance is used to explain the attribute of an object that could
exemplify how the object should be used (Gaver, 1991; Mcgrenere et al., 2000), and the
outcome “from the mental interpretation of things, based on our past knowledge and experience
applied to our perception of the things about us” (O’Riordan, Feller, & Nagle, 2012, p. 3). The
affordance concept explains why similar technology could generate different meaning and
interpretation. Communication studies, however, refer to affordance as putting the control of
technologies to its users rather than to the technologies itself or to their creators, and as noted
by Nagy and Neff (2015), “most frequently refer to what users and their sociality get from a
technology” (p. 2). This research examines what veiled Muslim women may be able to do and
get from Instagram and how they engage with the affordances of Instagram to manifest the
modern Muslim self.
With the advent and popularisation of web-based image-sharing, such self-making increasingly
proceeds through strategic manipulation and posting of photographs. Alluding to the rise of
Instagram as evidence of the increasing importance of visual texts in contemporary culture,
Highfield and Leaver (2016) pointed to the urgent need for greater attention to images in the
study of online identity performances, and Marwick (2015) argued that images offer
qualitatively different resources for identity construction and calls for new frameworks for
understanding identity construction online.
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Self-presentation on Social Media
The internet not only provides a portal for information and interaction but also creates a
connection where self-expression and self-representation can be enacted in a way that has not
been experienced before. Erving Goffman in The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959),
proposed a notion of identity construction through the concept of dramaturgy a theatre
metaphor that engaging in both front stage and back stage. For Goffman (1959) front stage
“may include insignia of office or rank, racial characteristics, clothing, sex, age, and racial
characteristics, size and looks, posture, speech patterns, facial expression, bodily gestures and
the like” (p. 34). In front stage, people are conscious of “being observed” and will perform
following particular values, norms, and rules while back stage (personal) presentations occur
when people visibly turn out to be themselves. Goffman (1959) stated that the identity
performance can be affected by two things: the appearance (physical look) and the manner
(behaviour).
Goffman’s framework is still applicable for understanding self-presentation on social media
platforms either on text-based platforms such as Twitter (Marwick & boyd, 2011; Papacharissi,
2012), blogs (Bullingham & Vasconcelos, 2013) or on a visual-based platform of Instagram
(Smith & Sanderson, 2015; Geurin-Eagleman & Burch, 2016). Social media users are able to
purposefully present themselves and adjust their presentation based on responses and the
interactions with their audiences on social media (Hogan, 2010).
It is long established that the internet expands opportunities for what Goffman (1959) refers to
as front stage self-making, and what Sundén (2003) refers to as “typing oneself into being”
(p.13). On Facebook, the front stage’s analogy can be observed through photo browsing,
monitoring status updates, and newsfeed (Sas, Dix, Hart, & Ronghui, 2009). Referring to Sas
et al.’s (2009) explanation, the front stage of Instagram can be examined through the
photographs, captions, and hashtags. The front stage has become a space where Instagram users
use their technology devices to perform their photographs, captions, and hashtags.
Back stage is the process of managing the self to become presentable in the online public space
including the process of choosing, editing, censoring, changing, or deleting the posts (Sas et
al., 2009). This back stage gives ability for social media users to create and alter how they want
to present themselves and how they want to be viewed (Sas et al., 2009; Smith & Sanderson,
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2015). As Goffman (1959) noted that “while people usually are what they appear to be, such
appearances could still have been managed” (p. 77). At that point, Instagram users could
manage their selves in several tactics such as posing in particular styles, using photo editing
applications, editing the captions, and so on.
Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical framework also proposed the arts of impression management
as he noted that “when an individual appears before others he will have many motives for trying
to control the impression they receive of the situation” (p. 26). Schmidt (2013) further
elaborates Goffman’s (1959) concept as:
“When interacting, people always engage in ‘impression management’ and provide
others with information or cues about their own identity. These include ‘cues
given’ (information that is deliberately or even strategically communicated) as well
as ‘cues given off’ (which are provided unconsciously – e.g., aspects of nonverbal
communication). … This impression management is not always conscious and
reflected but often habitualised and based on social scripts that include certain
routines of behaviour in specific situations” (Schmidt, 2013, p. 366).
In other words, Instagram users could actively and carefully organise their self-images on the
online public space to create a desirable impression for their followers, as mentioned by
Zevallos (2007) “social actors still need to balance, readjust, and reflexively reconstruct their
identities as a consequence of their social interactions with other people” (p. 86). However, it
does not mean they intentionally want to manipulate their self-presentation because users
cannot control nonverbal aspects (i.e. gesture, posture, facial, clothing) that communicated
through their images.
In relation to veiled Muslim women, Goffman’s dramaturgy concept could be used as a
framework to investigate how veiled Muslim women projected their hijab and appearances on
the public space (Shirazi-Mahajan, 1995). For example, self-presentation of veiled Muslim
women in Australia emphasise their Muslimness and at the same time properly pointing
Australia’s values of multiculturalism by promoting inclusivity (Zevallos, 2007). Also,
Goffman’s self-presentation concept also applied by Tarlo (2010) to explore how Muslim
women in London involve in the hybridisation of veiling and fashion which reflecting
impression management and increasing their visibility. Veiled Muslim women in London who
engage with fashion could manage their self-presentation by highlighting their identity depends
on different circumstances (Tarlo, 2010).
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Additionally, the visual context of Instagram will generate different interpretation of self-
presentation as pointed out by Marwick and Boyd (2011) “front stage and back stage are always
relative as they depend on the audience, context, and interpretation” (p. 144). Since then,
Goffman’s notion on the self-presentation is helpful when discussing the performances of
veiled Muslim women on the Instagram. Therefore, this study will employ Goffman concept
of self-presentation to investigates how fashion-conscious Indonesian veiled Muslim women
use the visual affordances of Instagram to express an Islamic-themed corporeal aesthetic and
then how their performances could build another understanding of modern Muslim self.
Selfies culture on social media
A ‘selfie’ is “a photograph taken of oneself, typically with a smartphone or webcam and
uploaded to a social media website” (Oxford Dictionaries). The increasing popularity of the
‘selfie’ meant it became the word of the year in 2013 (BBC News, 2013). Senft and Baym
(2015) define the concept of selfie as a “cultural artefact and social practice… a way of
speaking and an object to which actors (both human and nonhuman) respond” (p. 1588). The
human face is the most important means of communication to express and to reveal emotions,
feelings, and thoughts. However, the digital self-portraits that mostly display human face
provide more than just self-expression and have modified and formed a new way of
communication. Self-portraits, selfies or other forms that expose the photographs of the self,
are a meaningful communication process (Cruz & Thornham, 2015; Iqani & Schroeder, 2016;
Pounders, Kowalczyk, & Stowers, 2016) used as a communication tool, where digital self-
portraits convey both intended and unintended messages. This visually and digitally
communication also adjusts how the self is curated, identified, and perceived.
Some studies associate selfies as the act of narcissism (Sung, Lee, Kim, & Choi, 2016; Weiser,
2015; Moon, Lee, Lee, Choi, & Sung, 2016) with Burns (2015) noting that “the western female
is the most narcissistic demographic on earth who flooding the internet with inconsequential
pictures of their selfies (as) an evolved form of attention whoring” (p.7). However, Senft and
Baym (2015) argued that the selfie is “not acts of the vanity of narcissism, selfies consist of far
more than stereotypical young girls making duck faces in their bathrooms” (p. 1590). Current
studies also noted that selfies represent and extend visibility (Duguay, 2016), identity, agency,
permission, authenticity (Senft & Baym, 2015; Iqani & Schroeder, 2016), and empowerment
(Murray, 2015; Vivienne, 2017). Together, these studies indicate how the practice of taking
and sharing digital self-portraits cannot merely be described as evidence of narcissism. And
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while many studies have examined the growing popularity of selfies, the investigation of
selfies in different contexts and perspectives is still required (Iqani & Schroeder, 2016)
As a self-consumption practice (Belk, 2014), selfies also cultivated the microcelebrity, a global
phenomenon where ordinary people use online affordances to develop a popular following
among niche audiences, typically using performative strategies that demonstrate an authentic
self to reach their fans (Senft, 2008; Marwick, 2015; Abidin, 2016). For Abidin,
microcelebrities capitalise on post-feminist ideology and extend ownership over the means of
production by using social media platforms to stage disintermediated relationships between
their performances of femininity labour and those who gaze upon it (Abidin, 2016). In a selfies,
the effort to provide the perfect shot of facial impressions, physical appearances, and
environmental settings are parts of backstage that compose the performance at the front stage
(Çadırcı & Güngör, 2016). These concepts of selfies will be used to investigate how Indonesian
hijabers present their selfies on Instagram.
Authenticity on Social Media
Authentic means genuine and natural, or “sincerity, truthfulness, originality, and the practice
of being true to one’s self or others” (Vannini & Franzese, 2008, p. 1621). Umbach &
Humphrey (2018) also noted that “to be authentic is to identify with or claim ownership of, a
narrative of origins, or a sense of original and unadulterated selfhood” (p. 1). Authenticity could
represent the idyllic self, making it hard to justify the level of authenticity when everyone has
their own standard of genuineness (Vannini, P., & Williams, 2009). Therefore, authenticity is
a complex fluctuate concept depends on the contexts and conditions in which authenticity is
affirmed (Bloustien & Wood, 2013, Umbach & Humphrey, 2018).
Goffman’s (1959) analogy of front and back stages also related to the authentication of the self.
Tseëlon (2015) further noted that “it can easily lead one to believe that the front stage is a
public mask, and back stage is where the ‘real face’ is revealed. In fact, for Goffman one stage
is not more authentic than the other. Both are different kinds of the stage, with different
expectations, and played to different kinds of the audience” (p. 157). This understanding of
authenticity as the process of representing the real self -consciously or unconsciously- depends
on contexts and conditions.
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Adding to the discussion of authenticity, Goffman’s concept shows “a complicated cycle of
interaction between an individual’s unique sense of self, other people’s understandings of who
they think we are, and public discourses about what constitutes acceptable and unacceptable
ways of representing our identities” (Zevallos, 2007, p. 86). In other words, humans tend to
manage their behaviour and presentation, but it does not mean that ‘managed behaviour’
signifies inauthenticity.
The use of the internet by girls and young women to express themselves has enhanced the
possibility to manage authenticity through self-branding (Banet-Weiser, 2012). Banet-Weiser
(2012) defines these media-savvy girls and young women as an ‘interactive subject’ who
actively engages with the production and circulation of digital media content. As media-savvy,
they use digital culture to “find a self and broadcast that self” (Banet-Weiser, 2012, p. 56).
Banet-Weiser (2012) also described that the authentic self-brand as “innovation, production,
and consumption charged with ideally producing a unique, ‘authentic’ self” (p. 73). This self-
branding makes the selfie culture a new evolving practice of presenting authenticity of self.
Additionally, Banet-Weiser (2012) argued “as branding becomes normative for all products,
including the self, it makes sense within this logic for branding to be the mechanism by which
religion seeks to make itself relevant to the current population” (p. 210). Therefore, Banet-
Weiser (2012) offers an understanding of how our lives are surrounded by brands, as a self we
consciously or unconsciously have set up a persona branding that is influenced by our culture,
particular life values, and religion.
Drawing on Banet-Weiser’s work, Kanai (2015) argues the increasing of self-branding on
social media could create unique expression of authenticity. Meanwhile, Peterson (2016a) also
uses Banet-Weiser’s work of authenticity in the post-feminist context in her study on two of
the most famous Muslim women on YouTube, Amena Khan and Dina Torkia. She found her
participant, Amena Khan “overemphasised a more traditional form of femininity; this allows
her to achieve success in the postfeminist moment by performing as an attractive feminine self
and tapping into the contemporary cultural obsession with the authentic” (Peterson, 2016a, p.
16). As young Muslim women, Peterson’s participants contended dichotomies of authentic as
opposed to commercialised by presenting their positions within those dichotomies through
their aesthetic videos. She argued “rather than assuming that no authentic cultural or politic
work can come out of these lifestyle videos, I take up Sarah Banet-Weiser’s (2012) assertion
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that the ambivalent spaces of brand culture are productive spaces that allow for cultural and
political actions” (Peterson, 2016a, p.16). In other word, the contradictions of modern and
traditional could emerge new representation of authentic selves.
Another point to consider is “Selfies reflect the image people want to project to the world”
(Gye, 2007, p. 282), therefore authenticity builds on a continuous interpretation rather than set
permanently within oneself (Beverland, Farrelly, & Quester, 2010; Lobinger & Brantner,
2015). Adding to this argument, Kwon and Kwon (2014) noted that “What people attempt to
present through their selfies is based on who they think they are and who they want to be and
are shaped by their social interactions with others” (p. 302). Though people can never confirm
purely that they know other’s intention, it is still possible to evaluate when someone performs
as his or her authentic self based on the consistency of how he or she presents and represents
themselves. For example, a woman with full make-up cannot be judged as a fake person
because might be her make-up is her way to represent her accurate ‘confident’ self.
Investigating how veiled Muslim women participate in performing, interpreting, and pointing
their authentic selves through the selfies culture and how this practise is subject to the consumer
practice is worthy research. Therefore, this research study will address this need by examining
the degree of authentic selves within Indonesian hijabers’ self-presentation on Instagram.
The Representation of Muslim Women on Digital Media
The number of Muslim women engaging with the online world is increasing. Bastani (2001)
explored the participation of Muslim women in a women-only online discussion group named
the Muslim Women’s Network (MWN) where the women came together because of their
shared Islamic faith and “to engage in intellectual discourse on significant contemporary issues
that impact on Islam, especially those pertaining to, or affecting, women” (p. 42). Her statement
indicates Muslim women use the internet as a medium to confirm their understanding of Islam.
Similarly, Akou (2010) found that many participants have been able to use
thecanadianmuslim.ca as a support group or even as a second family. This platform has been
useful to help Muslim women in a Muslim-minority country like Canada to exchange their
views and opinions about the hijab and to expand their understanding on veiling practices from
a local to global context (Akou, 2010).
Adding to the discussion about veiled Muslim women on digital media is the scholar Piela
(2010, 2012, 2013a, 2013b, 2016) who examined Muslim women’s online activities through
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several platforms such as Muslim women’s newsgroup discussion forum and photography-
sharing websites. In her book Muslim Women Online, Piela (2012) investigated Muslim women
from various cultural backgrounds and their perspectives in an a woman-only online
newsgroup discussion. The women used this space to discuss gender-related issues in relation
to their activities in private and public roles, such as marriage, sexuality, polygamy,
employment, dress-code, mobility, and sisterhood. She found that although these women have
different thoughts on gender, race, and class relationships they helped each other by talking,
discussing, and finding solutions about those issues. This newsgroup has played an essential
role as a new communication channel to create two categories of Muslim women: “those who
have adopted the Islamic framework to challenge patriarchy in Muslim communities, and those
who refuse to acknowledge that this patriarchy exists” (p. 143). Piela’s participants were able
to shift their position between those binaries depending on the discussion topic, and were
encouraged to express their views, and avoid seclusion. That is, such online discussion forums
can create a study group and give opportunities for Muslim women to increase their Islamic
knowledge.
In another study, Piela (2013a) further found that online newsgroups could enable Muslim
women to “not only engage with Islamic sources but also to participate in a collaborative (albeit
very messy and fragmented) project of creating a bank of Islamic solutions to problems that
can be too personal to share in mixed-gender groups. They are also able to participate on their
own terms, without being challenged by men” (p. 136). Piela’s (2012, 2013a) studies both
show how online discussions could help Muslim women to engage with the online world
actively and develop a digital space to find a better interpretation and understanding of Islam.
Muslim women also engaged with an interactive platform like YouTube to express themselves,
ideas, and femininity (Peterson, 2016a). These women blended their veiling fashion with a
mainstream fashion aesthetic to emphasise their power on “their own appearances and in the
process, to shift the larger sensory regime of what is considered attractive, stylish and
enjoyable” (Peterson, 2016b, p. 16). digital media has therefore helped create the Muslim
woman’s new image of being both Islamic and inspired.
Muslim women’s self-presentation on visual-based digital media platforms was also researched
by Piela (2010) who analysed how Muslim women view themselves through their photographs
on a photography-sharing website. She found that her participants not only independently and
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confidently chose the arrangements of the photographs including “technical settings, techniques
of photographing, angles, accessories, colours, background, objects, people and animals in the
photographs, their position, face expression” (p. 93) but also decided their preference platforms
to post the photographs. Piela (2010) argued that those photographs created “religious identity
narratives of powerful, direct, serious, but also funny, poetic, subversive, and intimate” women
which thereby challenge the label of “the Other, a stranger, a threat, a religious fundamentalist,
a victim of patriarchy” (p. 102).
In her study Piela (2013b, 2016) examined the self-presentation of niqabis (face-veiled women)
in photograph-sharing platforms, arguing how niqabis have emphasised their agency by
creating ‘visual references’ to their everyday lives (such as posting a photo in a bedroom) as
well as building connections with their audiences on Flickr. These niqabis have presented
modestly, constructed intimacy, and established a dialogue with their audiences, and in so
doing “disrupt the normalised associations of the niqab with passivity, otherness, and violence
by establishing intimacy with the audience” (p.788).
Meanwhile, Piela (2016) more recently found there are blurred boundaries between the public
and private space of the niqabis on a photograph-sharing website. For example, one participant
posted her photograph in a full body covering dress, as she would usually wear in public, but
was taken in her private home space. Piela argued “publication of self-portraits online, and
subsequent discussions about them are an important step in the self-identification of women
who wear the niqab, as they are then able to create safe spaces for appreciation and positive
discussion of the niqab. This platform is a space where they are able to resist dominant
discourses about the niqab and Islam and construct their own expressions of religiosity.
Furthermore, they act as ‘educators in diversity’ tailoring interactions with different groups and
educating members of the public about their understandings of Islam” (p.11). Piela’s (2010,
2013b, 2016) studies have established a groundwork for studying Muslim women’s activities
in the photograph-sharing website, although in some studies it is unclear what kind of visual-
based platform(s) was chosen for research. The research I present as follows extends the
research into Muslin women and their online identity by investigating how veiled Muslim
women express their selves and identities on Instagram.
The online self-expression of face-veiled women has also been examined by Nisa (2013) who
explored how the cadari (face-veiled women from Salafi group) in Indonesia use the internet
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in their everyday lives. She found that the cadari who are hardly visible in the offline public
sphere, in contrast, actively participate in online activities such as in a mailing list and
discussion forum (As-Salafiyyat), and online business (The house of Bunda and Worksheets
for Kids). With limited opportunities to present themselves in the public space, this cadari have
gained visibility through their online activities with some eager to have a career in online
businesses and community services (Nisa, 2013). Nisa provides new insights into how the
cadari: 1) create platforms to increase their visibility without compromising their belief on the
restriction to be seen in the public eyes; 2) perform their self-actualization by participating in
online forums and managing an online business; and 3) challenge the stereotype as oppressed
face-veiled women. However, Nisa’s research did not classify her involvement in the study or
whether she became a member of the online discussion forum.
Muslim Women’s Identity on Instagram
The trend of using Instagram by middle-class young veiled women has been discussed by
several scholars such as Waninger (2015), Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016), Peterson (2016b) who
explore the hijabistas in America, Europe, and the Middle East, as well as Beta (2014), Aisyah
(2016), Jones (2017), and Nisa (2018) who focus on Indonesian veiled women. All of these
studies investigated how Instagram could shape the online representation of young Muslim
women who were social media influencers, fashion designers, entrepreneurs, and well-known
bloggers.
A study of five Kuwaiti and American hijabistas bloggers by Waninger (2015) demonstrates
Instagram as a new space for marketing and networking for Muslim women fashion bloggers.
The accessibility of Instagram allows users to manage identity-making, specifically among
marginalised groups like hijab-wearing women. More recently, Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016)
identified the identities of three high-profile hijabistas and lifestyle bloggers (Kuwaiti, British,
and American) who have negotiated and been heavily influenced by Western secular norms.
The motivations of these hijabistas in displaying themselves through Instagram is often to gain
a profit for their brands, demonstrating how Instagram is used to perform their ‘fashionable’
selves rather than to present their religiosity.
In contrast, Peterson (2016b) found that well-known hijabistas could negotiate the
ambivalences between promoting Islamic values and implying postfeminism. She argued that
these hijabistas’ images on Instagram have displayed their unique experiences in following
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Islamic teaching (such as praying and veiling) while at the same time creating stylish
appearances. These hijabistas enable the settling of those ambivalences and challenge the
stereotype of being oppressed and hyper-sexualised (Peterson, 2016b). Peterson’s argument
presents a deeper exploration of Muslim women and their online identity by including
Indonesian hijabers in the discussion.
Though young Indonesian Muslim women are active users of Instagram, only a handful of
scholars have explored the interrelationship between technology and hijab-wearing women in
Indonesia. The first scholar who investigated the participation of Indonesia hijabers on
Instagram is Beta (2014) who found two patterns of the hijabers digital-photographic mapping.
First, Instagram has become a platform for middle-class hijabers where they are pleased with
the branded products they bought from famous designers and talk about it proudly. Second, the
hijabers present images of vibrant, frivolous women, which helps in navigating the modern
Muslim self. Indeed, Beta (2014) also argued its discursive construction as a sign of middle-
classness and consumer power. She contends that the hijabers proffer a tame alternative to both
the vulgar style of ‘jilbab gaul’ and the “gloomy Arabic veils”; they flaunt “their ability to
adjust to a level of colorfulness —the fun, safe Muslims—that requires respectable financial
means and in turn accretes as cultural capital: an ability to be accepted as global and
cosmopolitan” (Beta, 2014, p. 385). In Beta’s analysis, the taming of the veil is presented as a
consequence of the expansion of Islamic consumer culture in Indonesia.
Aisyah (2016) investigated top Indonesian modest fashion designers and Indonesia Creative
Economy Agency. She found the Indonesian designers, bloggers, Instagrammers use the blog
and Instagram to promote their brands that eventually expand the trend of modest fashion.
Instagram continues the movement of personal branding, sales promotion, #OOTD or outfit of
the day inspirations, fashion advices, hijab tutorial, and hashtag for brand information
descriptive purposes. Accordingly, Beta (2014) and Aisyah (2016) argued Indonesian hijabers
have been used the visual affordances of Instagram to accentuate their sense of fashion.
In a short essay, Carla Jones (2017) provided another view on the displaying of feminine beauty
of Indonesian influencers and fashion designers on Instagram. She argued that the participation
of those fashion-conscious veiled women in the selfies culture has become an example of how
the tensions in using social media in Indonesia situated on the features of “religious and
gendered” (para. 2). These selfies have created the dilemmas between its benefits and risks, on
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the one hand through their selfies those women want to circulate their modest images (and
fashion) but on the other hand, those women stigmatised as narcists which are classified as a
sinful behaviour by some male preachers (Jones, 2017).
Another point to consider is Nisa's (2018) study which examines the Instagram accounts of
UkhtiSally (Sister Sally) and Duniajilbab (World of jilbab). She argued that Indonesian Muslim
women are using the platform to develop a “soft” form of da’wa or dakwah – i.e., a form of
proselytising imparted by way of glossy images, depicting women as key actors in the consumer
economy, and woven into lucrative social media-based businesses. Nisa further explains that
Instagram has become a platform not only to enhance identity formation of pious young Muslim
women but also to increase the involvement of Indonesian veiled young women in achieving
their agency through creative dakwah and business (Nisa, 2018). This study is helpful to
identify how young Indonesian Muslim women participate with the visual affordances of
Instagram. Since Nisa’s (2018) study did not focus on Indonesian hijabers as a substantial
portion of the fashion-conscious middle-class young women, my research will expand Nisa’s
study by investigating how Indonesian hijabers present their religious identity on Instagram and
this is related to their effort in disseminating Islamic teaching in order to become pious young
Muslim women.
Those studies all conclude that Instagram has been used to perform the commodification of
hijab fashion by high-profile Instagrammers who are leading influencers, bloggers,
entrepreneurs, fashions gurus, and fashion designers. Those studies also present the hijabers
and hijabistas Instagrammers as a brand and market-driven Muslim woman who tends to be
seen as glamorous, high-profile young women. Their visual presentations, helped by
Instagram, have changed the interpretation of hijab from out-of-date fashion into a “modern”
artifact but how these visual affordances of the ordinary young Muslim women on Instagram
are yet to be established. This limitation will be addressed by this study by bringing the case
of Indonesian hijabers and investigating how these hijabers present their modern identity
through Instagram.
2.5 Conclusion
Through reviewing the literature related to the four areas of veiling practices, Islamic feminism,
Islamic fashion, and identity on social media this chapter outlines several research gaps. First,
veiling practice does not exclusively belong to Muslim societies, but until now this practice is
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still adopted by many Muslim women. There were many interpretations of veiling practices in
terms of when Muslim women should be veiled, which part of the body should be covered,
what kind of materials and styles that are appropriate or inappropriate, and even what term is
used to point out veiling practice. These differences arise because of the wide-ranging
interpretations of the exegesis of Quran verses that remark about headcover, as well as the
differences in politics, economics, and socio-cultural context of each Muslim woman. Due to
these differences, each Muslim woman has their own unique experiences in wearing the veil.
However, limited knowledge about veiling practices by young Muslim women in Indonesia
exists, despite Indonesia is has the largest Muslim population in the world.
Second, Indonesia is characterised by a patriarchal system which resists notions of feminism
due to the association of feminism with Western cultures. Additionally, it is believed that
feminism does not reflect Indonesian culture and the Islamic way of life. Therefore, it is
worthwhile to explore whether the activities of Indonesian hijabers are arising based on the
ideology of feminism. As Badran (2008) explained that feminism could emerge in the local
term, it is noteworthy to examine whether Indonesian hijabers generate their own terms of
feminism and activist movements in Indonesia.
Third, recently Islamic fashion has been developed into a valuable commodity due to the
increasing nature of Islam popular culture. The rising importance of the commodification of
the hijab prompts debates among Muslims about the normative role of fashion in religious
practice. On a number of fronts, then, the negotiation of modern identity of Indonesian veiled
Muslim women is contentious and worthy of investigation.
Lastly, Instagram is a relatively new visual-based platform with more than 200 million users
in 2017. This platform has attracted many young people to express their selves with various
images. This study looks at what Indonesian hijabers may be able to achieve and obtain from
Instagram, and how they engage with the visual affordances of Instagram to manifest their
modern Muslim self. Several studies have discussed the engagement of Muslim women on the
internet which aimed to understand the motives of Muslim women in expressing their Muslim
identity. However, little knowledge exists of how Indonesian hijabers engage with Instagram.
Based on these gaps, this research further investigates the self-presentation of Indonesian
hijabers on Instagram in relation to their framing of piety and modernity.
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CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH DESIGN
This research aims to expand the understanding of how the visual affordances of Instagram
shape the modern Muslim self by examining the case of Indonesian hijabers in terms of the
hijabers experiences using Instagram in their daily lives. This chapter presents the ontological
and epistemological reason for this investigation and then presents the research design, method
of data collection and data analysis.
3.1 Ontological and epistemological stance
In order to explain the design of this study, I first need to declare my ontological and
epistemological stance. This study is based on interpretive ontology and social constructivist
epistemology. Interpretivism is an ontological stance which “asserts that social phenomena and
their meanings are continually being accomplished by social actors. It implies that social
phenomena and categories are not only produced through social interaction but that they are in
a constant state of revision” (Bryman, 2001, p. 16). Meanwhile the constructivist epistemology
is “predicated upon the view that a strategy is required that respects the differences between
people and the objects of the natural sciences and therefore requires the social scientist to grasp
the subjective meaning of social action” (Bryman, 2001, p. 12).
This research is constructed on the premise that there is no singular certainty by which to view
the world and that truth depends on who is observing the phenomena. Therefore, based on those
ontological and epistemological stances, this research used a qualitative methodology
underpinned by interpretive ontology and constructionist epistemology (Lindlof & Taylor,
2011). This qualitative approach is used to understand the complexities of the world through
interviewing key people, learning their activities and experiences, and analysing documents or
other cultural artifacts. This approach is the key strategy used to attain an understanding of the
Indonesian hijabers unique experiences in using Instagram to present their modern Muslim
identity.
3.2 Methodology
I applied an ethnography methodology in this study. Ethnography as a methodolody
characterises by its activities in “paticipating overtly or covertly in people's daily lives for an
extended period of time, watching what happens, listening to what is said, asking questions -
in fact, collecting whatever data are available to throw light on the issues that are the focus of
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the research” (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1995, p. 1). Creswell (2014) explained that
ethnography is a research design to study “the shared patterns of behaviours, language, and
actions of an intact cultural group in a natural setting over a prolonged period” (p. 14). The
Internet, which changes the way people behave, interact, and communicate with each other,
has attracted scholars to understand this changing behaviour with various methodologies
including ethnography.
As one of an established methodology to explore cultural phenomena, ethnography can be
used to investigate how people are involved and experienced with internet technology as argued
by Hine (2000), “ethnography can be used to develop an enriched sense of the meanings of the
technology and the cultures which enable it and are enabled by it” (p. 8). This methodology
can be used to observe the everyday practices of internet use which can be considered as a new
cultural artefact.
Hine (2015) also emphasized that, “ethnography for the Internet has to proceed quite cautiously
in finding out what the phenomenon “Internet” represents for the particular group of people
who are the site of interest in any given study” (p. 8). Although the standard ethnographic
procedure of data collection such as interview, observation, and archiving documents still
applies, ethnography of the internet needs creative adaptation (Hine, 2015). Hine also stated
that the Internet, and social media provide a “means of establishing co-presence with research
participants and extending a field site in time and space beyond a notion of a specific bounded
online or offline site” (p. 73).
Ardévol and Gómez-Cruz (2013) noted that various labelling like “virtual, connective,
hypermedia, netnography, or digital ethnography have been proposed as categories in terms of
‘adapting’ the ethnographic method to Internet research” (p. 2). They suggest the term “digital
to embrace these varieties of internet-based research approaches because it is more
semantically neutral and more useful to refer to the different practices and contexts mediated
by digital technologies” (Ardévol & Gómez-Cruz, 2013, p. 3). As digital media becomes part
of people’s daily lives, ethnographers could use digital ethnography to digitally observe what
people do in the online world (Pink et al., 2016), digital ethnography seems useful to examine
how people’s online experiences.
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Building on the research work of Hine (2000, 2015), Ardévol and Gómez-Cruz (2013), and
(Pink et al., 2016) this study applied a digital ethnography approach to investigate the unique
everyday experiences of Indonesian hijabers in using the visual-based platform of Instagram.
This investigation was critical to understand how the hijabers construct and present their
identity as modern Muslim selves.
This research employed digital ethnography (overlapping) practices including catching up,
sharing, exploring, interacting, and archiving (Postill & Pink, 2012). Through catching up
activity, I kept up with their postings. This activity gave me the senses of the habitually
Instagram usage by the hijabers.
Postill and Pink (2012) mention that sharing is not only about reposting but also about
following “because following opens you directly to the sharing of others” (p.128). As
Instagram does not provide a repost feature in its menu (users should install different
application to re- share Instagram’s content), then in the sharing activity, I followed the hijabers
and hijab communities’ Instagram account. By following their accounts, I could also lurk their
posting updates. Moreover, this catching up and sharing made possible to the exploring
activity. Within this activity, I explored their photo gallery, captions, hashtags, and comments
from their followers in order to delve into angle, composition, colour, setting, and narrative in
their postings.
Another activity involves interacting with my participants. Besides online interaction, I
conducted face-to-face interactions with my participants through interview process and
participant-observations. Meanwhile the archiving activity refers to how I documented the
Instagram archives. Detail rationalisation on how I conducted both of interacting and archiving
activities is explained in the following sub-chapter ‘Methods of Data Collection’.
Before I further explain this research’s methods of data collection and data analysis, I illustrated
the diagram of research design. The research design, presented in Figure 3.1, addresses the
overarching research question of “How do the Indonesian hijabers construct their modern
Muslim self through Instagram? As the study progressed and data were collected, this
question was then broken down into the three sub-questions:
1. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their selfies on Instagram?
2. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their religious identity on Instagram?
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3. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their collective identity on Instagram?
Figure 3.1 - Diagram of research design
As mentioned in Figure 3.1, I employed a digital ethnography to address this study’s research
questions. Meanwhile, the data were collected through interviews, participant-observations,
and Instagram observations which was then analysed using thematic analysis and iconography
analysis.
3.3 Methods of Data Collection
Purposive sampling was the sampling approach used in this research. The justification for this
nonprobability approach has been explained by Schwandt (1997) as “sites or cases are chosen
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because there may be a good reason to believe that ‘what goes on there’ is critical to
understanding some process or concept, or to testing or elaborating some set theory” (cited in
Lindlof & Taylor, 2011, p. 128). Purposive sampling provides a strategy to generate potential
participants that could give useful data for the research (Patton, 1990; Creswell, 2007). This
sampling strategy allowed participants to be chosen according to their suitability as the hijabers
who are active in their hijab community program and who are social media users who are
chairwomen/president, committee, or just ordinary members. Moreover, as Mason (2002)
explained, “ Theoretical or purposive sampling is a set of procedures where the researcher
manipulates their analysis, theory, and sampling activities interactively during the research
process, to a much greater extent than in statistical sampling” (p. 137). Referring to Mason
(2002), by using purposive sampling strategy, I was able to decide when to make sampling
decisions and when to stop sampling. I decided to stop sampling when the data is being
saturated while it reached the twenty-sixth woman.
The participants were twenty-six hijabers aged 20-34 years, middle-class, urban women and
well educated. These characteristics were chosen following the hijabers’ charateristics that
mentioned by Beta (2014) and Faiz (2017). One participant was a Ph.D. student, one had a
master’s degree, two women were working on their master degree, and the rest had bachelor
degree and were still university students. Eight participants were entrepreneurs, and most of
them are employed in the private sector. They each accessed the internet daily and used their
mobile phone to access social media, primarily ‘Path’ (for family and close friends) and
Instagram (for public).
The participants came from Indonesia’s large cities; Jakarta (the social, economic, and political
centre of Indonesia and the 9th most-Instagrammed city in 2017), Bandung (the centre of
Indonesia’s fashion industry and awarded a UNESCO creative city), Yogyakarta (the basis of
Muhammadyah -- the second most significant Islamic Organisation in Indonesia, and where
previous hijab research has been conducted ) and Gresik (in East Java as basis of NU -- the
most significant Islamic Organisation). All cities are influence the culture, fashion, and politics
of other Indonesian cities.
I contacted several hijab communities via email and SMS that I found on Google, but only six
communities responded to it. Therefore, I determined the participants were young women who
active in hijab communities, such as Hijabers Community (HC), Hijaber Gresik (HG), Hijaber
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United (HU), Yayasan Hijab Indonesia/Indonesia Hijab Foundation (YHI), Hijabie
Community (HY), Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS). Key participants included twenty-one members of
the Hijabers Community as the first and the most prominent hijab community in Indonesia.
However, the other five women gave additional insight and contributed to understanding the
dynamic growth and influence of the hijab community in Indonesia.
This study used three methods of data collection including interviews, participant-observations,
and visual archiving by screenshot of Instagram images. This data was systematically
processed to obtain three types of data; interview transcripts, field notes, and Instagram
archives (images and captions) to shape the understanding of the Indonesian hijabers unique
experiences in using Instagram.
Interview
Purposive sampling was first used to find participants through the chairwoman of the Hijabers
Community, Syifa Fauzia. Her profile and contact details are publicly available. After sending
an introduction email to her and receiving a reply, I asked her to recommend further
participants. The face-to-face interviews with the hijabers were conducted between 45 and 90
minutes at the times and places suitable for the participants such as cafés, restaurants, or in
mosques after pengajian (Islamic learning and discussion).
To avoid leading questions, the interview questions were structured as general queries such as
experiences in using hijab, their habits of using Instagram and for what purposes, and their
involvement in the community. These semi-structured interviews were recorded using a voice
recorder and backed up with a mobile phone. Before starting the interviews, the participants
filled in the consent form and chose whether they wanted to use their name or to remain
anonymous in the research report and publications. Out of twenty-six participants, only one
chose to use a pseudonym. All interviews were conducted in Indonesia and transcribed into
Indonesian.
Participant-observation
The ethnography of the Internet does not essentially include physical movement, as Burnett
(1996, cited in Hine, 2000, p. 45) suggested, “you travel by looking, by reading, by imaging
and imagining”. This suggestion is making it doable for an ethnographer to sit at a desk and
explore the social spaces of the Internet. However, I also conducted participant-observations
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in the offline world to get a sense of being a part of the community where they are engaging
and observed participants’ Instagram activities.
As a Muslim woman who wears a hijab, I intended to connect with the participants and
socialize more naturally in their community events and get an insider’s observations about the
hijabers’ unique experiences on Instagram. The benefit and disadvantage of becoming an
insider will be further explained in sub-chapter 3.5 The Researcher’s Role.
I conducted participant-observations by attending Hijabers Community events in Jakarta and
Bandung including the monthly pengajian (Islamic study), Hijabers Day Out, and member
gatherings. In the observational setting, I analyzed the situation, location, and surrounding of
the community events. This analysis served to answer queries like: what are the settings of
community events; where and when community events take place; what materials are part of
the setting and play a role in events. These observations also concerned codes (e.g. language,
dialect, style) used and components related to attitude, atmosphere or spirit in the Hijabers
Community events. These observations were essential in providing guidelines and a basic
understanding that was useful for interpreting the hijabers unique cultures and experiences in
using Instagram.
Field notes were created from participant-observations as these “provoke reflection on the
meaning and encourage an active interpretation that guards against the ethnographer slipping
into a passive form of presence” (Hine, 2015, p. 74). My field notes allowed me to record what
happened, interpret what the observations meant, form my provisional view and reflections,
and determine how these observations related to my research question. Table 3.1 presents a
summary of this study’s field notes (see Appendix C for further details).
Table 3.1- Summary of Fieldnotes
NO DAY/DATE PLACE EVENT ATTENDEE ORGANIZER
1 Sunday, 25
September
2016
Al-Mutaqin
Mosque,
Bandung
Monthly Pengajian,
Theme: Hang out with
good people to avoid
being ‘stupid’
400 women* Hijabers
Community
Bandung
(HCB)
2 Thursday, 29
September
2016
Trans Studio
Mall
Mosque,
Bandung
Pengajian HIJUP,
Theme: Starting a new
chapter in life and
100 women* HIJUP (e-
commerce
company) with
HCB as a
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welcoming the beauty
of Muharram
community
partner
3 Saturday, 22
October 2016
Baitul Ihsan
Mosque
(basement
room),
Jakarta
Monthly Pengajian,
Theme: The Chosen
Leader
100 women* Hijabers
Community
Official (HCO)
4 Sunday, 23
October 2016
Al-Mutaqin
Mosque,
Bandung
Monthly Pengajian,
Theme: Inspire without
Deprave
200 women* HCB
5 Sunday, 30
October 2016
Estubizi
Grha,
Jakarta
Hijabers Day Out:
Islamic Parenting Class
Theme: Discipline with
Affection
40 women
and men*
HCO
6 Sunday, 13
November
2016
DS
Equestrian,
Bandung
Gathering HCB:
Archery and Horse
Riding
30 women* HCB
7 Sunday, 20
November
2016
Trans Studio
Mall
Mosque,
Bandung
Monthly Pengajian,
Theme:
Make It Halal or Leave
It
200 women* HCB
*Approximately
With the participant-observations collected, the next step was to reflect on the attitudes,
atmosphere and spirit in the Hijabers Community non-profit events. First, I respect the
committees’ effort, spirit, and consistency in organizing this routine monthly event as well as
their quarterly and annual events. These communities are non-profit community. The
committees show their sense of belonging to the community and enhance the communal spirit
by studying Islam together from a young age. I observed the enormous effect and power that
might result from these women who are gathering together in one place every month in several
cities in order to increase their knowledge and faith. Furthermore, these young women have
shown a sense of ‘girl power’ in promoting Islam far beyond the Western media stereotype
who view hijab-wearing women are oppressed and backward. These young women’s spirit and
power to improve their religiosity also challenged the stigma that comes from some Indonesian
people who label the hijabers as a group of teenagers who just love fashion and only care about
their appearances as a ‘fashionista’.
Second, I also like their creative way of organizing and managing the event. For instance, in
pengajian there are always two sessions. The first session is lecturing from an ustadz (male
Islamic teacher) or ustadzah (female Islamic teacher). The second session is a sharing session
with young influencer, or motivator who talks about their experiences related to the theme that
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already explained by the ustadz/ustadzah. This combination of lecturing and sharing seems to
close the gap between the source of knowledge (the speakers) and the knowledge seeker (the
attendees). In the meantime, the Indonesian education system still contains values of feudalism
that creates a significant gap between teacher and student. Closing this gap becomes essential
because it shows a new way of conveying Islamic knowledge. Moreover, the theme of those
events is conveying the message about how young women should be eager in looking for
knowledge and being influential without neglecting Islamic code of conduct.
Third, by inviting Shirin Al-Athrus, the youngest girl who was awarded ‘Top Social Media
Influencer’ in the monthly pengajian on 23 October 2016, this community raised awareness of
the power of social media in influencing people. This community wants to spread the message
of the positive impact of social media if it is being used for useful purposes.
Fourth, the horse riding and archery has become a favorite sport for middle-class Indonesian
Muslims, including this community. This is due to the spreading of hadith of “teach your
children swimming, horse riding, and archery”. These male-driven types of sport are starting
to be appreciated by female Muslims. To accommodate this the horse riding coach in DS
Equestrian said that soon there would be female coaches, so the female participants could be
more comfortable to be coached by a female. By participating in these ‘male’ sports, this
community has created an opportunity for their members to learn about strength, focus, and
confidence as well as to gain experiences in doing male-dominated sports.
Besides positive atmospheres, I also feel some negative impressions from the observations such
as in the pengajian organized by HIJUP on 29 September 2016. HIJUP is the most significant
hijab fashion e-commerce company in Indonesia. At that pengajian, there were many HIJUP
logos such as on the backdrop of the mini stage, on the standing banners nearby registration
table and the speaker’s chair. The Masters of Ceremony also frequently mentioned HIJUP and
announced the photo challenge that also must mention the social media tag ‘@hijup’.
Therefore, I did not feel a sense of belonging to the event. It seemed the organizer, and the
attendees did not blend well. The aim of this event should be to increase the attendees’ Islamic
knowledge, but on the other hand, there is a possibility that the intention behind this event is
to increase consumerism and profits. I requested an interview with members of the HIJUP
management but was unsuccessful.
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Screenshot of Instagram posting
The next step in this research after conducted the participant-observations at the community
events, was to observe and follow hijabers’ personal as well as their community Instagram
accounts. This online observation began after gaining participant consent in September 2016
to April 2018. Instagram data was archived manually by taking screenshots of the posts. These
Instagram archives provide a useful guideline to build analysis around the key themes and to
complement and support the interview transcripts.
By using these methods of data collection; interview, participant-obsevations, and screenshot
of Instagram posting; this study investigated both the content and also the context of the
hijabers online practices in order to understand the hijabers construction of identity and
modernity that might be difficult to examine by implementing Instagram analytics software or
a big data crawling system.
3.4 Methods of Data Analysis
The process of data collection was followed by evaluating and interpreting data, or data
analysis, which is a process of making sense. It is the process to interpret the data in the context
of theory and make a persuasive argument about what the data means. The two data analysis
methods applied in this study are; thematic analysis and iconographical analysis and these are
explained in the following sections.
Thematic Analysis
As a method of data analysis, thematic analysis proposes “an accessible and theoretically-
flexible approach to analyzing qualitative data” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 77). Holloway and
Todres (2003) defined “thematizing meanings as one of a few shared generic skills across
qualitative analysis” (p. 347). Thematic analysis (TA) is “a method for systematically
identifying, organising, and offering insight into patterns of meaning (themes) across a data set
and allows the researcher to see and make sense of collective or shared meanings and
experiences” (Braun & Clarke, 2012, p. 57). Braun and Clarke (2012) described six phases of
TA as: “1) Familiarising yourself with the data, 2) Generating initial codes phase, 3) Searching
for themes phase, 4) Reviewing potential themes phase, 5) Defining and naming key themes
phase, and 6) Producing the report” (p. 60-66).
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Following Braun & Clarke's (2012) phases, therefore, in this research the first phase was to
listen to the recordings, transcribe them, and read the transcripts more than once to become
familiar with the data. Then, in the second phase, similar key words were grouped within a
table and the process then continued by locating the patterns from field notes, participant
observation, interview transcripts, and artifacts. A pattern may be a physical behaviour or a
statement repeated over time by one participant or a variety of participants. It may also be a
theme that arises again and again in the content of what the participants said. In this phase I
focused on the keywords of ‘social media,’ ‘Instagram,’ and ‘modern’ to answer my main
research question “How do Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim self through
Instagram?” In Figure 3.2 below presents the subtheme of similar words, as identified in the
second phase.
After conducting the third phase (searching for themes) and fourth phase (reviewing potential
themes), I categorized eleven themes including being real, being empowered, being
fashionable, being humorous and fun, being faithful (as shown in Figure 4.2), being righteous,
being grateful, being patient, being agents of knowledge, being generous, being modest fashion
icons. The fifth phase served to identify those eleven themes into three key/critical themes
namely: being authentic (chapter 5); being pious (chapter 6); and being community activists
(chapter 7). These three critical themes explained how the hijabers in this present study engage
with the visual affordances of Instagram to construct and present modern Muslim self.
Figure 3.2 - Example of thematic analysis process
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Iconographical Analysis
Iconographical analysis was used to explore the Instagram images posted by the participants
of this study. Panofsky (1955) provided three steps of iconographical analysis: Pre-
iconographical description, is merely an explanation of what is in the picture. The second step,
iconographical analysis, denotes not only the specific people or items signified in the image,
but also the ideas, or the secondary or conventional subject matter attached to it. The third step,
iconological analysis, is locating intrinsic values and interpreting meanings of the images.
The term iconology and iconography are different according to Panofsky (1982) who said that
“Iconography's suffix ‘graphy’ is derived from Greek ‘graphein,’ meaning to write, and as such
is descriptive method aimed at an objective and neutral description and classification of
depicted motifs. Iconology, on the other hand, relates etymologically to the more encompassing
concept of logos” (cited in Müller, 2011, p. 285). Müller (2011) later emphasized Iconography
to be a “method of determining meaning in an image, or a qualitative method of visual content
analysis and interpretation, influenced by cultural traditions and guided by research interests
originating both in the humanities and social sciences” (p. 285). Iconographical also could be
approached by identifying what is in the image by looking at the title, referring to personal
experience, doing background research, considering intertextuality, or reading the image’s
verbal description (Leeuwen, 2004). This study applied iconographical analysis not
iconological because visual data was not the primary data collected from this study, thus the
images were supporting data. Iconography in this research is concerned with categorizing
visual motifs then giving that visual object a certain meaning.
Iconography was first used in many historical and art studies related to woman, for instance
the exploration of black and white women’s sexuality in late 19th-century art (Sander, 1985).
Besides its applicability in historical and art studies, iconography has also started to be used in
the media and cultural studies (Leeuwen, 2004). These examples mean iconography is
applicable to analyse the meaning of Instagram images of the hijabers in this studyand in
particular the symbolism of veiling practices on the media. Saktanber (2006) argued how the
iconography of head-covered Mona Lisa on the cover of Time Europe magazine, February 28,
2005, headlined “Europe’s Identity Crisis” symbolized the fear of Europeans with the growing
Muslim population in Europe. Adding to that discussion is Kiliçbay and Binark (2002) who
argued the religious iconography of the veiling practice in advertising, Islamic fashion
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magazines, and fashion cataloguess in Turkey have shown veiling as a sign of devotion and
political Islam.
Based on those previous studies and the hijab as an identity icon for Muslim women, I used an
iconographical analysis to explore participant Instagram images as visual data and arranged in
key themes that resulted from the thematic analysis. Analysis of these Instagram images
included questioning what is being shown, what is the ideas behind the image, what is the
social, political, and cultural context pointed by the image. The following paragraphs illustrate
the examples of how iconographical analysis was conducted in this research. I chose three
examples for representing this study’s three sub research questions.
Example 1 of iconographical analysis
Sub RQ 1: How do the Indonesian hijabers present their selfies on Instagram?
Figure 3.3. Selfie
What is being shown: A selfie of a young woman and a caption. She wears a turquoise hijab,
a pair of earrings without showing her ears, a brochette blouse, and a wristwatch while her
hand supports her chin. She uses natural makeup. Her smile shows her lovely dimple.
What is the ideas behind the image: She looks at the camera confidently and display her
stylish appearances.
What is the social, political, and cultural context pointed by the image: This photo displays
her happiness and self-confidence. In the caption, she writes “Fall in love with yourself first.
Love yourself enough so when someone treats you wrong, you notice”. Besides her interesting
posting, she is also using noteworthy hashtags #makeup #adalah #topeng which means
#makeup #is just a #masquerade.” These words indicate she is not only posting regular selfies,
but she tries to motivate her audiences to love themselves in order to respect themselves and to
gain respect from others. In other words, this young woman represents herself on Instagram as
a young woman who not only has strong confidence but also appreciates herself. This self-
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appreciation is essential to building a constructive self-concept and to achieve agency. this
photo opposes the cynical thought about selfies as merely a narcissistic picture without aims,
as well as the hijabers as a fashionista. By inserting a meaningful caption, this selfie provides
insight into the representation of the hijab-wearing woman in Indonesia.
Example 2 of iconographical analysis
Sub RQ 2: How do the Indonesian hijabers present their religious identity on Instagram?
Figure 3.4. Allah is Watching You
What is being shown: A picture with the caption.
What is the idea behind the image: A CCTV camera pointed at the Arabic word for Allah (the
Arabic word for ‘God’ in Abrahamic religions) and the words ‘is watching you.’
What is the social, political, and cultural context pointed by the image: The caption notes
“Muraqabah is applying the consciousness of Allah always sees and watches ourselves in every
condition. Allah always knows what we feel, say, and do”. A CCTV camera is a technological
monitoring system to observe every movement. Relating to the caption, it means, Allah has a
magnificent system to watch every movement in the world more than an actual CCTV camera
can observe. Every aspect of the world, without exception, will be known by Allah. This
participant uses this meaningful message to remind others through her posts. Through this
image, she also tries to express her religiosity.
Example 3 of iconographical analysis
Sub RQ 3: How do the Indonesian hijabers present their collective identity on Instagram?
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Figure 3.5. A Photo Group of Hijabers Community Official
What is being shown: A group photo.
What is the ideas of the image: twenty-one young women in colorful hijab and well-dressed.
Their postures and positions reflect a group of elegant women who know their capability and
their silky and glossy dress could be perceived as the symbol of classiness. This photo is
pleasing to the eye not only because they were wearing colourful outfits but also because they
were smiling joyfully and presenting self-confidence that important to spread the messages of
women’s agency.
What is the social, political, and cultural context pointed by the image: The intention to post
this group photo is not to focus on the picture, but to place an emphasis on the caption “We are
the living proof of ‘Hijab never limits you.’ So be proud of your hijab and boost up positive
vibe!” As the first and the most prominent hijab community in Indonesia, the Hijabers
Community (HC) has promoted the use of the hijab. Their efforts to promote the hijab is
referred to as hijabisation (refer chapter 6) Through this photo, HC wants to give their followers
evidence that a ‘hijab never limits you’ which means that by wearing the hijab a girl or woman
can be anything she wants and can achieve her dreams. They also want to expose their
collective identity as hijab-wearing women who are proud of their hijab and their community.
Their action in the hijabisation, broadly expanded through Instagram, is to boost the meaning
of hijab in Muslim minority countries, like the USA or Muslim-majority countries, like
Indonesia.
The implementation of iconographical analysis in participant Instagram images in chapter 4, 5,
and 6 follows the format of those examples. These analyses of textual narratives and images
aim to look at how expansively the hijabers reproduce a discourse about the representation of
the modern Muslim self. It is essential to look for meaning in what the hijabers try to convey
in Instagram, and to understand how Indonesian hijabers engage with the visual affordances of
Instagram to reframe the nexus of piety and modernity.
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3.5 The Researcher’s Role
The researcher in a qualitative study has a significant role as the primary data collection
instrument that required she/he to state her/his personal values, assumptions, and biases at the
outside of the study (Creswell, 2014). I was drawn to the hijabers because I liked their fashion
style. Then, I commenced this study with the perspective that the hijabers are fashionistas
middle-class young women who are stigmatised as immodest due to their appearances.
However, in contrast, I found that the hijabers were also active in religious activities and
organised important events (such as charity, social campaign) through their communities. Over
time and unexpexted I began to understand their strong religiosity as a guide to their social
media use
In addition, my perceptions of the hijabers have been shaped by my personal values as a hijab-
wearing woman and a moderate Muslim. My values have set my role in this research as an
insider. As an insider, I benefited not only in gaining trust and access to build interaction with
my participants but also in understanding my participants’ cultures and experiences in using
Instagram as described by Maynard (1989):
In doing ethnography, researchers attempt to draw a picture of what some
phenomenon ‘looks like’ from an insider’s account of the phenomenon and for
some audience who wants to know about it. The ethnographer, in general, is in the
business of describing culture from the members’ point of view (p. 130, cited in
Mason, 2002).
My understanding of the context and participants’ cultural backgrounds created a strong
reflexivity which Spencer (2001) explained as:
“A strong reflexivity …recognises that the ethnographer and his or her language
are inevitably a part of the phenomenon that is being investigated…Linked to this
reflexivity is a sense of responsibility for the consequences of a particular way of
representing the words and practices of other people; in this case a responsibility
to recognise complexity and difference, rather than hide them beneath a veil of
homogeneity and generalization… This sense of responsibility can be a source of
liberation, rather than simply an unwelcome burden; it is now possible to write
extraordinary rich, and even sometimes extraordinary readable, ethnographies
which are quite open about their limitations and partiality, and which manage to
acknowledge the complexity of the world, and thus the difficulty of rendering it
through words on page, without sacrificing coherence or clarity” (p. 450).
However, due to strong reflexivity, I could bring some biases to this study such as difficulties
to step out of the research setting and to interrogate the data critically. These biases may shape
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the way I view and understand the data I collected, and the way I interpreted it. Nevertheless,
after acknowledging my personal experiences on my topic choice and sampling location, I did
everything I could to be aware of my potential biases as an ‘insider’ and to ensure my
objectivity including applied multiple strategies of validation and reliability which will be
explained in the next sub-chapter.
3.6 Validity, Reliability, and Generalisation
The necessity to include and to evaluate validity and reliability in a qualitive research is still
arguable (Mason, 2002; Gibbs, 2007). Mason (2002) proposes two ways of validity, validity
of methods and validity of interpretation, that “must be demonstrated through a careful
retracting and reconstruction of the route by which you think you reached them, and there are
no easy answers or shortcuts in this process” (Mason, 2002, p. 194). Meanwhile, Gibbs (2007)
defines qualitative validity as the process of how a researcher checks for the accuracy of the
findings by employing certain procedures, while qualitative reliability indicates that the
researcher’s approach is consistent across different researchers and different projects.
Creswell (2014) has elaborated several categories of validity and reliability based on Mason
(2002) ad Gibbs (2007). Referring to Creswell (2014, p. 201-203), this research combined
multiple strategies of validity such as:
1. Triangulation of data – data collected through multiple sources. The data in this researach
is collected through several methods including interviews, participant-observations, and
Instagram analysis.
2. Used member checking to determine the accuracy of the interview results by explaining the
summary of the interview to my participants. All my participants stated that the summary
of the interviews were acurate with their statements.
3. Used a rich, thick description to convey the findings. The rich and thick description of this
resaerch’s findings could be found in the Chapter 4 - 6.
4. Clarified the bias the researcher brings to the study, that I already explained in previous
sub-chapter of ‘The Researcher’s Role’.
5. Presented negative or discrepant information that runs counter to the themes. Some
contradictory findings are discussed in Chapter 4-7. For example, I argued that the beauty
pageants organised by several hijab communities as the objectification of women’s body.
6. Spent prolonged time in the field. This research used digital ethnography approach that
allowed me to stay in the online field to observe my participants’ Instagram accounts.
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7. Used peer debriefing to enhance the accuracy of the account. This research has been
presenting in front of peer group several times.
8. Used an external auditor to review the entire project. Several examiners have been reviewed
this Ph.D. thesis
Meanwhile, this research followed Gibbs’s (2007, p. 10-12 of chapter 7) qualitative reliability
procedures (p. 203) which consist of:
1. Listened to the interview recordings more than one time and checked the transcripts to
make sure that they do not contain obvious mistakes made during transcription process.
2. Compared data with the codes and wrote memos about the codes. These attempts aimed to
make sure that there was not a drift in the definition of codes or a shift in the meaning of
the codes during the process of coding. I compared data with the codes and wrote memos
about the codes.
Additionally, theoretical generalisation in qualitative research is more constructive than
empirical generalisation (Mason, 2002). Moreover, Greene and Caracelli (1997) argued the
importance of particularity rather than generalisability in determining the quality of qualitative
research (cited in Creswell, 2014). Therefore, this research allow for, which are reflected in the
reported results and conclusions. My findings of how the hijabers presented their front stage
on Instagram by managing it on the back stage could be generalised as part of their dramaturgy
strategy as claimed by Goffman (1959). However, managing the front stage not always refers
to presenting inauthenticity.
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CHAPTER 4: BEING AUTHENTIC SELVES
Figure. 4.1 Way-finding diagram of chapters
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4.1 Introduction
Similar to their Western counterparts, the hijabers in this present study also use Instagram to
express themselves. Although according to more conservative groups, a Muslim woman is
forbidden to overexpose their faces both in the offline and online public sphere, inevitably
Instagram has offered an opportunity and access for the hijabers in Indonesia to represent
themselves. They took close-up, half or full body photographs of themselves in the form of
selfies and OOTD (Outfit of The Day) then shared it on Instagram. They undeniably have
engaged with the globalised selfies’ cultures.
Interestingly, not all participants in this study firmly adhere to the selfies culture and allow the
exploitation of their faces on Instagram. As Ghina described in the interview session, “It is not
suggested to post selfies because it overexposed the face” (personal communication on 20
November 2016). Similarly, Addina who started to reduce posting selfies since she often came
to pengajian (Islamic studying) said: “Sometimes I was feeling guilty after I posted my selfies,
then I decided to delete the post and put #apologizeformymistake… I realised selfies could
cause adultery for men’s eyes” (personal communication on 20 October 2016). While Tami
also explained, “I started to use photographs that not give arisen to lust” (personal
communication on 5 October 2016). Addina and Tami both expressed their concern regarding
how other people will perceive their selfies in sexual or sensual ways.
However, they did not wholly reject the culture of taking and sharing photographs on
Instagram; they only altered their photos. For example, Ghina still posted OOTD, mostly
without including her image. Addina aimed her selfie postings at women only audience and
locked her social media accounts describing, “I am feeling discomfort when I got comments
and loves in Instagram from men then I intended my postings for women audiences and locked
most of my social media accounts” (personal communication on 20 November 2016). She also
chose to share her selfies with just her close Instagram friends. Moreover, Tami decided to
make her account private, so she could control to whom she shared her postings. This control
raises the question why these hijabers are still compelled to use Instagram to share their selfies,
when they feel constrained by certain cultural or religious norms? What affordances does
Instagram provide them? What does sharing their images through Instagram mean to them?
Reflecting on those questions makes it important to investigate further how these hijabers
participate in the culture of taking and sharing self-portraits and to understand their self-
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presentation on Instagram. These hijabers’ images are predominantly complemented with
thoughtful narratives, rather than just short captions such as, ‘today selfies’ or ‘stylish
#OOTD.’ The texts and captions the hijabers included in their Instagram posts have augmented
the meaning or purpose of their photographs. Therefore, this chapter explores their narratives
from the interview transcripts and the photograph captions to address this study’s first sub
research question: “How do the Indonesian hijabers present their selfies on Instagram?”
Through qualitative thematic and visual analysis, I respond to this question. I identified four
themes of how the hijabers represent themselves on Instagram including being real, being
empowered, being fashionable, and being humorous and fun. ‘Being real’ is the predominant
theme because the majority of participants in this study stated their willingness and effort to be
the same individual both in the offline and online world. Meanwhile ‘being empowered’
resonates with ‘being authentic’ because these hijabers cannot empower themselves without
knowing who they are and be true to themselves. ‘Being fashionable’ describes how these
hijabers participate in sharing their stylish daily outfit. Lastly, ‘being humorous and fun’
explores how these hijabers express their comical personalities. These themes reveal the
visibility of the hijabers in the digital public sphere and display their determination to represent
themselves which in Figure 4.2 notes as ‘Being Me on Instagram.’
Figure 4.2 - Being authentic
4.2 Being Real
Through the analysis of interviews, Instagram postings, and participant-observations, I found
that ‘being the real me’ was the predominant rationale for taking and sharing ‘selfies.’ Majority
of participants were very conscious of their leadership role within their community and were
BEING AUTHENTIC
Being Real
Being Empowered
Being Fashionable
Being Humorous and
Fun
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aware that many young Muslim women viewed them as role models. For example, the
participants tend to be community leaders who have over thousands of followers who are
predominantly young Indonesian women. Thus, they made conscious choices to share their real
selves; whether this was photographs without makeup, with chubby cheeks, with curvier and
heavier bodies, or simply sharing the day-to-day realities of their lives. For example, Ifa said,
“There is no intention to build a fake image in my social media posting” (personal
communication on 7 October 2016). She snapped a black and white picture of herself at a
photography exhibition, acted a surprise face above a photograph of a boy jumping into the
river with her mouth forming an O letter with her two arms held above her head and later
commented that she had tripped and fallen over. As a model, news presenter in a government
TV station, and finalist of a Muslim women (Muslimah) beauty pageant 2014 (Finalis Putri
Muslimah 2014), Ifa performs as she is. This authentic reflection resonates with followers and
differentiates how these hijabers use Instagram.
Figure 4.3 - Selfies after being an MC
In some respects, this honest sharing of lives is a conscious juxtaposition against the idealised
images that dominate mainstream media, including Instagram. In the interviews, these hijabers
described their disappointment, anger and general tiredness with the fake images of celebrities,
politicians, and social media influencers on Instagram. For example, Ghaida explained how
she was sick of people creating false self-images to sell products or visions of idealised,
unobtainable lives and standards of unrealistic (often Western) beauty. In response, therefore,
she was purposely and conspicuously living and sharing her authentic life on Instagram. As
well as expressing her true self, as a public figure (fashion designer, daughter of well-known
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Islamic leader with 406,000 followers on Instagram) she felt an obligation to share her self-
development journey with her followers honestly. As she explained in the interview, “I just
want to be who I am…(and) of course I have to continue to improve myself to be a better
person” (personal communication on 6 October 2016). It is this focus on improvement, and
the sharing of this journey, that is inspirational and quite exceptional on Instagram. For
example, Atika laughingly described how a follower negatively commented on her ‘weird
dancing’ after she posted a video; Atika just answered, “It is ok, ‘this is me’ … I am enjoying
using social media to express the truly who I am” (personal communication on 20 October
2016).
Similar with Ghaida, Fitri who is also a public figure who owns several national fashion brands
realised she has brands to manage, but she chose to post a real version of herself. In her view,
“Pencitraan (planned self-images) or image setting is really exhausting” (personal
communication on 17 November 2016). As she admitted, rather than posting a forced image,
she preferred to set an ‘alarm’ for herself in selecting what she can and cannot post. This is her
way to be alert, to avoid being fake, that not only wastes her valuable time and energy but could
also causes negative perceptions. In a similar line, Udhe noted that she was not a famous
person, not a president nor an actress who needs to build pencitraan. As an ordinary person,
she believed “Good people do not need to declare ‘I am good’!” (personal communication on
20 November 2016). In other words, she just let her followers compare what she was posting
with what she was doing, and then judge it consistently.
Pencitraan is a term that is usually used to accuse politicians who propagate their exaggerated
programs to gain voters but then ignore the programs after elected. As most Indonesian
politicians have negative self-images, pencitraan has a negative connotation in Indonesia
because this term is used to point out counterfeit behaviour that exposes insincere attitudes,
especially in social media. Related to the hijabers in this present study, they negate in creating
pencitraan because it is impractical, and it is in contrary with their self-consciousness to show
their authenticity, just as most of participants strictly stated: “I just want to be who I am both
in the offline and online world, and I do not have intention to build pencitraan (planned self-
image).”
Though some participants said, “It is important to keep the good image” , their statements did
not indicate pencitraan. According to them ‘a good image’ meant posting proper photographs
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that did not lead to the humiliation or the possibility of damaging their family’s reputation
because many of their extended family members also follow their accounts. It is common in
Indonesia’s culture to know each other activities through social media updates. As Melisha
stated, “Now I am not posting too often because my husband’s family, such as my husband’s
uncle, have started to follow my account” (personal communication on 21 October 2016).
Moreover, Ayu explained that since she was married and had a baby, she had become more
cautious with her postings. She said, “when I was still single, I used to post and repost
emotionally everything that I want, but now I have a family to consider what the impact of my
postings on them” (personal communication on 17 November 2016).
My participants described the importance of being authentic and ensuring that their online
persona matched who they truly were. Therefore, they do not follow the Western concept of
‘free to be me’ culture which is based on the freedom to express everything liberally and
explicitly. The interpretation of ‘being authentic’ here does not indicate they disregard for their
Eastern culture and Islamic norms. By avoiding the posting of fake images, these hijabers do
not overlook their system of social values. In contrast, it is very likely that they reflect their
Muslim women identity on Instagram.
The authenticity of these hijabers could also be seen in how they built their own concept of
beauty and body image. For instance, Addina who likes to groom and experiment with makeup
also encouraged her followers to blush their inner beauty without makeup. She also explained,
“I do not mind posting photos of my face without any makeup on it because I want to inspire
that it is ok to show yourself without make-up” (personal communication on 22 October 2016).
She collaged two photos into one frame with one photo on the left showing her face in full
makeup and the other on the right showing her face without makeup (see Figure 4.4). In the
caption, she wrote, “Voila...the power of makeup. However, if I have to choose the one that I
like; I prefer to appear as natural as possible. That is why even though I like to experiment
with makeup, but I prefer no makeup in daily life.”
Her statement and posting revealed her preferences to have a natural appearance that
highlighted her honesty, without any enhancement from the effect of makeup. She preferred to
appear as it is when many other young women curated their images using an application such
as Photo Editor, InstaBeauty, Beauty Camera and so on. Indeed, these applications could
digitally make over appearances starting from removing acne, pimples, whitening the skin and
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teeth, improving the eyes, nose, lip shape and colour until thinning the cheek and heightening
the cheekbone. While Western-based companies create most of these apps, it is not a surprise
if the beauty standard they apply is very Westernized. Many non-Western women have used
these apps and applied these Western beauty standards that contrast with their unique real
beauty. For example, people from Indonesia tend to have natural looks that are indicated by a
broad nose, black or brown eyes with light brown skin tones, but many Indonesian women,
young and adult, tend to obsess with the Westerners’ characteristic of a sharp nose, blue eyes,
and white skin. Certainly, these beautify apps could be used to easily arrange their desired
appearances and contribute to propagating the Western beauty standard. It is acceptable if a
woman wants to look beautiful, but it is improper in Indonesian norms and cultures when she
becomes obsessed with the beauty of Westerners that contrast with her nature and identity. By
posting a ‘no makeup face’, it is very likely that Addina keeps her authentic self and identity.
Figure 4.4 - Prefer no makeup
While other women obsess with slim and skinny body shapes and trying to hide unproportional
shapes of their body, in contrast, Wanda posted her chubby cheeks (see Figure 4.5) and Shafira
(see Figure 4.6) showed her weight gain. Wanda seemed proud of her cheeks saying “Chubby
cheek already to be seen! Indonesian foods treat me well.” She was also using hashtags such
as #gainweight #chubby #selfie #reflectionselfie #sunnies #glasses #shades. Her post is in line
with her statement, “I post to express not to impress, I do not expect how much like I will get
from my posting” (personal communication on 30 October 2016).
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Figure 4.5 - Proud of chubby cheeks
Meanwhile, in the interview session, Shafira admitted that she liked eating and then posting
the foods and sharing her honest experiences about the foods and the places where she has
eaten. In one of her posts, she just put numbers and an arrow “50kg→56kg”, adding the three
emoticons of ‘cold sweat face’ that could be interpreted as an anxious face, without any words.
Her picture shows her as being fine with her increasing body weight by smiling and not
showing frustration. Instead of looking stressed about her weight gain, she poses like a model
on a runway. Her face focuses on the camera; her hand reveals her pink outer shirt to show her
blue pants while her knees are slightly bent forward. This posting got 100 ‘likes’.
Figure 4.6 - Don’t worry about weight gain
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Being honest with body weight is hardly revealed by most of women both in the offline or
online world and in some cultures, it could be considered impolite behaviour to ask someone
about their body weight. However, both Wanda and Shafira seem happy to disclose their body
image. They accept their body sizes, are proud of it, and then publicly share it on Instagram.
Self-acceptance is an essential stage of being authentic.
4.3 Being Empowered
The majority of hijabers postings signify how they were being empowered. Empowered here
means how they appreciate themselves and have the power to love and believe in themselves.
They also help spread messages regarding how women have to value themselves, to know what
they want and to recognise their identity. Through their Instagram postings, these hijabers
indicated the importance of recognising themselves in order to achieve self-belief as the basis
of being empowered. By taking on their own power, these hijabers could become role models
who encourage their followers to build self-esteem and so create a ripple effect when these
positive vibes of self-belief are transmitted from one woman to another. Thus, their empowered
selves could amplify their presentation as young Muslim women who embrace the digital
public sphere of Instagram for essential purposes.
For instance, Wanda described her full makeup portrait as a masquerade and concealment to
highlight her view on the importance of self-worth rather than outer beauty by writing “Fall in
love with yourself first. Love yourself enough so when someone treats you wrong, you notice”
(see Figure 4.7). Wanda used Instagram as a platform to express not to impress; then her post
indicates her consideration to motivate her followers to love themselves in order to respect
themselves and to gain respect from others.
Figure 4.7 - Fall in love with yourself
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Sarah also explained self-love and being comfortable with ourselves is crucial to achieving
self-confidence. As she stated in the interview, “Feeling comfortable about ourselves will raise
our self-confident.” In her posting she wrote, “Love yourself, accept yourself. Forgive yourself
and be good to yourself.” She confidently stands up in front of a large majestic door, probably
a mosque door. Her full body portrait shows her red medium size hijab, a black and white
striped blouse, and an A-line skirt (see Figure 4.8). Her post indicates a power to appreciate
herself in order to love herself.
Figure 4.8 - Love yourself
Similarly, as a public figure who is involved in several organisations as well as the chairwoman
of Hijabers Community, Syifa likes to push herself to the limit because she believes she could
achieve whatever she wants as long as she strives for it. She posted a mirror flip selfies’
technique with two different portraits. The left portrait showed her close smile, and the right
portrait showed her wider smile. She stands in front of an art painting, wearing a white medium
sized hijab and a blue blouse and applies a natural makeup colour to her face. She posted a self-
belief word by quoting the lyric of Mary J Blige’s song, Just Fine (see Figure 4.9), “Feels so
good when you are doing all the things that you want to do. Get the best out of life, treat
yourself to something new. Keep your head up high in yourself, believe in you, believe in me.”
This lyric expressed her aspiration to do what she loves and to love what she does and reflects
her willingness to persuade her Instagram followers to advance their self-esteem.
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Figure 4.9 - Believe in yourself
Being empowered is also reflected in how the participants viewed their hijab. As the hijab is
part of these hijabers’ identity, then it has been embedded in their persona. Furthermore, all
participants choose to wear the hijab as their own desire. In other words, the decision to wear
hijab as part of their empowerment. For instance, in the interview session, Sarah said: “If a
woman is wearing hijab because she likes it, eventually it will flourish her inner beauty and
confidence” (personal communication on 18 October 2018). Meanwhile, Maya who has only
been wearing the hijab for a year is always convinced shef will wear it. She said:
The intention of wearing the hijab should not be because someone orders it or not
because we want to be famous, but it has to be a calling from our heart... Hijab is
not a trend or a fashion model, the hijab is protection, and for me hijab is cool
(personal communication on 10 November 2016).
In Figure 4.10, she is drinking a cup of tea, standing in front of a retro kitchen board and
wearing a black hijab, black vest and black and white striped long sleeves. In the caption, she
wrote: “Hijab is not only talking about an obligation. Hijab identified who you are and what
your call is.” This caption amplified her statement and emphasised how she is being
empowered by wearing the hijab and spreading it through Instagram.
Figure 4.10 - Hijab identifies who you are
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4.4 Being Fashionable
Besides being an authentic and empowered self, the hijabers in this present study also displayed
their visibility in public as fashionable selves through hashtags OOTD (Outfit of The Day).
While most participants posted OOTD, they also admitted that their OOTD is not merely just
about a fashion showcase and preferred to show their visibility as inspiring selves through
#OOTD. That is, their postings do not look like a fashion catalogue which merely describes
what they wear and the brand or price of their outfit. By writing the narratives within their
OOTD, the hijabers tried to not only share fashion statements but also to highlight their self-
presentation as inspirational young women rather than as fashionistas. Their inspiring images
and captions could encourage their followers and motivate more women.
For instance, Ghaida who owns a fashion brand sometimes has to post OOTD for sponsors.
However, she wants to give more value other than just talking about ‘fashion’ within her posts
and said,
I prefer to post useful and valuable updates rather than just fashion because I realise
social media has supported the creation of self-images of Muslimah (a term for
Muslim women). Social media influencers also have generated new visual
presentations of a hijab-wearing woman; then I want to find a new strategy to make
my accounts have more significant influences rather than as fashion catalogues
(personal communication on 6 October 2018).
In Figure 4.11 below, Ghaida sits in a pink chair and wears a soft-coloured outfit, including
soft purple hijab dangled into below her shoulder and chest, a soft pink blouse, and a white
cross-body bag. Her two palms are placed on her cheek with her head tilted around 15 degrees
to the left, and her eyes are cast down. In her caption, she wrote: “Stay focus and be thankful,
all is well in sha Allah.” She also mentioned her brand, GDAS. Even though her post is part of
the promotion material of her brand, her caption indicates calm and positive vibes. These vibes
seemed to fascinate her followers and reached 1,729 likes. Her photograph and caption
accentuate her simple outfit and her beauty charm in natural way.
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Figure 4.11 - Stay focus and be thankful
In Figure 4.11 below, Syifa applied a photo editor application software to create a flip mirror
or double image of her half body portrait. She looks modest yet glamorous by wearing a satin
gold colour hijab that is tied like a ribbon under her chin and a dark brown cloak with a skin
coloured tone inner sleeves. She faced the camera and showed a pretty smile. She explained in
her caption that this portrait was a photo shoot for Noor magazine. She also wrote a caption:
“Count your blessings, be grateful and give more.” She mentioned one Indonesian hijab brand
and put #hijab #hijabchic #hijabers #hijabi #hijabfashion #ootd #hotd #muslima #modest.
Her photograph indicates her principles in wearing hijab:
I consider three aspects of hijab-wearing: ethics, norm, and aesthetic. Ethics mean
we have to follow proper standards for modest dress. Norm is the appropriateness
of the dress with the situation. The aesthetic is how our appearances are pleasing
in the eyes but not over accessorised” (personal communication on 18 November
2016).
Indeed, she follows a proper ethic of veiling practices in Indonesia, which is covered the hair
and the neck. She wears this glossy hijab in order to take a photo shoot for a magazine, then
she follows her second principle of norm. Meanwhile in the term of aesthetic, her double mirror
selfie is signified her beauty and simplicity.
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Figure 4.12 - Count your blessings
Similar to Ghaida, Fitri is a famous hijab fashion designer. She hoped her posts could become
the inspiration for her followers. She stated, “I have a fashion brand, so my posting including
OOTD should aim to inspire (not just fashion showcase)” (personal communication on 17
November 2016). In figure 4.13 below, she wrote an English caption: “Dare to wear bright
colour? Confidence makes you look stunning!” Indeed, she looks stunning with a long brown
hijab, cream-coloured hat, long sleeves and skirt combined with the white-flowered yellow
outer shirt. She took the photo probably on a jetty while travelling. Her right index finger and
middle finger clasp the edge of her hat, and her left arm is placed on the hip and elbow turned
outward. The position of her head is tilted around 20 degrees to the right with her eyes staring
at the camera. The wind blows her outer shirt and skirt and dramatises her appearance like a
photograph for a cover of a fashion magazine. From the hashtags she used, this portrait is also
a promotional tool for her brand, Kivitz, but her caption has given it a more meaningful
message. She highlights the importance of being confident to become remarkable person.
Therefore, her #OOTD is not only a showcase of her brand but also a conveyer of messages.
Her posting gained 724 likes from her followers.
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Figure 4.13 - Confidence makes you look stunning
Another example of a cover girl look alike photograph was shown by Ghina and Lera. Ghina
took a picture in a retro coffee shop and described her style of a simple black abaya with a
stylish satin vest tied loosely around her waist as an informal look. Her style as a young middle-
class woman was also accentuated by a satchel handbag. She adds a text watermark of her
account name ‘ghinaafaa’ in the right edge of her vest to sign her style and to inform her identity
because she did not show her face. She also put many hashtags such as #muslimahapparelthings
#hijabstyle_lookbook #stylingtips #hijab_fashioninspiration to stress her intention in giving
inspirational style. Moreover, the use of #modestwear #modestyisgorgeous #hijabiselegant
could be interpreted as her passion for promoting a modest style. Her fashionable yet
straightforward style successfully gained 551 likes from her followers.
As Ghina said, she prefers to post OOTD than selfies. She said: “If I posted OOTD, at least my
followers can take the fashion’s ideas from my posting” (personal communication on 20
November 2016). As shown in Figure 4.14, it seems she wants to inspire her followers through
her OOTD because she believes it is more useful to emphasis her outfits than to focus on her
face. In order to reduce exposing her face, she posted #OOTD by capturing her outfit only from
her shoulder to feet.
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Figure 4.14 - Fashion Ideas
As with Ghina, Lera also admitted in the interview session that she is not courageous to post
selfies, “I am rarely posting selfies, just posting OOTD because I do not have the guts…
because I am worried too be seen as an over stylish girl” (personal communication on 23
October 2016). For example, in Figure 4.15 below, she posted a photograph with an ice cream
theme.
Figure 4.15 - Ice cream themed outfit
Lera’s portrait is focusing on her outfit and style rather than her face and displaying her
creativity in dressing herself and composing her photograph. She utilises a colourful patterned
wall as a background to lean on. She wears a similar tone pink hijab and long cardigan
combined with a black shirt with ice cream pictures and white spotted black pants. Her cross-
body brown bag also has an ice cream-shaped handle. Her pose resembles a catalogue model
or a magazine cover girl with her left thumb and index finger gently holding her black hat while
her right-hand grabs an ice cream. Her face tilts around 15 degrees to the right with her eyes
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looking far away from the camera lens, and her mouth looks like she is enjoying her ice cream.
Therefore, Lera presents a cosmopolitan chic style which indicates herself as artistic, creative
and inspirational hijabers.
4.5 Being Humorous and Fun
Although only a handful of the hijabers described explicitly engaging in humorous posts like
applying slang words, parody abbreviations, mimicking famous jargon and having fun by
replicating ‘duck face’ and mirror selfies on Instagram, it is interesting to observe their unique
Indonesian irreverence. The two Instagram posts below highlight this unique humour that uses
slang words; first, Melisha made fun of her baby’s thigh which is in a similar shape as a loaf
of bread, Figure 4.16. She also refers to her pregnancy weight in Figure 4.16 with the funny
hashtag #prayfordugonk, using a slang word ‘dugonk’ instead of ‘dugong’ (the marine
mammal). This underlines her pleasant personality. To better understand her intention, I point
out that it is familiar in Indonesia to change the last English word with similar phonemes, such
as ‘thanks’ to ‘thanx.’
Figure 4.16 - Thigh vs. Bread
These examples illustrate how, the hijabers in this present study, draw on local norms and
cultural references to highlight how wearing a hijab does not mean living a humourless life or
not having fun. In fact, in the interviews, they described how expressing their unique and
comical personalities online and visually was a way they could portray how to live as a Muslim
woman. This intentional use of Instagram was not without its critics, with Melisha describing
how sometimes she is mocked by her friends on Instagram due to her funny captions. She took
the first shot regarding living life on her terms, comparing her baby’s thigh to a loaf of bread,
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or in other posts, describing herself as a whale. She admitted, “My captions sometimes make
people want to ‘bully’ me (laughing)” (personal communication on 21 October 2016). In
Figure 4.16, she posted a caption “Sari Rotiii.Roti Sari Roti (imitating a salesperson of a bread
brand called Sari Roti). I am sorry kid…my mistake.” Sari Roti is a large bread company in
Indonesia whose salespeople usually ride a cart along housing blocks and call the brand
through a loudspeaker.
In another post Figure 4.17, Melisha combined a stylish studio photograph with a funny hashtag
#prayfordugonk to make fun of the change of her body. She wears an outfit of a cream hat,
black hijab, and bright yellow turtle-neck withlong sleeves for a particular maternity photo
shoot in a studio. Her face is groomed with full makeup with a big smile exposing her high
cheekbone that blushes her happiness. While her hat highlights her black hijab, which looks
like hair placed on her left body, it is probably placed to conceal her body curves. With one
hand on her waist and the other on her baby bump, her pose seems beautiful. She seems to
enjoy her pregnancy and is not worried about being thought of as a silly woman. Her narratives
could encourage her followers to be happy with their body whatever its size and shape.
Figure 4.17 - #prayfordugonk
As well as engaging with slang and contemporary culture, these fun images push boundaries
about expected behaviours. Aez, who is an extrovert and usually talks frankly, designated
Instagram as “a memory keeper and visual documentary of my life” (personal communication
on 20 November 2016). This photo, Figure 4.18, was taken when she went snorkelling in Bali.
Aez also uses the slang word Dayum for damn to express her amazement while snorkelling
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with her hijab. She tried to look at the camera and enjoy being surrounded by corals and little
fish. She wrote “The world so dayum amazing, how can u spend ur whole life just stay in one
place? Hope a new story in jejaklangkahaez.blogspot.com can make your feet itchy.”
Meanwhile, ‘itchy’ means encouraging her followers to explore the beauty of nature. She
enjoyed herself by travelling and then sharing her experiences on her blogs. She still wears a
full covered swimming cap, and a long armed swimming wear while she takes underwater
selfies. It means hijab-wearing women still could do various kinds of physical activities
including water-related ones. Aez demonstrates through her post that wearing the hijab is not
a reason to become an inactive person. Also, she inspires her followers to express themselves
through various platform like she did through her blog.
Figure 4.18 - The world so dayum amazing!
In Indonesia, slang words are usually used in informal conversation with close friends or
family. The use of slang words in these Instagram posts indicate how these hijabers build
intimacy with their followers. They also use Instagram not only as a platform to capture their
daily activities or personal stories such as a pregnancy, baby’s shape, travel and activities, but
also to express these events with their unique style of humour.
Besides using slang, these hijabers also used a parody abbreviation and mimicked an anime
figure’s jargon by posing a ‘duck face’ selfie (Figure 4.19) to engage with global trends. As
Muslim women, they also consume and take part in popular culture, other than Islamic popular
culture, and share it on Instagram. For example, Wanda makes a funny body shape to mock
how she catches public transport. In the interview session, she stated: “I am expressing not
impressing” (personal communication on 30 October 2016). In Figure 4.19, she wears a blue-
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themed outfit starting from a blue hijab, a blue and white striped shirt, blue vest, denim pants,
and blue shoes. Her left arm swings forward, with her left foot is bent forward. She entitled her
pose as ‘the style to stop the public transport.’ In her caption, she also described her parody
abbreviation of OOTD which initially stands for Outfit of The Day into Ogah-ogah Tapi
Dandan or ‘reluctantly grooming’. She meant to make herself into an anecdote of the OOTD
trend that has become a trendy way to exhibit personal fashion statements.
Figure 4.19 - The style to stop public transport
Lera is a graphic designer who likes to post her own designs, using Instagram as her design
portfolio. In Figure 4.20, she posted a caption “I want this I want that I want all” with a tilted
photo of her face surrounded by pictures of pizza, cherries, doughnuts, burgers and ice creams.
Her caption mimicked a famous Doraemon’s song from a Japanese anime series that has been
aired since the 1990s. Doraemon is a round blue cat from the future who has a magic pocket
on his belly that can give his owner everything he needs. The song from this anime is quite
popular in Indonesia, especially the part that is captioned by Lera.
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Figure 4.20 - I want this and that
She is also posing a bit of a natural pout of a duck face with her hand supporting her chin. A
duck face is a typical selfie pose with lips slightly pressed and pouted resembling a duck's beak
to accentuate the cheekbones, and to look thinner or to attract attention. In contrast with the
attempt to be alluring, Lera’s natural ‘duck face’ tends to express her hunger for food. She
seems unashamed in showing her craving for food by using #huntingdeliciousfoods. Her
creative way of curating the images and capturing popular culture reflects her adoption of
globalised ideas.
Another interesting finding is that some of these hijabers express their apologies by posting a
selfie with an exclamation of ‘pardon my selfie’ or ‘one selfie will not hurt.’ On the one hand,
these hijabers follow a trend of selfie culture; on the other hand, they do not want to disrupt or
displease their followers. Acknowledging that their postings could be perceived as a form of
narcissism, they tend to use the captions to apologise about their selfies and demonstrate a
sense of humility.
The two posts below are examples of how they emphasise ‘apologetic’ narratives within their
selfies as part of their self-expression on Instagram. In Figure 4.2, Shafira posted four selfies
photos in various styles taken in her office. In her selfies, she captioned “Pardon my office
selfie” which means she apologies if her post interferes her followers’ time line. For her,
Instagram is a public platform where she did not know all her followers. She then decided to
use this platform to just have fun and not for attention seeking, admitting, “As it is open
publicly, I tend to post something just for fun” (personal communication on 13 October 2016).
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Figure 4.21 - Pardon my office selfie
Syifa took a mirror selfie using a digital camera, see Figure 4.22. In the photo she has one hand
on her chin, the other holding the camera while facing the mirror, and her eyes focused on the
camera lens. She uses a red lipstick that contrasts her white hijab. Her appearance emphasises
her bright personality. In that post, she mentioned captions, “Good morning. Ready for being
an MC (Masters of Ceremony) on Indonesia Halal Lifestyle Expo Conference at Ciputra
Artpreneur. Before it starts, one selfie hopefully won’t hurt ya.” It seems she wants to share
her daily activity and hopes that taking one selfie to capture her activity as an MC in a
prestigious event will not upset her followers.
Figure 4.22 - One selfie will not hurt
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4.6 Discussion
The importance of performing and displaying authentic selves (rather than merely stylish
selves) is a theme expanded on in this chapter, where I explored how these hijabers use
Instagram for being real, empowered, fashionable, humorous and fun young Muslim women.
In her study on Hijabers Community, Beta (2014) contends that the hijabers proffer a tame
alternative to both the vulgar style of ‘jilbab gaul’ (trendy veil) and the “gloomy Arabic veils”;
they flaunt “their ability to adjust to a level of colourfulness —the fun, safe Muslims—that
requires respectable financial means and in turn accretes as cultural capital: an ability to be
accepted as global and cosmopolitan” (Beta, 2014, p. 385). My thesis affirms this finding, but
images portraying the hijabers’ selfies as a passive beauty are not typical in the corpus of posts
I collected, and therefore extend the interpretation and representation of these hijabers as
authentic selves. This thesis offers three main contributions in term of how the hijabers present
their authenticity on Instagram that explain in the following sections.
Change the Understanding of Selfies
This research finding challenges the mainstream understanding of how selfies are used. While
some authors (e.g., Sung et al., 2016; Weiser, 2015; Moon et al., 2016) argued selfies are the
product of narcissistic young Western women, Senft and Baym (2015) pointed out that the
emerging body of scholarship on selfies should not always pathologise the practice as merely
an act of narcissism. The extensive practices of taking and sharing digital self-portraits or
selfies have modified and formed a new way to express and communicate.
The hijabers display their selfies as stylish images, while at the same time complement their
photographs with narratives of self-consciousness and humility. These hijabers are consciously
creating and sharing images of themselves living modern yet modest lives while wearing the
hijab (a known symbol of their piety). The narratives within their selfies and OOTD (Outfit of
The Day) expressed positive messages (e.g., self-acknowledgment, self-empowerment, and
self-encouragement like those written by Fitri, “Dare to wear bright colour? Confidence makes
you look stunning!” in Figure 4.13), rather than just using simple tags like #selfie or #OOTD.
As they explained in their interviews, there was an aspiration to attach more meaningful
messages to their selfies and OOTD, rather than just to present self-portraits with the caption
#selfie or #OOTD that merely depict their appearances (“If I posted OOTD, at least my
followers can take the fashion’s ideas from my posting”, Ghina, interview data, 2016).
Therefore, my finding shows that the hijabers in this research valued being authentic selves
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because they display self-portraits of their real everyday lives, and not only use their Instagram
as a fashion catalogue.
Conversely, this research’s findings differ from a recent study of Muslim women’s self-
presentation on social media, as studied by Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016). Kavakci and Kraeplin
(2016) investigated the self-presentation of Kuwaiti, British, and American high-profile
hijabistas and lifestyle bloggers on Instagram who were mostly shaped by Western norms then
tended to emphasise their ‘fashionable body’ as their identity performance.
What distinguishes the Indonesian hijabers from those in Kavakci and Kraeplin’s (2016) study
is these Indonesian hijabers interest in presenting not only as ‘beautiful’ but also empowered
and independent young Muslim women. This self-presentation requires a particular kind of
setting in a broader social world featuring performances of bodily and intellectual strength.
Such strength is communicated in their Instagram posts in several ways. Some post images of
themselves engaged in a vigorous physical activity like snorkelling; others include posts that
show them to be intrepid travellers; and others still, that highlight their roles as equal partners
in marriage.
A comparison of the screenshots of the Instagram account of Dina Tokio (@dinatokio) and
Fitri Aulia (@fitriaulia) emphasise the differences in presenting selfies. Both of Dina Tokio
and Fitri Aulia have enhanced the possibility to manage authenticity through self-branding as
mentioned by Banet-Weiser (2012). Dina Tokio is a London-based Muslim fashion designer
and fashion blogger, and one participant in Kavicki and Kraeplin’s (2016) study. Dina Tokio,
who has 1.4 million followers, seems to employ her Instagram for displaying her styles and
designs where her captions relate to descriptions of her outfits (Figure 4.23). As described by
Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016), London-based Dina Tokio used her Instagram to present her
‘fashionable identity’ as a modest fashion trendsetter for Western countries. Although Dina
Tokio promotes modest fashion, I sense that her images and captions tend to be business-
driven, thus intentionally creating a particular self-image centred on business development.
Similar to Dina Tokio, Fitri Aulia, a participant in this study, is a public figure, fashion
designer, and fashion blogger. She has 131000 followers and owns the brand KIVITZ with the
slogan ‘Syar’i and Stylish’, which means dressing in a way that follows the Islamic sharia code
but still is fashionable. Fitri’s images also display her products, but most of her images do not
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show her face and instead focus on her designs (Figure 4.24), while also conveying
motivational messages. For instance, in the image of plants, she wrote a message about how
every morning is a new hope and that we have to feel happy every morning to boost our moods
and attitudes for the rest of the day. Fitri realised that her new gardening hobby makes her
happier every morning.
Figure 4.23 - Screenshot of @dinatokio Figure 4.24 - Screenshot of @fitriaulia_
While this is just one digital comparison, of two female Muslim Instagramers at one moment
in time, it highlights a key point identified in my research: my participants while respecting the
artistic filters, beauty and affordances of Instagram, are also sharing the more mundane
moments of their everyday lives within the confines of trying to live a pious life as a modern
Muslim woman in Indonesia – and sharing positive, motivational outlooks.
Layer of Authenticity
This chapter also highlights that there is always a layer of modesty or appropriateness in terms
of authenticity. On the one hand, these hijabers perform authenticity to their main audience,
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which is their peers and followers, showing the fun, modern Muslim self who is feminist and
feminine. On the other hand, they also perform modesty to other audiences, for examples, as
daughters and wives. All their Instagram posts are layered with this awareness about the
audience, and what are appropriate behaviours.
Most of my participants carefully choose appropriate photographs According to them ‘a good
image’ meant posting proper photographs that did not lead to the humiliation or the possibility
of damaging their family’s reputation. For example, Syifa considers if she should be careful
with her posts because she is not only presenting herself but also many organisations that she
is involved in and her family’s good reputation.
Moreover, it is common in Indonesia’s culture to follow relatives’ social media account and to
know each other activities through social media updates. For example, Melisha stated, “Now I
am not posting too often because my husband’s family, such as my husband’s uncle, have
started to follow my account” (interview data, 2016). Also, Ayu explained that since she was
married and had a baby, she had become more cautious with her postings. She said, “when I
was still single, I used to post and repost emotionally everything that I want, but now I have a
family to consider what the impact of my postings on them” (interview data, 2016). Therefore,
my participants aware and cautious with their postings.
Indeed, my participants set rules, values, norms which involving expectations about
appropriate or inappropriate behaviour. They have some guidelines and boundaries about what
they may and may not to present in social media by referring to the Islamic way of life. They
carefully draw attention to their postings then regulate which message is appropriate and
inappropriate to share.
However, their selfies did not necessarily imply fake images or pencitraan (planned self-
images). As per mentioned by Zevallos (2007) that Instagram users could actively and carefully
organise their self-images on the online public space to create a desirable impression for their
followers as a consequence of their social interactions with other people. Their effort in
presenting selfies is, consciously or not, engaged with their impression management strategy
to build ‘appropriate’ images as per stated by Schmidt (2013) that impression management not
always intentionally to manipulate self-presentation because users cannot control nonverbal
aspects (i.e. gesture, posture, facial, clothing) that communicated through their images.
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Therefore, through their selfies, my participants endorse authenticity in a way by identifying
appropriate and inappropriate postings to keep their modesty rather than to manipulate their
self-presentation.
Curation of Authenticity
There is always a curation process behind every social media posting, including the curation
of ‘authenticity’. Duffy and Hund (2015) in their study of fashion bloggers on Instagram
claimed their participants had curated their postings to accentuate their self-branding and
authenticity. The curation has started from how they took the photograph which usually in
many shots with a different angle, technique, pose; decided which is the best photograph;
arranged the best caption; edited the photograph then posted it; or any other efforts to repolish
the photograph. The different way of curation could lead to different interpretation of
authenticity as authenticity has not a fixed classification (see Banet-Weiser, 2012; Salisbury &
Pooley, 2017). I acknowledge most of my participants have been curated their performances
on Instagram. Nevertheless, in doing so, they aim to represent unique authenticity.
To further illustrate how the curation of authenticity, I present a screenshot of the Instagram
account of the Queen of Selfies, Kim Kardashian (see Figure 4.23). Kim Kardashian, who
pioneered ‘belfies’ (taken a photograph in a mirror that shows herself from behind with
buttocks centre-stage), is an icon for sexy selfies and in 2015 released a selfie book entitled
Selfish that contains 352 pages of her selfies. She told her fans that she posted topless or naked
selfies to campaign for and supported the freedom of expressing her sexuality (Saul, 2016).
Figure 4.23 shows Kim’s postings consist of her cosmetics brand, her family pictures, and a
bathroom selfies.
As a comparison to Kim’s selfies, here is Ghaida’s Instagram screenshot (Figure 4.24). Ghaida,
one participant in the research presented here, is a famous public figure and fashion designer
in Indonesia. Ghaida’s number of posts is higher than that of Kim Kardashian, who as of April
2018 had 4,264 posts. Ghaida has 406,000 followers with 6,122 posts as of April 2018, which
made her as the participant in this study with the most followers and the most postings that
comparable with the queen of selfies, Kim Kardashian.
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Figure 4.23 - Screenshot of @kimkardashian Figure 4.24 - Screenshot of @gdaghaida
Figure 4.24 shows how Ghaida uses her personal Instagram accounts to share her daily life
experiences with her friends and families. Nine of her recent postings display her visit to New
Zealand. Her captions not only state where she was and what she was doing but also describe
her spiritual reflections and contemplations from her journey. For example, a portrait with her
daughter looking at a herd of cattle walking in line was posted with a caption noting how cows
can be patient walking in a queue while humans do not exhibit the same behaviour.
Unquestionably both of Kim Kardashian and Ghaida have been curated their photographs. For
Kim Kardashian, Instagram is a medium to display her body-centric mindset, with her face and
body seemingly enhanced with makeup, implants, or surgeries. Although, it could also be
interpreted that Kim was revealing too much skin in her photographs to expose her curated
authentic self. Meanwhile, for Ghaida, her travelling photographs with self-reflection captions
are also curated through how she selected beautiful scenery of New Zealand, displayed her
intimacy with her daughter, and posed beautifully in every photograph. Indeed Ghaida has
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curated her postings but does not necessarily she becomes inauthentic. Both of them carefully
acted this process to present a photograph that resembles their values, individuality and
personality. In other words, in performing selfies on Instagram, both Kim Kardashian and
Ghaida have curated their personae to represent their unique aura of authenticity.
Another point to consider is, as described by Salisbury and Pooley (2017), Instagram
establishes a ‘creative authenticity’ that highlights users’ artistic self-expression. Most of these
hijabers accentuate their creativity on posting selfies. For example, Wanda in Figure 4.5, shows
her chubby cheeks through a reflection of her sunglasses. Another example of creative
authenticity also could be shown on their #OOTD postings. Therefore, these hijabers elaborate
their artistic self-expression to personalise their authentic selves.
They definitely could not post their ‘wake-up’ faces, because they do not wear their hijab while
sleeping. Nor they could post ‘bathroom’ mirror selfies like Kim Kardashian because they
cannot display their aurat (body parts that should be covered). Such action could question
whether these hijabers’ images are less authentic than Kim Kardashian since they keep their
head and body covered? Or by showing nude selfies then does Kim Kardashian become a fake
person? In fact, these questions are hard to answer given that we will never accurately know
others’ intentions and the concept of authenticity is very subjectively “in the eye of the
beholder” (Lobinger & Brantner, 2015, p. 1848). Then, these hijabers’ reflection of authenticity
does not have to be similar to others’ interpretation of authenticity.
However, I am not claiming that these hijabers selfies are the reflection of impeccable selves.
These hijabers, as fashion-conscious young women, create stylish images of young Muslim
women through their selfies. Indeed, these hijabers construct poses, such as looking into the
camera, choosing a setting, prop, or selecting the type of shot (close-up, etc.), much as young
Westerners do. They are not only putting clothes on their body; they are creating enough
variable, so they can look in it and imagine themselves in the photograph then it is a typical
domain of fashion where fashion improves not only one’s appearance but also one’s identity.
The hijabers are presenting their fashionable selves as a form of self-improvement while they
are purposely expressing inspired modest fashion. Therefore, they are not merely fashionistas
(someone, who dedicates their selfies and lives to nothing but fashion) but present their selfies
as personalised authentic selves, showing primarily favourable and well-composed images.
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Adding to the difficulty in defining authenticity, self-presentation on Instagram tends to display
an amplified reality or selves that are different from the ‘real’ situation (Çadırcı & Güngör,
2016). However, I argue the selection process of what we want to post, and share is our
mechanism -consciously or unconsciously- to protect ourselves, i.e. from online bullying,
mocking, hate speech, or misinterpretation, that it is not automatically planned to manipulate
our audiences. I also believe that digital media still could be used for good reasons, not merely
to intentionally produce false and planned impressions (pencitraan).
Additionally, like Peterson's (2016a, 2016b) study, these hijabers create the opportunity to be
heard in the public sphere by expressing themselves visually through their fashion. My findings
also resonate with recent research by Piela (2013b, 2016) who noted that face-veiled women
(niqabis) use the photograph-sharing website to increase their visibility. In this study, the
hijabers’ images and captions from Instagram and their narratives from interview transcripts
indicate one critical motive for increasing the space of visual expression and visibility in the
digital public sphere. Similar to the niqabis in Piela’s (2013b, 2016) study, these hijabers could
challenge the stereotype of being oppressed and backward by expressing self-narratives on
Instagram. This, then, reveals the particular visual affordances of Instagram as a medium to
spread narratives of unique authenticity. It is ‘unique’ because authenticity is a complex
fluctuate concept depends on the contexts and conditions in which authenticity is affirmed and
performed (Bloustien & Wood, 2013, Umbach & Humphrey, 2018).
Of course online ‘authenticity’ is a contested term, as social media users are always aware that
they are posting to, and speaking to an audience, and have (to a degree) an online persona. As
Thumim (2012) explained “social media users may be unable to control their own
representations as these proliferate, change, and are changed by others” (p. 150). In this thesis,
I argue these hijabers personas and Instagram postings are part of their expression of
authenticity, but I am aware that others would contest this and the degree of authenticity is
debatable.
4.7 Conclusion
The hijabers in my research display their digital self-portraits as being authentic, empowered,
and fashionable as well as humorous and fun selves. They indicate their digital self-portraits
are the authentic version of themselves in their daily lives. They maintain a proper image as
their effort to stay modest and prevent inappropriate perceptions that might harm their family
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reputation, not as a form of pencitraan (planned self-images). They were also being empowered
due to their recognition of the importance of creating positive self-concepts.
Indeed, like other Millennials, they do not mind displaying creative selfies and inspirational
OOTD (Outfit of The Day). Indeed, they were posting attractive selfies, but it does not
automatically typify them as narcissistic women. They perform selfies and OOTD to express
their true selves, to highlight their self-awareness, and to communicate their fun yet thoughtful
selves. However, these hijabers use Instagram as a stage to perform persuasive narratives
within their digital self-portraits.
In addition, this chapter includes a discussion section that explained how the finding of ‘being
authentic selves’ relates to the previous literatures. In doing so, this research elaborates how
this research findings contrast with Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016); resonate with Senft and
Baym (2015), Peterson (2016a, 2016b), Piela (2013b, 2016), and Sallisbury and Poolley (2017)
as well as expand Beta (2014).
This chapter also explore two comparisons of Instagram images of Dina Tokio (Londoner
fashion designer and one of Kavacki and Kraeplin’s (2016) study case) with Fitri Aulia (fashion
designer and my participant) to accentuate how the hijabers’ selfies are different from others
selfies experiences. My participants also display layer of authenticity through their awareness
about the audience and what are appropriate behaviours. Meanwhile, the comparison of Kim
Kadarshian (as queen of selfies) with Ghaida Tsurayya (as my participant with the most
followers and posts) display the curation of authenticity.
Digital media could be used to manage visual representation to increase positive impact on the
public presence of Muslim women. My participants’ selfies accentuate their unique authentic
representation. Through Instagram, they display themselves as ordinary young women who
enjoy the selfie culture while still consider providing additional benefit rather than just as
fashion images. Therefore, these hijabers’ selfies contest the perceptions of Muslim women
who are typically portrayed by mainstream media (mostly Western) as dull, sombre, gloomy
women, as well as opposed the label of fashionistas. Eventhough they curate their postngs, it
does not mean they share unrealistic selves. Their unique ways of self-expressing through well-
composed photographs and captions are their statements of authenticity and personal branding.
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CHAPTER 5. BEING PIOUS SELVES
Figure 5.1 - Way-finding diagram of chapters
5.1 Introduction
Besides using Instagram as a platform to present their authentic selves, the hijabers in this study
were also using Instagram to present their religious identity. This chapter explores how these
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hijabers have adopted the visual capabilities of Instagram to showcase their devotion to Islamic
values to broader audiences. This chapter addresses this study’s second research question: How
do the Indonesian hijabers present their religious identity on Instagram?
After analysing these hijabers narratives from the interview transcripts and their Instagram post
captions, this study identified four themes of how these hijabers presented their pious selves
including being faithful, being righteous, being grateful, and being patient. These themes are
shown in Figure 5.2 below. These themes illustrate how their Instagram posting is dominated
by their everyday experiences, interpretations, and enactments of their religious beliefs. These
hijabers expressed their religious identity on Instagram by sharing the Quran verses, hadiths,
or religious quotes to present themselves as pious young women.
The first theme, ‘being faithful’, was the main theme because the majority of these hijabers
shared posts to preach Islam and increase their faith. Meanwhile ‘being righteous’ relates to
their boundaries in using Instagram. ‘Being grateful’ describes how these hijabers realise their
countless favours from Allah (the Arabic word for ‘God’ in Abrahamic religions). Lastly,
‘being patient,’ articulates their steadfastness to Allah’s plans.
Figure 5.2 - Being Pious Selves
5.2 Being Faithful
Most of the hijabers in this study often posted the Quran verses or hadiths (record of the prophet
Muhammad’s daily practices) in order to spread Islamic knowledge and express their
faithfulness to Allah. They posted Quran verses or hadiths for being faithful. It seems they
Being Pious Selves
Being Faithful
Being Righteous
Being Grateful
Being Patient
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applied the Islamic principle stated by Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), “Convey from
me even if it is one verse” (HR Bukhori). In other words, Muslims’ responsibility in life,
besides the obligation to worship Allah and to honour humanity, is to preach, advocate and
disseminate the Islamic values, which in Indonesian is known as dakwah or syiar Islam.
Unlike jihadists or other hardline Muslims who tend to spread dakwah on social media using
provocative words in the form of anger or hate speech, these hijabers opted to combine simple
quotes, famous slogans with images, or insert beautiful self-portraits as their substance of
dakwah on Instagram. Therefore, their gentle dakwah and syiar approaches could elevate the
concept of Islam as a peaceful religion. As a participant, Tami, described, her aims in using
Instagram for hijrah (continual self-improvement to become more faithful) and to ask other
Muslimah to hijrah, then she also likes to post Islamic content. Furthermore, in the interview
session, she explained, “even though I did not say frontally ‘let’s change to become a better
person’ but I encouraged them to change through my updates or my discussions about Islamic
studies on social media, this is what I called as dakwah” (personal communication on 5
October 2016). In Figure 5.3, she posted a simple quote about the presence of God; “And Allah
will be there for those who want to approach Him.”
Ifa also admitted that she preferred to learn Islamic knowledge without being indoctrinated and
she tried to convey Islamic knowledge without being patronising. She displayed an example of
using a meaningful yet straightforward message by posting a CCTV camera pointed at the
Arabic word for Allah and the words ‘is watching you’ (see Figure 5.4). She also wrote,
“Muraqabah is applying the consciousness of Allah always sees and watches ourselves in
every condition. Allah always knows what we feel, say, and do”. The caption means Allah has
a magnificent system to watch every movement in the world more than an actual CCTV camera
can observe. Every aspect of the world, without exception, will be known as Allah.
Meanwhile, Sarah realised the importance of syiar in Islam. She said, “I want to keep learning
and doing syiar, and I want my postings to give benefits to others” (personal communication
on 18 October 2016). In Figure 5.5 below, she posted a reminder, “Whoever prays Fajr is under
the protection of Allah.” Fajr is the obligatory morning prayer before dawn and is a form of
obedience and faithfulness to Allah. In that post, she also reversed the greeting ‘Good Morning’
into “Morning good, if Allah wills.” It means every morning will be good if Muslims pray.
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Similar to Sarah, Adinna also considered her postings should benefit others. In the interview
session she explained, “Before posting, I should think what kind of dakwah that I have already
conveyed and ask myself: will my posting give benefits to others?” (personal communication
on 22 October 2016). She tried to benefit others by posting “Keep Calm and Carry On” dictum
– in this case, amended to refer to Read Al Kahfi and a hadith from An-Nassa’ I and Baihaqi;
Whoever reads Surah Al-Kahfi on Friday, will have a light that will shine from him from one
Friday to the next” (see Figure 5.6). She adopted the famous slogan originally from the UK, to
convey a self-reminder in order to advance faith.
Figure 5.3 - Allah will be there
Figure 5.4 - Allah is watching you
Figure 5.5 - The protection of Allah Figure 5.6 - Keep calm and read Al-Kahfi
Interestingly, these hijabers developed their faithfulness by posting the Quran verses and
hadiths, which incorporates their self-portraits in various spaces such as panorama, graveyard,
and outdoor sports site. They seem to generate their own version of dakwah or syiar Islam with
more exciting and creative modes by engaging with the culture of taking and sharing digital
self-portraits. For instance, as the daughter of a famous Indonesian kyai (Islamic leader),
Ghaida used Instagram as a channel for dakwah. She firmly stated: “Muslim women should be
preaching of Islam (dakwah), no matter how we are doing it, even though if we still in the
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process of improving ourselves, we still should convey what we could convey” (personal
communication on 6 October 2016).
In one of Ghaida’s posts, she stands under a bamboo tree, wears fashionable pastel-coloured
outfits and smiles, all echoing a tranquil milieu (see Figure 5.7). She cited a Quran verse: “
He who emigrates in the way of Allah will find in the earth enough room for refuge
and plentiful resources. Moreover, he who goes forth from his house as a migrant
in the way of Allah and His Messenger, and whom death overtakes, his reward
becomes incumbent on Allah. Surely Allah is All-Forgiving, All-Compassionate
(QS Annissa:100). Happy Friday everyone!
She tried to convince herself and her followers that hijrah (continual self-improvement to
become more faithful) will lead the way to Allah’s blessings. She got 910 likes on that post,
which indicates she can reach hundreds of people. Indeed, she recreates her posting, but her
narrative emphasises her faithful self.
Figure 5.7 - Migration for the cause of Allah
Similar to Ghaida, Aez also liked to post beautiful self-portraits with Quran verses or hadiths.
In Figure 5.8 below she wears sunglasses with a chic hijab that accentuates her graceful facial
expression and gesture in front of a scenic bridge in Dompak Island, Indonesia. She hopes she
could avoid the hypocritical situation then cited the verse of Al-Munafiqun, “They have taken
their oaths as a cover, so they averted, [people] from the way of Allah. Indeed, it was evil that
they were doing, QS (63:2).” She poses and looks to the camera to highlight her unique self
while her caption displays her fear in taking no notice of Allah’s command. Then her caption
shows how she is being faithful.
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Figure 5.8 - Keep us away from hypocrites
Sometimes the message of ‘being faithful’ was not only displayed in the Quran verses or hadith
postings but also in the form of motivational words regarding reverence to Allah. As Syifa
described, “We have to continually improve ourselves until the end of our lives as a form of
our devotion to Allah” (personal communication on 18 November 2016). Most of her postings
related to Allah’s command, as in Figure 5.9 below. She believed that Muslims should make
amanah (fulfilling or upholding trusts) and honesty as principles of their lives. She also
explained if someone becomes untrustworthy and dishonest, he or she will lose his or her
friends, faith, and opportunities. At the end of her caption, she emphasised a rhetorical question
“If we do not fear Allah, then who will be we fearful of?” She wrote this caption as a self-
reminder as she put #selfreminder #notesformyself. Even though she conveys a thoughtful
message about fearing God, from her photograph below it seems she sends her message in a
comforting way. In her semi-close-up portrait, she wears a patterned hijab and makeup with
bright-coloured lipstick. She sits in the back of a car, looks away from the camera and out of
the car window with light falling on her cheeks, and smiles while her hand held is delicately
placed under her chin.
Figure 5.9 - Fear of Allah
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Ghaida also believes in amanah, that everything people have done in their lives should be
accountable to Allah, including their postings on social media. She said, “the more followers
we have, it means the larger amanah we should take because our followers will be following
our behaviour and our behaviour should be accountable to Allah” (personal communication
on 6 October 2016). As shown in Figure 6.10, she wrote, “Allah always with the people who
straighten up their intentions, endeavour earnestly and rely on Allah”. Ghaida displayed an
essential message about reliance on Allah with an eye-catching portrait, as did Syifa. Her outfit
and the photo background are dominated by a pastel colour. Moreover, her smiling face
emphasises a friendly manner and a calm atmosphere. Both Syifa and Ghaida indicate a gentle
approach in dakwah or syiar Islam.
Figure 5.10 - Reliance on Allah
Wanda, who likes to express herself through her posts on Instagram, wrote about her journey
by train in Spain. She posted scenery from the train, but the caption did not describe the views.
She used hashtag ‘self-introspection’ with the caption “The farthest travel is the travelling to a
mosque. Many people are wandering, going to school and working around continents, but never
going to the mosque not even for once a week. Please, God, forgive me. #selfintrospection”
(see Figure 5.11). In this post, she wants to remind herself and her followers to come to a
mosque as often as they travel to far destination. Her caption emphasises her willingness to
keep her faith by always remembering Allah.
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Figure 5.11 - The mosque should be the first destination
Meanwhile, as Ifa mentioned previously, she preferred to learn Islam without feeling
patronised then she also wanted to spread Islamic knowledge without condescending others.
Figure 5.12 below shows Ifa in her collaboration project where she appears to have six hands
while praying. Her two hands rest on her stomach, as if praying, while the four other hands
hold a phone, a 99.9% sale sign, a make-up brush, and a selfie stick. Through this photo, she
wants to exhibit a satirical message of distracted praying and remind others to keep thinking
and concentrating only on Allah while praying. She captioned her image with “Things that
distract us in our prayer.” This photograph indicates her concern about keeping focused only
on Allah while praying.
Figure 5.12 - Distraction in praying
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This study also found that these hijabers are showing of being faithful by posting reminders
about death that not necessarily delivered through ghostly photos. For instance, Udhe, who
uses Instagram to post Islamic knowledge, uploaded a photo with a grave and a red-flowered
tree as the background. In Figure 5.13, she posted a caption “have you ever stopped for a while
and asked yourself, what’s going to happen to me the first night in my grave?’. This posting
served to remind herself through ‘#selfreminder’ as well as send a noteworthy message to
others to contemplate death more intensely. Although her ‘death reminder’ seemed menacing,
her photograph softens the image of a ‘scary graveyard.’ Her red hijab and her pose, holding a
flower basket, portrays a solemn rather than a spooky atmosphere. Her posting could also
change the association of a graveyard as a place of horror in a place to be mindful of faith in
God.
Figure 5.13 - Imagine death
Meanwhile, Ghaida posted an image of a beautiful sea scenery with a hadith from Ali bin Abi
Thalib "Let go of your pride, put down your arrogance, and remember your grave" (see Figure
5.14). In this post, she pointed to the fact that every living creature will be dead and will be
responsible for their behaviour to God. Thus, there is no need for a human to feel superior or
‘big-headed’ because, in the end, we will be dead. This post displays her belief in death and
her faith in the Judgement Day.
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Figure 5.14 - Remember death
The hijabers were also using a hadith from Ummar ibn Khattab: “Teach your children
swimming, archery, and horse riding.” They seem to enjoy these kinds of ‘masculine’ sports.
Archery and horse riding are becoming popular sports recently in Indonesia. By being involved
in these sports, the hijabers were supporting and spreading the message from that hadith. In our
interview session, Ghina said, “I try to write a caption related to dakwah, even though when I
just posted the photos of my daily activities” (personal communication on 20 November 2016).
In the photo below, she describes the hadith about the importance of archery. Figure 5.16 shows
Ghina at an archery range and in Figure 5.15 Ghina confidently rides a horse. The image of the
hijabers as Muslimah in possession of agency is further reinforced by her posts showing her
engaged in sporting activities. These posts, too, contrast those focussing on the veiled
Muslimahs’ physical beauty – rather than resting on her face, the camera pans back to enframe
the hijaber in social settings attesting to her independence and physical vigour. In both images,
too, the hijabers appear alone – unaccompanied by a man – and in both, they also wear practical,
sporty outfits – mid-length hijabs, long shirt, training pants, and sneakers to accentuate her
sporty yet modest self. In addition to physical exercise, both sports train hijabers to be focused,
brave, confident, and to build trust.
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Figure 5.15 - Archery Figure 5.16 - Horse riding
These hijabers also preferred to recite the Quran verses and hadiths that relate to their moods
and thoughts. For example, Bunga (pseudonym) said she wants to remind her followers by
posting hadiths. “I post hadiths when I want to flashback or remind others. For example, if my
students were arguing with their parents, I post hadiths about how to respect elderly” (personal
communication on 8 October 2016). Ayu also likes to post quotes that relate to what she felt.
She said, “Sometimes I was searching at Google for wise words, and if I think the quotes are
good and in line with my mind, then I will post it, so it depends on what I feel” (personal
communication on 17 November 2016).
5.3 Being Righteous
‘Being righteous’ means doing the right things, which are morally justified by Islamic rules.
Being righteous and implementing Islamic teaching within their daily lives are important
considerations for these hijabers. Kiki realised that she uses social and Islamic norms as
guidance on Instagram and others shared their attempts and practices of being righteous in
order to express their religious identity on Instagram. In terms of ‘being righteous,’ these
hijabers impose several boundaries when using Instagram, such as not showing off, not
exposing aurat (body parts that should be covered), avoiding intimacy between unmarried men
and women, and thinking before posting. By showing themselves as righteous, these hijabers
indicate their determination to self-improvement in being pious selves.
Most of these hijabers believe that Muslims are taught not to become a riya (arrogant/show-
off) person. Riya in Arabic, literally means ‘shows off.’ Someone is categorised as riya when
he or she worships to expect others’ tributes, or to be seen as a devoted Muslim, rather than in
order to please Allah. The narratives of not being arrogant and showing off (bukan riya)
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emerged from these hijabers digital self-portraits and is important because in Eastern culture,
the act of showing off, even in the context of expressing or making an argument, could be
interpreted as superiority, which could be considered rude and unacceptable behaviour.
In the same way, Ghina and Syifa both realised the importance of explaining their genuine
intentions, which were not for showing off, when they posted a Quran recitation. In the
interview session, Ghina said, “I cannot post something that makes me become riya
(arrogant).” (personal communication on 20 November 2016). Her statement was reflected in
her caption explaining her goodwill in participating in a movement of ‘act for humanity’ and
using the hashtag ‘share millions of goodness,’ which means she has to share verses that she
read to distribute the messages from the Quran.
Similarly, Syifa also contributed to a campaign promoted by the Hijabers Community of “do
not let our worship slack off” and captured an image of herself in the middle of reciting the
Quran. She wrote “Everyday our community try to share spirit and inspiration of kindness. So
let’s start it by reciting the Quran then we can finish it this month.” She was using ‘#bukanriya’
to emphasise her intention, which is for sharing the spirit of reciting the Quran instead of
showing off. Both Ghina and Syifa’s intentions were not showing off. They instead tried to
motivate their followers to love reading the Quran.
Figure 5.17 - Share millions of goodness Figure 5.18 - Let’s share the spirit
According to Ghaida, social media has created a particular image of Muslimah (an Arabic term
for Muslim women), and social media influencers have generated new visual presentations of
a hijab-wearing woman. Although she owns her hijab fashion brand and an endorser for
sponsors, she wants to give more value to followers other than just talking about ‘fashion’ in
her posts. In Figure 5.19, Ghaida looks naturally beautiful and composed, while her fingers
display the symbol of peace. The discourse of bukan riya is also found in her caption:
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Believing Allah is a countless blessing. If everytime we feel Allah is watching us,
then we will ignore what people think about us, and we will be afraid to do blatant
or hidden sins. If everytime we believe Allah is always listening, then we do not
need to manipulate the words to fascinate others, and we will only have the straight
intention and say nothing but the truth. If we conceive our conscience knew by
Allah, then we will be terrified, and shame to be arrogant, show off, envy,
prejudice.
Figure 5.18 - Fear of appearing arrogant
The concern to avoid being a ‘show-off’ not only applies in worship-related activities but also
is implemented in daily life in general. For example, Elita rarely used Instagram for personal
purposes. Even though she recognises the positive aspects of social media, which is very useful
for gathering information, sometimes the information is overstated. She, therefore, decided to
no longer focus on updating her personal life on social media. She firmly said:
Personally, I instead use social media for some useful manner and not for giving
the perception of showing off or exposing as if I am the greatest, the best, the most
successful. No, I definitely do not want to display myself like that (personal
communication on 20 October 2016).
My participants also avoided showing-off, which usually appears when someone showcases
their new things or styles. As Ayu stated, “I do not want to look like elite socialites who are
wearing hijab but showing off their new watches, bags” (personal communication on 17
November 2016). In a similar tone, Tami also understood her postings should provide benefit
for others rather than make her become arrogant. She said:
Social media should not disturb other. I do not want to show off/arrogant like some
women who are wearing hijab just as a fashion item and tend to use social media
to show-off their styles by saying ‘Hey look at me, I am wearing the hijab, and I
am stylish’ (personal communication on 5 October 2016).
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The worries of becoming riya or arrogant also relate to the expectation of getting ‘like’ or
‘love’ responses from followers. For instance, Sarah said, “I do not want to become show-off…I
realised, if we are posting something, there is a possibility to make us arrogant” (personal
communication on 18 October 2016). It shows how Sarah prefers her postings to not be liked
or loved, rather than she fall to the deeds of riya. By writing bukan riya, these hijabers
announce to their followers that there is no intention to show off or be arrogant. Through their
postings, they suggest ‘let’s be devoted Muslim women’ by consciously not becoming riya.
Additionally, Fitri also did not want to post something that exposes aurat (body parts that
should be covered), even it was only a nude statue. She said, “I have to cover the statue with
fabrics before I take a photograph.” Similarly, Udhe also indicated being righteous by obeying
Islamic teachings regarding the prohibition of showing aurat. In the interview session, Udhe
described:
I use Instagram to post my daily activities and to share Islamic Knowledge, but I
do not want to be patronised. So, my post about Islamic knowledge was intended
for myself. For example, I post ‘Do not expose your aurat’ then this message also
a reminder for myself (personal communication on 20 November 2016).
In her post below, she discusses Islamic dress. According to Udhe, her hijab is protection. It
physically protects her body from the sun, weather, pollution and notably, it protects her soul.
Figure 5.20 shows her long hijab and abaya with the caption “wearing modest dress might not
guarantee the wearer automatically will become a pious woman but wearing modest dress is
certainly one form of appreciation to Allah.” This post accentuates her righteous self.
Figure 5.20 - Hijab as protection
As Islam manages the relationship between men and women, these hijabers also avoided
posting images of intimacy between unmarried men and women. Echa understood that rule, so
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she tried to avoid taking photos with a man too close to her. These photos on social media could
mislead her followers. She asserted, “Social media is easily misinterpreting. For example, if
we photographed with a man, it will reflect the closeness (between unmarried man and
woman), so I will avoid it.” (personal communication on 20 October 2016). Udhe also stated
that her community (Hijabers Gresik) has a rule regarding relationships between men and
women. For instance, she said, “We will not approve a friend request from males” (personal
communication on 20 November 2016).
Another example of how these hijabers indicated they are ‘being righteous’ is by taking a lot
of thought before posting. Fitri admitted that as a fashion designer, one of the founders of
Hijabers Community and now chairwoman of the Syar’i Lifestyle community, her followers
expect her to be more selective in deciding what she will post on social media. For example,
she cannot post images of sushi without a halal label or drinking without taking a seat. She
believed all of Allah’s commands are intended to protect people. She stated, “My followers
know my brand as syar’i and styles, they think I should become syar’i (obeying sharia law)
including about food, so if I post a photo of sushi, my followers will directly be asked: is the
sushi halal or not?” (personal communication on 17 November 2016). Fitri, along with her
community, Syari Lifestyle, hosted a halal food event, as shown in Figure 6.21 below. In this
post, Fitri explains that the chef, who demonstrated how to cook halal sushi, changed some
ingredients to meet the requirement of halal meals.
Figure 5.21. Halal Sushi
Meanwhile, Syifa carefully considered her posts because she was not only presenting herself
but also many organisations and her family name. She said, “I organise many institutions, I
have an employer, I have children and husband, so, I represent many things then I cannot
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spontaneously post everything I want” (personal communication on 18 November 2016). It is
very likely that these hijabers displayed religiosity by being righteous around their boundary
setting on Instagram.
Posts are calling on Muslim women to enact acts of kindness during the fasting month,
organised around the hashtag “ibadah jangan kendor” (Do not let your worship slack off). The
two images below were posted during a Ramadhan challenge program organised around the
hashtag #ibadahjangankendor (#donotletyourworshipslackoff). Figure 5.22 illustrates an image
of a pair of thongs (flip-flops), adorned with the words #ibadahjangankendor across the toe-
line, which @dafinamaalina donated to her office musholla (prayer room), and identifies her
as a white-collar worker in a clean, carpeted office. Figure 5.23 depicts an image of prayer mats
at the top of a washing machine. In the comments, @meiswari explains that these are the prayer
mats she has taken home from the office to wash, in her expensive front-loader washing
machine – an item that marks her as a privileged woman of means while most Indonesians
hand wash their clothes in a bucket. These posts also represent these hijabers as middle-class
young women.
Figure 5.22 - Thongs donation Figure 5.23 - Washing pray mats
5.4 Being Grateful
Besides using Instagram to increase their faith and to do virtuous deeds, these hijabers also
showed their gratitude and appreciation to Allah in numerous ways, such as through images of
travelling, relationships, and food. Some expressed their amazement of beautiful scenery,
relating to it with Quran verses and hadiths. Their photos below show how they did not merely
upload beautiful travel photographs but actively spread Allah’s messages through commenting
and reflecting the scenery. They felt blessed because they had the opportunity to enjoy the
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perfect creation of Allah. Their images illustrate how their post is used to create a sense of the
hijabers’ empowerment from her mobility.
Sarah for example posted a beautiful panorama of the sunset and expressed her gratitude. She
pretends to touch the sun by citing a hadith from Sahih Muslim. The hadith said “What is the
example of this worldly life in comparison to the Hereafter other than one of you dipping his
finger in the sea? Let him see what he brings forth”. This post displays her awareness in always
considering her uncountable blessings.
Figure 5.24 - Countless favours from Allah
In the same way, Syifa also posted beautiful scenery of the Grand Canyon (see Figure 5.25).
In the photo, she sits on a rock and is wearing a simple, modest long sleeve shirt and skirt, and
sunglasses to block the sunshine. She cited a Quran verse “Who has created the seven heavens
layering one upon the other; you can see no fault in the creations of the Most Beneficent. Then
look again: Can you see any rifts? Then look again and yet again, your sight will return to you
in a state of humiliation and worn out.” By citing this verse, she wants to pay tribute, as a
grateful person to the perfection of Allah’s creation. Her modestly dressed body is positioned
in the forefront of the well-recognisably rugged landscape of the Grand Canyon. This framing
directs the viewers gaze away from her beautifully veiled face, and toward her placement in an
iconic exotic setting.
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Figure 5.25 - The perfection of Allah creation
Similarly, Wanda’sposts depict sites in her European tour and appends a caption expressing
her mobility and humility as a subject of Allah. Wanda, who got her master’s degree from the
University of Leeds, UK, travelled to several European countries, which she marked with a
white star (Figure 5.26). In line with her statement in the interview session, she explained that
her intention to post this starred map of Europe was not to impress others because she did not
mind if her post was getting likes or not1. She felt blessed and hoped her trips would always
lead her to keep Allah in her mind. Wanda adds a caption in expressing her humility as a subject
of Allah:
Allah, please allow me to add other stars as many as possible on Your blessed
earth. It is not only about taking pictures to feed my Instagram, but it is more to
feed my soul. Because little that I knew, a tinie-tiny human like me needs to learn
more from other creatures in other places. I go somewhere as no one; then I come
home still as no one but with many stories to tell. May all this map always (leeds)
to You. #alhamdullilah #travelgram #traveling #solotravel #backpacking #tourist
#europetrip #map #lessonlearned #terimakasihlpdp
Figure 5.26 - Feel blessed
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For married hijabers, Instagram is also used as a reminder of how grateful they are for their
marriages. The examples from Fitri and Ghaida below show their efforts to become a happy
couple and their feeling of being blessed to have a lovely husband. Based on Islamic teaching,
marriage is a form of devotion to Allah. The purpose of marriage is to create sakinah,
mawaddah, and warahmah family. Sakinah means honesty, faith, and obedience to Allah.
Mawaddah means affection. Warahmah means forgiveness, grace, mercy, compassion, and
fortune. Thus, by posting photographs, they want to remind others of the purposes of their
marriage.
Udhe in Figure 5.27 posted her gratitude to be with her husband while they were dining at a
fancy restaurant. Udhe and her husband gaze into each other’s eyes. She emphasises the
importance of keeping the harmony and intimacy between husband and wife:
It becomes difficult if both parties do not make an effort. If one person has already
tried to be romantic but the other person does not even try, everything starts to fall
away. Try to make a habit of doing little things for each other, like opening the car
door, eating from the same plate, feeding each other, being gentle with each other,
giving each other presents, or going out once in a while…. From the simple to the
complicated things, the important thing is that both put in equal effort to keep the
relationship happy and romantic until old age.
Similarly, Ghaida showed her happiness and gratefulness in having a lovely family. She
married in her early 20s, and by the end of her 20s, she was pregnant with her fourth child.
This photograph was taken in her fourth pregnancy while they were travelling to Istanbul,
Turkey. She seems happy while taking a pose with her husband in front of colourful stairs. Her
husband who looks as happy as she is, touches her belly with a big smile on his face. He
presents as a supportive and pleased husband. They also wear matching blue and brown
clothing which further highlighted their intimacy as a husband and wife. She cited a Quran
verse “Then which of the favours of your Lord will you deny?” with #gdasfamilybaitijannati
which means her family and home are her heaven. Through her post, she wants to display how
she is really blessed because she has a happy family (see Figure 5.28).
As these hijabers appear side by side with their husbands, it is their posts that posit the ideal
marriage as one in which husband and wife enjoy equal status. In the posts below, Udhe and
Ghaida sit or stand at the same height as their husbands. Both couples are shown holding each
other’s hand, suggesting a common purpose, supportive, intimacy, and reciprocity. They are
also courageous to express their love and affection in the offline public space (restaurant, tourist
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spot) and online space. These public posts contrast with more stereotypical labels of Muslim
women being oppressed by Muslim men.
Figure 5.27 - Keeping the harmony
Figure 5.28 - Blessed with a happy family
Additionally, the hijabers in this study not only posted quotes or self-portraits to spread the
messages of Islam, but they sometimes posted food photos, called ‘instafood’. In Figure 5.29,
for example, Wanda posted a photo of Japanese food to express how grateful she is because
Allah gives her this delicious food. She also feels sad for people who live on the street and who
cannot afford a proper meal like her. She hopes she can be a mediator of sustenance to others.
Food posts similar work to identify the hijabers as members of a middle class. By posting an
image of ramen, Wanda is able to register her presence at a Japanese restaurant – a setting
surely well beyond the reach of any ordinary Indonesian. Indeed, Wanda suggests as much on
the caption she writes to accompany the post:
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I am so grateful that Allah has blessed me with the ability to eat delicious food.
I can buy anything I want. All my cravings can be satisfied. When I got home, I
felt so full I could barely stand. This turned my mind to people who live on the
street – do they forget what it feels like to have a full stomach? Thank you, Allah,
please allow me to pass on your blessings to others.
Figure 5.29 - Grateful for the meal
5.5 Being Patient
Being patient is another part of Islamic principles and this study some postings, for example
Ghina who took a photograph in Stone Garden, West Java, Indonesia. She quotes a hadith about
being patient from Ali ibn Abu Talib, “Be sure that something is waiting for you after much
patience, to astonish you to the degree that you forget the bitterness of the pain.” She chooses
to focus her photograph on the stone mountain in front of her. The stone could symbolise the
hardships of being patient, and then how being patient brings joy just as the stone eventually
creates a beautiful mountain.
Figure 5.30 - Be sure about patience
Single hijabers used Instagram to remind themselves and others to be patient with Allah’s
provision and not to be overly worried about being single. For example, Ima who liked to post
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captions relating to being patient did not feel worried about not yet finding a husband. In this
post, she shows her happiness at being a bridesmaid at her friend’s wedding. Though many of
her close friends are already married, she does not feel worried or jealous that she is still single.
She believes in the Islamic principle which states, “Married is halfway to enhance piety”, and
Allah has arranged the best man for her. She will continue to prepare and improve herself to
be ready for being a wife when the time comes. She looks happy in wearing an elegant kebaya
(traditional Indonesian dress) while taking a photo in front of a flower bouquet. Her post
represents her serenity in being a single independent young woman.
Figure 5.31 - Continue to prepare my self
Meanwhile, Tami, who rarely showed her face in her postings, also tried to post meaningful
messages. She stated, “I updated for good reasons, I do not expect a compliment, I want to be
useful.” (personal communication on 5 October 2016). In Figure 5.32, she asks Muslims to be
continuously prosperous to themselves until they die and not only focus on self-improvement
when looking for a husband or wife. She also explains that self-improvement is only for Allah
in order to be included in His heaven. Muslims should believe that Allah has the best plans for
us. She completes the caption by writing “So, remember not to include your feelings too much.”
Her last sentence means she will be patient in waiting for Allah’s plan in giving her the best
man at the right time, and without overly worrying about it. Tami, in a black and white image,
is standing in front of a metal sculpture of butterfly wings and holding flowers that covered
one of her eyes. Her photograph is not only artistic but also displays a beautiful image of a
confident, worriless young woman who is patient about finding the right man.
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Figure 5.32 - Don’t over worried
Similarly, Sarah admitted that her primary purposes for using social media were for sharing
information and quotes. Sarah in Figure 5.33 also expresses her hope to meet the right
soulmate. She wrote, “If you are not meet the right person in your life yet, then be patient.
Allah is waiting for the perfect time to give someone in your life. Bismillah… Innalaha ma’ana
(In the name of God… Allah is with us).” Even though she posts a photograph of herself while
she sits in an empty restaurant, this could represent a moment of waiting for the perfect time to
meet her future husband, and she seems happy ‘waiting for that moment’ patiently.
Figure 5.33 - Waiting for the best plan
5.6 Discussion
In this digital era, the process of conveying Islamic knowledge can be quickly achieved through
social media. The broader body of literature has considered new kinds of male preachers to
emerge from the electronic mediascape in Indonesia, (e.g. Millie, 2011; Slama, 2017a; Slama,
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2017b). In this research, the hijabers’ ways of dakwah or syiar (proselytising Islam) through
Instagram were pleasant, gentle and polite modes whereas these different from the approach of
hardline Islamists who tend to use provocative language, intimidation, and violence to claim
their religious authority (see the example in Figure 5.34-5.35). Suffice to note here that such
work observes the considerable fragmentation of Muslim authority in recent years, as digital
uptake and the commoditisation of global Islam prompts the proliferation of knowledge sharing
activities outside the mosque (Echchaibi, 2011; Scholz et al., 2008). Overall, the results in this
chapter are generally consistent with the small body of research exploring Islamic
Instagrammers.
To my knowledge, only one other study has looked at female Muslims Instagrammers. Nisa’s
(2018) study of the Instagram accounts of UkhtiSally (Sister Sally) and Duniajilbab (World of
jilbab), argued that “Indonesian Muslimah (Arabic term for Muslim woman) are using the
platform to develop a “soft” form of dakwah – a form of proselytising imparted by way of
glossy images, depicting women as key actors in the consumer economy, and woven into
lucrative social media-based businesses” (Nisa, 2018, pp. 68-71). Nevertheless, Nisa’s (2018)
study did not focus on Indonesian hijabers as a substantial portion of the fashion-conscious
middle-class young women and did not further discuss on how a ‘soft’ dakwah enhances young
women religious authority and exerts power in disseminating dakwah through Instagram as
explain in these following sections.
Religious Authority
My participants’ dakwah efforts may be similarly described as ‘soft’ for their reliance on images
and discourses of consumption, and both cases, the hijabers case study presented here and
Nisa’s study, extend the discussion of the feminisation of Muslim publics as part of what has
been called the fragmentation of Muslim authority (Echchaibi, 2009; Scholz, Selge, Stille, &
Zimmermann, 2008). Echchaibi reports the rise of Baba Ali, a US-based preacher who uses
humour and everyday language to deliver sermons on Youtube. Echchaibi sees Baba Ali as
exemplary of a new clutch of Muslim preachers who are using digital media to reach
transnational audiences, thereby delocalising sources of Muslim authority, “generating new
producers and locales of religious meaning in Dubai, London, Paris and Los Angeles”
(Echchaibi, 2011, p. 25; for other examples see Scholz et al., 2008). In Echchaibi’s and Scholz
et al.’s studies, males employ new media to renegotiate existing authority structures.
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Nonetheless, scholars focussing on Indonesian Islam show how gender binaries are also being
dismantled as preaching events increasingly extend beyond the mosque.
These hijabers, style themselves as religious authorities, interpreting images of their
consumerist selves through reference to the Quran and hadiths to offer Islamic-flavoured style
and lifestyle advice for young middle-class Muslim women public on Instagram. If the hijabers
are to be considered agentive in the shaping of dakwah messages, it is not for the way they
capitalise on post-feminist ideology to extend ownership of the means of producing femininity.
Instead, it is for the way they interpret images of their consuming selves through reference to
the Quran and hadiths, thereby positioning themselves as holders and conveyers of Islamic
knowledge. Some scholars argued, this re-spatialising of knowledge-sharing not only prompts
new contests among male religious authorities; it also affords women greater power in shaping
the way preachers address audiences at preaching events (Millie, 2017; Slama, 2017a).
Millie and Slama both note the marked feminisation of Muslim audiences and the new roles
women are playing in shaping the articulation of authority. In Millie’s study of preaching
events in West Java, for example, women commonly constitute 70% of the audience.
Therefore, they play a pivotal role in sustaining the viability of preaching as a vocation, and
preachers take care to orient themselves to the women attendees. “They craft their oratory in
ways designed to grab the women’s attention, by telling jokes, singing songs and proffering
interpretations of scripture that are sensitive to women’s realities” (Millie, 2016, p. 132).
Moreover, Slama shows how mobile digital devices digital social media endow the Muslimah
with consumer agency in their dealings with preachers. Discussing the use of Whatsapp and
Blackberry Messenger by middle-class women in Yogyakarta to seek affective connections
and emotional support from ustadz (preachers) – a practice they refer to as ‘charging their
hearts’, he writes: “Put simply, ustadzs cannot risk ignoring the emotional needs of their female
followers. If they cannot find the right words at the right time, their followers will choose to
charge their hearts elsewhere” (Slama, 2017b, np).
I found that the majority of my participants were shaping interpretations of scripture by using
Instagram. As explained in previous sections, a core motivation for engaging with Instagram
was to share, learn and remind themselves to be pious, or to be faithful, righteous, grateful, and
patient. This use of Instagram positions the hijabers as a feature of the proliferation of Muslim
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authority figures whose power rests on their ability to command audiences outside of mosque
contexts. These Indonesian hijabers attest to the fragmentation of Muslim authority; a
phenomenon linked variously to electronic mediation (Echchaibi, 2009, and Scholz et al.) and
the increasingly important role of female in shaping interpretations of scripture (Millie, 2017;
Slama, 2017b).
Instagram has prompted technologically-mediated shifts in religious authority. These hijabers
own their autonomy to spread religiosity without spatial or temporal boundaries by being
visible in mediating dakwah. The more hijabers convey Islamic content, the more likely
younger Muslim women will be involved in religious discourse. Then, women will be more
encouraged to learn and be critical in interpreting Islamic meaning. By critically learning,
interpreting, and spreading Islamic knowledge, women could become alternative sources of
Islamic teaching, a space previously dominated by men. Instagram therefore not only embraces
young women’s visibility through dakwah but also shape their religious authority in the Islamic
public sphere.
Exert Power Relations
Through dakwah on Instagram, my participants expand their role in public Islam and show how
they exert power and not only as consumers of religious authority. These impacts gave new
nuances to findings of Millie (2011) and Slama (2017b) regarding the source of pengajian
(Quran recitation and studying), especially at the national level, who are mostly ustadz (male
Islamic teacher) while women act as spectators. By using Instagram as a medium to disseminate
Quran verses, hadiths and Islamic quotes they were challenging the boundaries of religious
authority formerly reserved for men. Such a view is supported by Echchaibi's (2009) argument
regarding “the shifting power dynamics in public-religious discourse in Muslim societies” (p.
28). Through Instagram, these hijabers, who are young women with hundreds or thousands of
followers, construct their religious identity by becoming communicators of dakwah and syiar
Islam. This nuance indicates how Instagram affords new roles for women in virtual space and
public Islam.
My thesis locates how Instagram not only advances the feminising of the imagined (middle
class) Islamic public sphere by making images of Muslim women even more available and
ubiquitous but also helps the hijabers to shape themselves in the image of pious selves by
claiming, composing and sharing images as a form of dakwah or syiar Islam. In the posts I
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collected, hijabers dakwah efforts are abundantly evident of how their Instagram captions allow
the hijabers to present themselves as religious subjects, aware of their good fortune, au fait
with scripture and confident in its interpretation, observant of the daily rhythm of prayer, and
always eager to do good deeds.
In many respects the hijabers’ sense of their own power is warranted. They are certainly agents
in the molding of Islamic pop culture, possessing not only consumer power as individuals but
also the ability to generate new publics, involving the production, circulation and consumption
of images by women and for women. These women ride high on the myth of social media’s
epochal transformation of media power, using their cell phones and social media affordances
to produce themselves, and design paths for circulating their self-productions, sparking
dialogues across distant sites among female strangers commonly engaged in crafting the ideal
look of the modern Muslimah. Moreover, by claiming the circulation of their images on
Instagram as a form of dakwah, the hijabers impinge on forms of religious knowledge and
authority formerly reserved for men.
These hijabers’ approach for being a pious Muslim contrast with several Indonesian hardliner
Islamist’s practices in spreading Islamic teachings. To draw the distinction between how the
hijabers and other hardliner groups convey dakwah or syiar Islam, I would like to reflect on
the case of Front Pembela Islam (Islamic Defender Fronts/FPI) which, through its leaders and
cadres, enforced their ideology in implementing Islamic sharia laws within the multicultural
and multi-religious nation of Indonesia. This organisation tends to use social media to support
anti-democratic movements through provocative hate speech toward the Indonesian
government and other Muslim groups or sects. In early 2018, Facebook decided to block their
account which was spreading discriminatory, intolerant, and violent messages (see Kapoor,
2018).
Recently FPI came into conflict with Sukmawati (a female Indonesian politician and
nationalist) because Sukmawati read a controversial poem entitled ‘Ibu Indonesia’ (The Mother
of Indonesia) at the Indonesia Fashion Week 2018. One part of her long poem was considered
controversial: “I do not know the Sharia of Islam. What I know, the hair bun of the mother of
Indonesia is very beautiful. It is prettier than your veil. The bend of her hair is sacred, as holy
as the wrapper of your being”. FPI perceived her poem to be Islamic blasphemy because
involving a comparison of a hair bun which is prettier than veiled hair. The founder of FPI,
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Rizieq Syihab posted a poster on his Instagram (@rizieqsyihab_fpi) calling Sukmawati with
harsh initial such as ‘rotten,’ terrible or awful woman (see Figure 5.34). FPI also asked its
cadres and members to conduct a mass demonstration in several cities in Indonesia calling its
action ‘AKSI BELA ISLAM’ (Defending Islam Action). The FPI’s demonstration poster (Figure
5.35) uses provocative language like ‘Call for Jihad’ and ‘Arrested and Jailed Sukmawati,
perpetrators of blasphemy.’ Even though Sukamawati had publicly apologised, FPI lead a mass
demonstration across Indonesia that attracted approximately 2000 people (see Figure 5.36).
Figure 5.34 - Shariah, Custom, and Bu Suk (rotten)
Figure 5.35 - Defending Islam Action:
‘Arrested and Jailed Sukmawati,
perpetrators of blasphemy.’
Figure 5.36 - Thousands of people joined Defending
Islam Action in Jakarta on 6 April 2018 (Source:
BBC Indonesia)
On the other hand, one of my participant, Syifa Fauzia (a public figure, academician, and
chairwoman of Hijabers Community) was also uncomfortable with Sukmawati’s controversial
poem. She, however, reacted differently. She posted a self-portrait wearing a white hijab, white
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tunic, and blue patterned batik (traditional Indonesian cloth) in a building corridor. Her caption
claimed:
“We are Muslim women. We love Indonesia. We wear the hijab. We wear batik. Our
love of the motherland will not be lessened because we are following our religion’s
rules and sharia Islam. Even with our big love to this country, we will increase our
spirit to heighten our role, quality, and potency as Indonesian Muslim women and to
become useful in our society and the development of ummah. Even though we do not
use a hair bun and chanted, but we always pray for Indonesia. May Allah makes
Indonesia a wealthy, legitimate, and prosperous country. Allah, please forgives us” (Syifa, November 2016)
Syifa’s posting is a rational reaction and by displaying a beautiful photograph (Figure 5.37)
with well-composed messages, differs markedly from the FPI’s posters. These differences
highlight the approaches of dakwah, syiar, and jihad between the FPI and the hijabers. The FPI
interpret jihad literally, meaning a fight, battle, or holy war and tend to confront people
publicly. Alternatively, the hijabers imply jihad is a way to become better Indonesian Muslim
women who contribute to their country and its society. These hijabers have adopted Instagram
as a platform to bring their understanding of Islam to broader public audiences and to engage
with religion and controversy in a different manner.
Figure 5.37 - We are Muslim women who love Indonesia
Additionally, this finding also resonates with previous research in the Netherlands, where
Midden and Ponzanesi (2013) reported that Muslim women used digital media as a medium to
negotiate their religious associations and to highlight that faith and religious practices were
essential indicators of being a Muslim woman. These hijabers in my research similarly express
their religiosity by elaborating on Quran verses, hadiths, and Islamic quotes with thought-
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provoking images of scenery, sports, relationships, food, and even the graveyard. Through
these images, they express their devotion and closeness to Allah and accentuates the values of
piety in dakwah and syiar Islam with ‘soft’, gentle and unique approaches.
5.7 Conclusion
These hijabers express their religious identity on Instagram by posting various photographs
and captions. Indeed, some of the hijaber photographs were not quite different from the
photographs presented in Chapter 4, however, their captions amplify their narratives of being
pious which are different with the photographs in Chapter 4. These hijabers present as faithful
Muslim women by posting the Quran verses, hadiths, and Islamic quotes to emphasise their
reverence to Allah. They also followed some boundaries such as not showing off, not exposing
aurat (body parts that should be covered), avoiding intimacy between unmarried men and
women, and thinking before posting for being righteous. ‘Being pious’ is also shown through
their gratitude toward uncountable Allah favours as well as through their patience, for example
in waiting for a soulmate.
By being pious, these hijabers actively engage with the visual material and bodily presence as
communicative and interpretive attributes of dakwah or syiar Islam. These hijabers perform
roles as ‘communicator’ of dakwah or syiar in the digital public sphere with a goal to display
messages about piety without being patronising. They also change the method of advising the
teaching of Islam from ‘ordinary’ to interactive with pleasing photographs paired with
uncomplicated language. Through Instagram, these hijabers have positioned their religious
narratives in public discourse. The hijabers’ Instagram accounts circulate accessible and useful
information related to Islamic knowledge that could increase their followers’ devotion to Allah.
Additionally, this chapter explains how the finding of ‘being pious selves’ resonates with
Midden and Ponzanesi (2013) as well as expands Millie (2017), Slama (2017b), and Nisa
(2018). This chapter also included a comparison of Instagram postings of Syifa Fauzia (my
participant and chairwoman of Hijabers Community) and FPI (one of Indonesian hardliner
Islamist) in responding to a nationally controversial issue about hijab. It can be concluded that
Syifa and FPI have different modes of dakwah. Therefore, this thesis extends these bodies of
work by claiming the sharing of images with captions on Instagram as forms of dakwah or
syiar Islam (proselytising Islam). In doing so, this chapter offers two significant contributions
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namely the ‘soft’ dakwah by my participants enhance young women religious authority and
exert power in disseminating dakwah through Instagram.
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CHAPTER 6: BEING COMMUNITY ACTIVISTS
Figure 6.1 - Way-finding diagram of chapters
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6.1 Introduction
Six Indonesian hijab communities participated in this study, including Hijabers Community
(HC), Hijaber Gresik (HG), Hijaber United (HU), Yayasan Hijab Indonesia/Indonesia Hijab
Foundation (YHI), Hijabie Community (HY), Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS). This chapter presents a
short profile of each community, how these communities use Instagram, how these hijabers
use Instagram to display their collective identity and the hijabers’ role as community activists.
This chapter aims to address the third research question: How do the Indonesian hijabers
present their collective identity on Instagram?
Before I explain the findings from this part of the study, I briefly describe their reasons for
shifting from Twitter to Instagram, a short profile of the communities, and how these hijab
communities use Instagram.
The Shifting from Twitter to Instagram
The hijabers have changed their most active platform from Twitter to Instagram for
communication with community members as well as for personal uses. They described three
reasons for shifting: most of their followers no longer use Twitter, Instagram is kekinian
(contemporary and trendy), and the simplicity and capacity of Instagram to create visual
storytelling. First, they were no longer using Twitter because most of their followers were no
longer using Twitter due to the limited space on Twitter. Atika, chairwoman of Hijabie
Community Yogyakarta, said “We are no longer using Twitter. It was quiet... because the
majority of our members are not using Twitter” (personal communication on 20 October 2016).
By ‘quiet’ she means there was not a lot of excitement anymore on Twitter. This platform has
become ‘a boring platform’ for young Indonesian people because its content is more about
political campaigns, news, and business. Moreover, Twitter’s limited text spaceof only 140
characters, was not enough for the hijabers to express themselves. “Twitter has fewer
character; it only consists of 140 characters. It is different from Instagram that has hundreds
of characters. The space for self-expression in Twitter is limited”, said Firli (personal
communication on 17 November 2016), members of Hijabers Community Jakarta.
Second, Instagram is a ‘trendy’ platform; most young Indonesian people are using it, and the
hijabers are no exception. Participants noted that Instagram is the most advanced, attractive,
and up-to-date platform. Shafira, public relations officer of Hijabers Community Bandung,
stated: “Instagram is the most used platform because it is the most updated social media
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platform” (personal communication on 13 October 2016). The community also needs to show
its existence by adopting Instagram, like Wanda, administrator of social media accounts of
Hijabers Community Jakarta explained, “We are using Instagram recently because of its
contemporary, so we need to be presented there.” (personal communication on 30 October
20160.
Meanwhile, Hijabers Community Bandung vice chairwoman, Ifa, also explained that her
community uses Instagram because Instagram is modern, “Why do we change to Instagram?
Because we want to follow kekinian (contemporary and trendy).” Similarly, Tami said,
“Instagram is kekinian” (personal communication on 5 October 2016). Kekinian also was the
main reason for Elita, an event coordinator in Hijabers Community Yogyakarta, to use
Instagram heavily. She said, “I use Instagram as the promotion medium because Instagram is
a hits social media nowadays” (personal communication on 20 October 2016). Kekinian is a
favourite word used by Indonesian youth to express something new or up to date.
Lastly, the simplicity of Instagram with its broader coverage and ease to relate to other
platforms have made Instagram the most effective and practical platform. Sarah, chairwoman
of Hijabers Community Bandung, preferred using Instagram for sharing community events
because Instagram includes more features for texts, photos, and video sharing. She said “We
are no longer using Twitter. We can link to other platforms from Instagram. We are looking
for practicality and multifunctionality within a platform” (personal communication on 18
October 2016). Another participant from Hijabers United, Maya, prefers Instagram because of
its speed in sharing information, “I prefer to use Instagram because the information in
Instagram has developed faster than another social media” (personal communication on 10
November 2016). Moreover, according to Syifa, chairwoman of Hijabers Community Jakarta,
her community is using Instagram for its directness of communication. Besides its simplicity,
the participant chose Instagram as a sharing platform because it has the best capacity to
generate visual storytelling. Ifa said, “We realised the significant impact of Instagram which is
its visual capacity to provide attractive images. That could give a greater impact on the
community’s events” (personal communication on 7 October 2016).
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Community Instagram Account
1. Hijabers Community (HC)
Hijabers Community (HC), is the first and the most prominent hijab community in Indonesia.
It was founded on 27 November 2010 in Jakarta, Indonesia. According to their official website,
HC was founded by 30 women who have the same perspectives related to the hijab and the role
of Muslim woman in Islam. Some of the founders are well-known young fashion designers like
Dian Pelangi, Ria Miranda, Jenahara, Siti Juwariyah, Fitri Aulia, Ghaida Tsurayya, Lulu el
Hasbu, Rimma Bawazier. Their tagline is, “to empower and inspire each other.” Besides the
HC central branch in Jakarta, by 2016 HC had gained thousands of members from ten official
branches in Indonesia’s major cities such as Bandung, Yogyakarta, Banten, Bogor, Bekasi,
Malang, Padang, Medan, Lampung, Pontianak. This study only involved participants from
Hijabers Community central branch in Jakarta, Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB), and
Hijabers Community Yogyakarta (HCY). References to these different HC communities will
be simplified to HC.
This community was the first to use the word “hijabers”, derived from the word hijab. The term
hijab, initially from Arabic, has replaced the word “jilbab” and “kerudung” that were
commonly used in Indonesia before the 2000s to describe the headscarf. HC chose to use the
term “hijab-ers” than “jilbab-ers” in order to present a sense of being more international as well
as more Islamic. The term “hijabers” was associated with young Muslim women who wear a
particular style of hijab, which is usually colourful, stylish, and fashionable.
In line with the growth of the community and, the change of committees, HC in 2012 modified
and improved their founder programs. For example, they no longer have a partnership with one
national bank as a membership requirement, as Sarah said, “We have stopped one sponsorship
with one national bank… yes, we still need sponsors, but we do not want to be associated with
particular brands or used/ utilised as their campaign tools” (personal communication on 18
October 2016).
As the most significant community, HC members are aware of the importance of maintaining
their social media accounts. Each branch has their own Instagram account. As of November
2017, HCB had 31.2 thousand followers, and HCY 1.4 thousand followers. Meanwhile, the
HC Jakarta account reached 100 thousand followers within less than three years. An image of
the HC Instagram account is shown in Figure 6.1. HC expressed their gratitude by posting a
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‘thank you’ note to their followers. In the caption, HC also wrote that they hoped their
community could offer more advantages to others and asked followers to keep following them
because they believe ‘sharing is caring’ as shown in Figure 6.2 below. The enormous number
of followers show the enthusiasm of the hijabers to engage with their communities.
Hijabers Community uses Instagram to announce community activities. Syifa, the chairwoman,
said “Our Instagram is about our activities, networking, cooperation, sponsorship,
endorsement. Moreover, through Instagram, we always try to collect charity every month then
we will donate it directly to the needed” (personal communication on 18 November 2018). The
most active HC followers are young women who are in their 20s, university students, or
bloggers. They are active in posting comments, asking their friends to follow HC, mentioning
HC in their posts, and helping to answer questions about HC. Active followers help
administrators to answer questions about HC events and programs.
Figure 6.2 - Instagram Account of
Hijabers Community
Figure 6.3 - Number of Instagram followers
(as of Nov 2017)
The social media administrator of Hijabers Community explained she would adjust the
messages according to the platform. For example, she will shrink the information into 140
characters for Twitter while putting more comprehensive news on blogs. Facebook provides
the ability to post photos and videos, and Instagram is more real-time with less focus on
captions. HC creates Instagram messages with plain and straightforward language and
attractive, colourful graphics to grab attention from followers. By using hijabers’ languages
unique styles, HC hoped their messages would be easier to read and understood without
appearing patronising. Figure 6.4 displays HC’s three most-loved posts of 2017. The first was
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a campaign ‘Pray for Rohingya’ with 1,159 loves. The second-most-loved post was a monthly
pengajian (Quran recitation and Islamic studying) with a theme ‘The Best Jewelry’. This
event’s promotion got 902 loves. The third most with 890 loves, was a photograph of the HC
committee at the community’s 5th anniversary.
Pray for Rohingya Pengajian November
‘The Best Jewelry’
5th Anniversary of HC
committee
1,159 loves 902 loves 890 loves
Figure 6.4 - Most ‘loved’ posts of 2017
HC has six committees in charge of public relations (PR) who are responsible for maintaining
good relations with internal and external publics. There is an image relations committee, who
are responsible for advising any invitations to HC, an email relations committee, who are
responsible for replying to and answering all emails. The other four PR committees handle
social media and are responsible for selecting and approving the content of blog posts and posts
on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram respectively. Partnerships with HC starts by submitting
a proposal via email to the PR committees, then the proposal is discussed through WhatsApp,
and followed up in a face-to-face meeting. HC also posts greetings or celebrations of essential
dates in the Islamic Calendar and Indonesian national events to show community presence. HC
will only post content that is understandable by various followers and not content that is
provocative, may offend or insult specific groups, hurt individual feelings, or could divide
Muslims into diverse groups.
Moreover, HCB as one of the branches of HC, realises the significant role of social media in
building relations and maintain community identity. Social media has a crucial role in HCB
because almost all activities, from member registration to media partnerships, use social media.
“Social media is like the heart of the community,” said Ghaida (personal communication on 6
October 2016), advisory board member of HCB. HCB mostly posts 2-3 updates per week about
quotes and hadiths (every Friday), provides live updates during pengajian (Quran recitation
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and Islamic studying), shares photos after pengajian, promotes charities, and advertises for
sponsors and media partners. HCB also has two PR groups, internal and external. For
partnerships, audiences should contact HCB by email and then follow up with a face-to-face
meeting. For HCB, Instagram is a channel to build a positive image by sharing quotes,
activities, events, sponsorships, charity, gathering. They believed by sharing content on
Instagram young Muslim women will consider HCB to be a fun, exciting, and helpful
community and will make them interested in joining the community.
HCB accounts have many followers because they always maintain their content. “We posted
what we were doing. However, we also realise that we need our active followers to increase
our positive image” said Sarah (personal communication on 18 October 2018). HCB always
updates their Instagram account 2-3 times a week depending on their event schedules or
sponsorship obligations, as well as posting hadiths every week. HCB also utilised Instagram as
a medium for sharing events, registration and broadcasting live videos. HCB usually tags the
Instagram accounts of the committees in charge of events as a token of appreciation.
2. Hijaber Gresik (HG)
Hijaber Gresik (HG) was founded in 2012 in Gresik, a satellite city nearby Surabaya, which is
the capital city of the East Java Province. According to Udhe, the chairwoman of the HG
community, this community was established because, at that time, the main activities of
hijabers were in Jakarta and Bandung, which are quite far from Gresik and there were no similar
communities in Surabaya. This community is the most active hijab community in Eastern
Indonesia. HG also had successfully become a partner of Dinas Pawisata dan Budaya
Kapubaten Gresik (Gresik Tourism and Culture Office).
HG mostly uses Instagram and Facebook to share info about community events and activities,
Islamic knowledge, hadiths, as well as invitations and reminders for attending their events. HG
has around 11 thousand followers. While Facebook is used mostly to copy-paste links from
Islamic websites, Instagram is used more to share original ideas in the community. Udhe also
stated that her community has a rule to not post something that exposes aurat (body parts that
should be covered). This community also will not approve any friend requests from men.
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Figure 6.5 - Instagram account of Hijabers Gresik
3. Hijaber United (HU)
Another hijab community that participated in this study is Hijaber United (HU). It was founded
in 2014 by an owner of the web portal www.diaryhijaber.com. This portal is also HU’s official
media partner. HU has more than 326 members with 16 branches in Jakarta, Bandung,
Yogyakarta, Bogor, Bekasi, Tangerang, Solo, Semarang, Malang, Kendal, Pekalongan,
Surabaya, Makassar, Palembang, Medan, and Lampung.
HU has 6,832 Instagram followers and mostly uses Instagram to publicise and invite members
to community events. Besides Instagram, HU also uses their website www.daily hijabers.co.id
as a central portal to disseminate community programs. Meanwhile, HU is governed by rules
organised by the central committee in Jakarta. Maya, a committee from HU Bandung said,
“Central committee has a crucial part to decide what our community should or should not post.
Our post cannot be related to SARA (Suku, Agama, Ras, Antargolongan -- Ethnic, Religion,
Race, Among Groups)” (personal communication on 10 November 2016). HU has a central PR
division, marketing, design, and sponsorship. Therefore, if HU Bandung wants to arrange an
event, they have to write a proposal to the central committees in Jakarta.
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Figure 6.6 - Instagram Account of Hijaber United
4. Yayasan Hijab Indonesia/Indonesia Hijab Foundation (YHI)
YHI was founded in August 2014 by a finalist of Jakarta’s beauty pageant, Ayu Wulandari.
YHI is designed to serve as a community for Muslim women who care about education,
environment, art, and the culture. In the first anniversary, YHI held an event called Charity in
Harmony and established the Hijab School Indonesia.
YHI has 4000 Instagram followers. Similar to another community, Ayu the chairwoman also
uses Instagram to share information, updating and documenting her community’s events. When
her community does not have any new events, she always tries to post or share any information
to keep the account updated. Ayu admitted that she only posts something neutral and avoids
sharing controversial issues or news. She is also concerned with sponsors and will not post any
products or sponsors that do not support YHI events. She said “…take and give important”
(personal communication on 17 November 2016).
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Figure 6.7 - Instagram Account of Yayasan Hijab Indonesia
5. Hijabie Community Yogyakarta (HY)
Besides Jakarta and Bandung, the hijabers phenomenon also appeared in Yogyakarta. For
example, the Hijabie Community (HY) was established in Yogyakarta on 22 November 2014,
founded by two cousins, Atika Maulida and Diana Fatimah Azzahra. They chose the term
‘hijabie’ to differentiate themselves from the usual term of ‘hijabers’. HY aims to be a learning
place for Muslim women. At the time of their establishment in 2014 HY only had 80 members.
In 2017, its members are up to nearly 300 people who have registered with around 150 active
members. HY has 8 active divisions currently in the fields of makeup, modelling, public
speaking, journalism, culinary arts, religion, photography, and entrepreneurship. As of
November 2017, HY operated in three cities, Yogyakarta, Solo, and Magelang.
Meanwhile, Atika, chairwoman of the new community Hijabie Yogyakarta, has to handle and
take full responsibility for the community’s social media accounts, with Instagram as the most
active platform. HY has 6,246 Instagram followers. Atika prefers to use WhatsApp and Line
as an internal medium of communication for reporting, supporting, and granting permission.
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Figure 6.8 - Instagram Account of Hijabie Community
6. Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS)
Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS) was founded by two fashion designers, Fitri Aulia, the owner of Kivitz
fashion brand, and Dian Marina, the owner of Missmarina (a fashion brand), in Jakarta in 2015.
Fitri Aulia was also one of HC’s founders. The vision and mission of SLS are to create a
rabbani (divine) generation by studying and applying Islamic sharia values to all aspects of a
Muslim women’s lifestyle, such as modest fashion, halal food, halal tourism, and good morals.
Syari Lifestyle’s chairwoman, Fitri said, “Instagram is using for sharing short messages, daily
reminder, quotes from Quran. Instagram content should be fun. Our target is dynamic and
cheerful women that is why information posted on Instagram should be using a good
photograph, graphics, and images with a bright colour like red, fusion, yellow like our colour
trademark”. As of 2017, SLS had more than 9 thousand followers on Instagram even though it
was established in 2015.
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Figure 6.9 - Instagram Account of Syari Lifestyle
SLS realised that every platform serves different functions. SLS has a blog which contains
detailed discussions about a particular topic that they later summarise into keywords and share
through Instagram. Instagram is used to post essential points and less wordy messages with
hyperlinks to the community blogs and daily magazine. Instagram is also used to post a daily
worship reminder, like the Dhuha prayer and Al-Kahfi on Fridays. SLS has a very well-
organised flow of posting. There is a content team who are responsible for preparing scripts
and creating the graphics for the blog around one to two months before the posting date. The
coordinator of the content team consults with the community’s sharia board. The board will
check content, in particular, the Quran verses and hadiths to avoid sharing dhaif (weak) hadiths.
After that, the content will be sent to the secretary and to the creative team to insert the
photographs or images. Finally, the content will be sent back to the secretary to post.
Fitri admitted SLS’s postings always refer to Islamic teachings regarding sharia law. Her
followers require her to be more selective in deciding what she will post on social media. For
example, she cannot post eating Japanese food without a halal label on it or drinking without
taking a seat. Additionally, Fitri also obeys Islamic teachings about the prohibition of nudity.
She does not want to post anything inappropriate or show a photo that disregards Islamic
teachings. For example, she had to cover a nude statue with fabric before taking a photo in
front of it.
Instagram is an important communication platform to connect members, to share a vision and
mission, to build a communication culture, to increase the sense of belonging, and to maintain
relationships that will support the achievement of the community’s vision and mission. Of these
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six communities, HC and SLS show the most extensive utilisation of Instagram though all hijab
communities applied similar rules regarding content. Instagram for these communities should
follow the corridor of Islamic values and norms and communities realised the importance of
building networks with local and national institutions to increase their image and prestige.
All hijab communities used Instagram for promoting their programs, sharing Islamic
knowledge, and encouraging young Muslim women to be activists. The meaning of activist or
activism tends to relate to political movements. However, I argue the label of ‘activist’ could
be attached to individuals or groups of ordinary people, who advocate their values in order to
create social change. Based on the interviews, participant-observations, and Instagram
observations the hijabers in this study displayed their collective identity by being community
activists on Instagram and in real life. This section explores three categories of how Instagram
has enhanced the role of these hijabers in their community activism by being an agent of
knowledge, being generous, and being a modest fashion icon as shown in Figure 7.10.
‘Being an agent of knowledge’ means how community organised programs like pengajian
(Quran recitation and Islamic studying) not only increase participants’ Islamic knowledge but
also conveys Islamic learning in online and offline public spheres. ‘Being generous’ refers to
how these hijab communities are involved in various charity programs and persuade others to
help needy people. Lastly, ‘being a modest fashion icon’ indicates how community events
encourage hijab-wearing practices as well as the beautification of Indonesian hijab-wearing
women.
Figure 6.10 - Being Community Activists
Being Community
Activists
Being Agent of Knowledge
Being Generous
Being Modest Fashion Icon
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6.2. Being an Agent of Knowledge
Most of the hijabers in this study decided to join a hijab community with the aim to increase
their knowledge of Islamic teachings. Their inquisitiveness and interest to learn more about
Islam made these hijabers come to pengajian events (Quran reciting and Islamic studying). In
general, pengajian is usually held in a mosque with an ustadz (male Islamic teacher) or
ustadzah (female Islamic teacher) lecturing for about an hour, followed by a discussion and
Quran recitation. Previously this Islamic study was mostly attended by older people, usually
women over fifty and organised by mosque boards or Islamic organisations. A decade ago,
pengajian was synonymous with ibu-ibu (Indonesian for mothers or older women) events or
activities as part of spending their retirement to become more devoted to God. These ibu ibu
imagine that, due to their old age and their closeness to death, they should then be preparing
themselves by increasing their worship, getting closer to God, and enhancing their piety. Many
Muslim communities, initiated by young Indonesian people, have now become more actively
involved in organising pengajian.
One of the more popular communities in organising pengajian for young women on an
immense scale is the Hijabers Community (HC). Through their pengajian events, the HC could
transmit Islamic knowledge from ustadz (male Islamic teacher) or ustadzah (female Islamic
teacher) to the hijabers and vice versa. By organising pengajian, these hijabers have become
mediators of knowledge with Instagram as their platform to increase their role as an agent of
knowledge. The following explains how HC arrange their pengajian events, how they publicise
their events on Instagram, and how they use Instagram as a visual-based platform to display
their collective identity.
HC requires all of its branches in several cities in Indonesia to arrange monthly pengajian
(Quran recitation and Islamic studying). This requirement indicates HC’s focus on a program
that could increase their member's knowledge about Islamic teaching. HC as a women-only
community then becomes a learning community where young Indonesian woman can interact
with each other and create a better understanding not only about Islam but also about livelihood.
This community uses social media, especially Instagram as the primary medium to post
announcements about pengajian, as explained by Dinna: “We always blast community events
in the community’s accounts, especially Instagram, Twitter, Line” (personal communication
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on 22 October 2016). Their ability to use various social media including Instagram has
demonstrated these hijabers as young media-savvy women who knowledgeable with the power
of social media in distributing information.
According to Sarah, the process of posting the announcements of pengajian is where, “the
information about pengajian should be posted more intensive two days before the event, and
any sponsorships that support the events should be posted as per the agreement” (personal
communication on 18 October 2016). She further explained the registration link on the poster
aims to forecast the number of attendees to determine if the target audience size is not achieved.
The preparation in conducting monthly pengajian has shown the earnestness of the community
in sharing knowledge that they believe will benefit many Indonesian young women.
This community also designs eye-catching pengajian’s posters so as to get attention from
young Muslim women. Figure 6.11 – 6.14 below are the examples of pengajian’s posters
containing the date, place, time, topic and speaker(s). Lera, as a graphic designer who in charge
of the community’s publication and documentation committee, preferred to apply soft colours
like pink, pastel, light green, and blue (personal communication on 23 October 2016). These
colours are associated with fun, freshness, cheerfulness and youthfulness. Moreover, the design
of the posters usually includes natural elements such as flowers and leaves that represent the
tranquil atmosphere of the pengajian. Indeed, the design and layout of the posters are
fascinating and inviting as well as communicating the community’s ideas of novelty and
creativity.
Various themes were discussed in their pengajian like religion, social life, business, and
politics in order to broaden the audiences’ knowledge from all aspects that relate to the youth
lives. For instance, the ‘business-style of the prophet’ (Figure 6.11) aims to persuade young
women to follow Muhammad’s (peace be upon him) way of managing the business with
honesty. I attended some community events such as ‘the leader of choice’ (Figure 6.12). HC
used ‘the leader of choice’ to increase awareness of a gubernatorial election in Jakarta. I also
went to the pengajian ‘Inspiring without depraving’ (Figure 6.13) organised by HCB. In the
first session of this event, a female teacher explained how to be inspirational young women but
still follow the corridor of Islamic rules such as stopping online activity at the time of praying.
In the second session, a female teenager shared her experiences as a social media influencer.
Meanwhile, the theme ‘Hijrah movement’ in Figure 6.14 was chosen to celebrate the sixth
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anniversary of HCB which is called Pengajian Akbar (the great pengajian) 2017. Hijrah means
to move on from evil deeds to virtuous deeds as an act of devotion. At this one-day event,
besides pengajian, there were several activities like a talk show, sharing activities, charity
events, and performances. According to Sarah, almost 3000 people attended Pengajian Akbar.
Figure 6.11 - Business-style of the prophet Figure 6.12 - The leader of choice
Figure 6.13 - Inspiring without depriving Figure 6.14 - Hijrah movement
These pengajian events are usually conducted in the grand mosques and organisers invite
famous young local or national ustadz or ustadzah. Approximately fifty to two hundred young
Muslim women frequently attend those events. However, the number of attendees depends on
the capacity of the mosque. The atmosphere of pengajian was fun and conveyed in a friendly
way by the teachers who use everyday language, cultural slang, and humour during sermons.
The teachers deliver understandable messages with real-world examples that relate to the daily
lives of young women. The enthusiasm of young women to participate in the event of pengajian
(as shown in Figure 6.15) illustrated the determination of the community committee in
planning, promoting, and organising the event as their monthly program. This enthusiasm also
reflected the HC’s effort, spirit, and consistency in organising this routine monthly event and
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other regular quarterly and annual events. Indeed, HC has successfully become a pioneer in
activating pengajian for young Muslim women.
Figure 6.15 - Participants of HC monthly pengajian
Besides HC, some of the hijab communities also held pengajian events such as Hijabie
Community (HY) and Syari Lifestyle (SLS). As shown in figure 6.16, HY organised a member
gathering to visit a pesantren (Islamic school) and to attend a tausyiah (Islamic speech)
presented by an ustadz. HY members also gathered at the mosque, and each of the members
read one chapter of the Quran in welcoming the holy month of Ramadan.
Figure 6.16 - HY visits Islamic school and Quran recitation
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Meanwhile, the committee of SLS showed their activities in memorising Quran chapters before
conducting an event (see Figure 6.17). SLS also start their events by tilawah (recite) Quran,
such as when they celebrated their first anniversary. Interestingly, SLS does not always use the
term pengajian for their Islamic learning or study events. As shown in the bottom left post of
Figure 6.17, SLS chose the creative title of ‘tadabur space’ which means a reflection time for
their Islamic study and charity event.
Figure 6.17 - SLS Islamic studies
As non-profit communities, these communities have enhanced the communal spirit for
studying Islam together from a young age. I noticed the enormous effect and power that might
result from these women who gather together (in regular times in several cities) to increase
their knowledge, faith, and networks. These young women have shown a sense of ‘girl and
women power’ beyond the Westerners stereotype who identified hijab-wearing women as
passive and backward. These young women’s spirit and power to improve their religiosity also
challenged the stigma that comes from some Indonesian people who label these hijabers as a
group of youth who just love fashion and only care about their appearances as ‘fashionistas’.
These community activists also create a new form of piety movements in Indonesia. By actively
organising events and taking roles in the public space, these communities also contribute to the
dynamic shift of the pious agency. They autonomously could arrange various themes of
pengajian that relevant with women’s needs without assisted by men.
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6.3 Being Generous
Besides ‘being an agent of knowledge’ through pengajian events, these hijabers are also ‘being
generous’ through various charity campaigns, which are one of the community goals. HC
conducts charity campaigns every month or every three months. Syifa stated, “Every month we
always try to have ‘HC sedekah’ (alms). The collected fund will be donated to the needy”
(personal communication on 18 November 2018). HC also collaborate with several charity
foundations such as ACT (Aksi Cepat Tanggap or Fast Response Action). For instance, Wanda
stated:
One of our collaboration with a charity foundation called ACT (Aksi Cepat
Tanggap) aims to campaign the importance of giving and caring for each other
while celebrating "Sacrifice Feast" (Eid Al- Adha). HC helped ACT to educate
the youth regarding the purposes of the sacrifice and how to distribute the meats
to the right people (personal communication on 30 October 2016).
These communities used Instagram to broaden the scope of their charity events and amplify
the influence of their acts. Shafira mentioned, “We share every charity campaign on Instagram
to get the bigger impact of donation (from followers)” (personal communication on 13 October
2018). These charity programs indicate their character and personality as kind and caring young
Muslim women.
HC suggested their followers make a feast sacrifice because community members will not
sufficiently suffer if they only donate their money to pay for a sheep, goat, or cow and to give
the meat to the less fortunate who cannot afford to buy meat (see Figure 6.18). Figure. 6.19
shows the poster of alms for the orphans in collaboration with the ACT, as one of the events at
HCB’s sixth anniversary. Sarah admitted, “We usually held donation collection every three
months. Sometimes we also come to the orphanages” (personal communication on 18 October
2018).
HC also promoted other charity activities that were organised independently by HC (see Figure
6.20 and 6.21). Figure 6.20 advertises the program ‘charity hopping’ which aims to provide
temporary homes for sick people who have severe illness that come from remote areas and
have to get intensive long-term treatment from the hospital in RSCM Jakarta, one of the b
largest public hospitals in Indonesia. Figure 6.21 displays the message to join in well-building
activities across Indonesia’s remote areas in order to supply clean water for local communities.
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Through various charitable programs HC could persuade many people, specifically young
women, to be keen to help each other.
Figure 6.18 - Feast of sacrifice Figure 6.19 - Alms for orphans
Figure 6.20 - Charity Hopping Figure 6.21 - Well building
Meanwhile, Hijaber United (HU) which has a tagline to ‘meet, greet, and share’ would also
insert charity events in their activities such as those shown in Figure 6.22. HU asked their
followers to donate a book in order to create a small reading room in one local district. Figure
6.23 and 6.24 show how HU participated in a charity program to support orphans. HU’s charity
programs focus on helping children to get better access to knowledge and education.
Figure 6.22 - Book donation Figure 6.23 - HU charity program
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Figure 6.24 - Sharing love with orphans
Yayasan Hijab Indonesia (YHI) also has charity agendas in their programs. This community
showed their caring behaviour toward people with HIV/AIDS. For example, they went to a
foundation that cares for people with HIV/AIDS. They wanted their members to know about
the disease, understand the importance of preventing the spread of the disease, and not ignore
people who live with the disease (see figure 6.25). In Figure 6.26, YHI held an anniversary
celebration by organising an event called ‘Charity in Harmony.’ This event not only included
guest speakers but also invited less fortunate children, such as disabled children, children with
special needs, and orphans.
Figure 6.25 - Meeting people with HIV/AIDS Figure 6.26 - Charity in harmony
Another charity program promoted by Syari Lifestyle (SLS), as shown in Figure 6.27,
explained to attendees that what we keep in the world will be gone in the afterlife, but what we
give in the world will become our reserve in the afterlife. Figure 6.28 shows a post where SLS
linked a blog post regarding how to save money to buy a sacrificial animal for the next feast of
sacrifice. This community not only asked their followers to be generous, but they also shared
tips on how to be savvy and help others.
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Figure 6.27 - Don’t forget to give alms Figure 6.28 - Save for feast of sacrifice
These communities have increased their roles as activists to support the values of humanity
through their charitable programs. These communities denied the assumptions of young people
as careless, selfish, and only concerned about their ambitions. In contrast, these young Muslim
women have proved that they could create change by inspiring others to be more sympathetic
for sharing and caring. They spread their aspirations of helping needy people using Instagram
and in so doing emphasise themselves as being generous young women. It also could be said
that their generosity is part of how they generate a piety movement in the offline and online
space.
6.4 Being a Modest Fashion Icon
These organised hijab communities, facilitated by the visual power of Instagram, have
produced modest fashion icons in two ways: hijabisation and beautification. I use the term
‘hijabisation’ to refer to how these communities have encouraged young Indonesian Muslim
women to wear the hijab and created a new sharing-culture around the hijab. Beautification
refers to the process of improving appearances.
Hijabisation
Indeed, hijab communities in this study have changed the perception of modest fashion from
old fashion, meaning out of date and ‘only suitable for old women’, into fashionable attire that
is suitable for the daily lifestyles of young women, as noted by Udhe that the “hijab is not out-
of-date anymore, we have to be proud of our hijab, even if we wear it in Muslim minority
countries, because hijab fashion in Indonesia has become the centre of hijab fashion in the
world” (personal communication, 20 November 2016).
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HCs are not only concerned with activating religious programs such as pengajian and
charitable campaigns but indicate their submission of piety not only because they are wearing
Islamic fashion but also because they are becoming influencers in promoting religious
activities. These religious activities generate piety movement both in daily lives and through
the online world. I also found that hijabisation is another highlight of these communities’ aim
to develop a piety movement.
The Hijabers Community (HC) has promoted veiling practices as part of young women’s
religious achievements as described by its committee below:
HC’s mission is ‘providing’ young women (with knowledge) who are already
wearing the hijab because hijab is not merely a garment (worn on the head). HC
wants to become a medium for young women as a learning community (Syifa,
personal communication on 18 November 2018).
Our vision and mission are quite simple; we want to spread the message of Islam
and to ask friends and families to wear hijab through gentle ways (Sarah, personal
communication on 18 October 2016).
This community used Instagram to spread their mission of hijabisation. Participants, Kiki and
Tami use Instagram to share their experiences about the hijab. The examples of how HC use
Instagram to support hijabisation is shown in Figure 6.29 below where HC greeted followers
on ‘Happy World Hijab Day’ celebrated on February 1st by writing, ‘Hijab makes women
beautiful more than what the eye sees.’ This greeting resonates with Syifa’s dream, “I want to
create a campaign to support hijab all over the world.” (personal communication on 18
November 2016).
Another example of hijabisation is also shown by a posting of the Hijabers Day Out (HDO),
HC quarterly event (see Figure 6.30). This event costs around AUD $10 - $20, which is
different from other pengajian that are usually free of charge or only cost approximately AUD
$1 - $2. HDO seems more expensive because it is held in fancy hotels. The title of this HDO
event is ‘You, Hijab, & Healthy Hair Journey’ conducted in the Century Park Athlete Hotel, a
prestigious hotel in Jakarta. A hair care brand, Matrix, sponsored this event. From the poster,
this event encourages young women to not worry about the health of their scalp and convinces
them to keep wearing the hijab and maintain a healthy scalp at the same time.
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These events become part of hijabisation because HC tried to create attractive events to
publicise hijab-wearing in Indonesia. These hijab-related events have gained a positive
response from young Indonesian women. Since HC has been established, the number of veiled
Muslim women in Indonesia is increased. The roles of HC in inspiring young Indonesian
women to don the hijab was also admitted by Kiki: “The focus of HC is hijab. If I did not join
HC, maybe I was not very convinced to wear the hijab just like now” (personal communication
on 21 October 2016).
Figure 6.29 - Happy World Hijab Day Figure 6.30 - You, Hijab, & Healthy
Hair Journey
In fact, HC wants to change what people think about the hijab as said by Ifa:
Years ago, hijab was associated with difficulty to move, rigid, not cool, constrained
women’s activities…We (HC) want to give another perspective on the hijab. Hijab
is not as rigid as you think, we still could be active by wearing it, in fact, we can
give a lot of positive contributions to it (personal communication on 7 October
2016).
To support hijabisation, as shown in Figure 6.31, HC spreads the hashtag ‘proud of your hijab’
as part of their seven-day hijab challenge program. In the caption, HC wrote:
Who said wearing the hijab is complicated? This is @adddinaaa, a kindy teacher
who always deals with super active toddlers nevertheless she always wears hijab
through her activities. It proves hijab is not a limitation of women’s lives. Let’s
wear the hijab!
A similar caption is also shown in Figure 6.32, “We are the living proof of ‘Hijab never limits
you.’ So be proud of your hijab and boost up positive vibe!” In this figure, all HC’s committee
wears a glossy hijab and dress with asimilar colour. These posts not only display how HC
considers hijab to be an important part of their modesty but also accentuates their charm as
active young Muslim women.
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Figure 6.31 - Proud of your hijab
Figure 6.32 - Hijab never limits you
As the most prominent community, HC has also promoted the hijab at the legislative level.
Syifa, the HC chairwoman, was invited to sit with the member of the Indonesian House of
Representatives. She gives her opinions about prohibition in wearing the hijab for some
professions in Indonesia. HC hopes the parliament will accommodate the voice of the
community. (see Figure 6.33). This figure shows how HC advocates the right of wearing hijab
for Indonesian Muslims. This also presents their effort to bring hijabisation to the next level,
not at a grassroots level anymore, but in the level of policymakers. Moreover, in Figure 6.34,
Syifa was also invited to join President Jokowi in meeting King Salman from Saudi Arabia.
HC hopes Muslim women will have an influential role in maintaining a sisterhood between the
two countries. Both figures are evidence that HC is considered a significant community with
enormous influence on young Indonesian women including their capacity to promote
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hijabisation. This also supported Syifa’s claim that the hijab is not only a garment worn on the
head.
Figure 6.33 - Invitation in hearing with Indonesian House of Representatives
Figure 6.34 - Invitation to meet King of Saudi Arabia
Another example of hijabisation was conducted by Hijaber United (HU) when theylaunched
Hari Hijaber Nasional (Hijaber National Day) 7 August 2016 and was supported by the
Indonesian Minister of Social Affairs, Khofifah Indar Parawansa. Khofifah herself posted and
mentioned HU, writing, “Hijab your self, heart, mind, and behaviour” (see Figure 6.40). She
motivates Indonesian young Muslim women to don the hijab not only to cover their hair but
also to cover their heart mind and behaviour. Hijaber National Day is now celebrated every
year on 7 August. As Maya explained, “This event purposes to introduce hijab and to educate
young women the right reason behind wearing the hijab which is because of Allah” (personal
communication on 10 November 2016). Her statement resonates with a statement from the HU
official web portal:
Hijaber National Day aims to appreciate Indonesian Muslim women and to support
Muslim women to be more intelligent, active, independent and confident in
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applying Islamic values in everyday life. HU believes within Islam women could
become active, creative, beautiful, independent, and powerful.
Figure 6.35 shows how the National Hijaber Day started by creating an online petition in the
community’s web portal to gain support regarding whether it is important to declare a National
Hijaber Day. At the same time, HU also went out to the streets to pass out a brochure about the
National Hijaber Day and asked people to fill in the petition (see Figure 6.36). Figure 6.37
shows the image of when 7 August 2016 is celebrated as the first National Hijaber Day with
the tagline “Rise Your Hijab”. It means HU wants to intensify the meaning and purposes of
hijab as well as to support Indonesian veiled Muslim women to be more empowered. Wearing
hijab should improve system of thinking and attitudes, so as to have and express a good heart
and manners.
Figure 6.35 - Vote for National Hijaber Day Figure 6.36 - Pre-event of National Hijaber
Day
Figure 6.37 - National Hijaber Day 2016 Figure 6.38 - Repost from Khofifah
Similarly, as a new community, SLS shows a high commitment to ensuring their members and
followers wear Islamic dress. In Figure 6.39, SLS campaigned a dress code for Muslimah (an
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Arabic term for Muslim women). Figure 6.40 show an SLS post of a woman in hijab swimming
wear in a mountain-viewed pool. The SLS caption is:
Dear sisterfillah, tomorrow will be a perfect time for doing sport. Don’t let hijab
prevent you from doing sports. There is a lot of sportswear designed for hijabi. For
swimming, you can use swimming wear for a hijab-wearing woman with one size
larger than yours. Don’t forget choosing hijab that covers your chest.
These posts show SLS’s effort in hijabisation by asking their followers to stay healthy but still
wear long and loose swimming wear. They also suggest Muslim women keep their hijab while
doing sports and creatively choose sportswear that fits with their hijab. It means this community
considers health as a part of aMuslim lifestyle, and that there is no reason for not being active
in sports because of wearing a hijab.
Figure 6.39 - Dress code for muslimah Figure 6.40 - Syar’i swimming cloth
Notably, these hijab communities have taken part as agents of change by asking other young
Muslim women to learn about the hijab as well as promote new nuances and images of veiled
Muslim women challenging perceptions of being out-of-date and backward to portraying their
lives as modest, active, and empowered. Through the hijabisation events posted on Instagram,
these communities not only increase the awareness of young Muslim women to privilege their
hijab but also elevate the meaning of the hijab as more than just a garment worn on the head.
In other words, these communities through hijabisation have represented themselves as part of
the piety movement.
Beautification
These hijab communities not only promote hijab-wearing but also activities related to the act
of making young Muslim women more beautiful or beautification. Through this beautification,
these hijabers became involved in processes to beautify their appearances. The hijabers
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unintentionally have turned their fashion-related events into luxury icons that are only
affordable for middle-class women.
Although HC accommodates some beauty-related events such as beauty classes and hijab
tutorials, the focus of HC’s activities has shifted from ‘beauty and fashion’ into more ‘religion,
charity, workshops. Chika said, “People knew if they want to increase their religious
knowledge or increase the worship, they will join HC… We do not want to make only fashion
events” (personal communication on 30 October 2016). Her statement, also supported by Syifa
as chairwoman of HC, also admitted:
HC has helped to change the perception on how hijab could be used in every
occasion. HC inspired women to mix and match old clothes such as a short t-
shirt with inner or outer sleeves as hijab outfit, and so on. We still have an event
related to fashion, but we are not focusing on fashion…well, fashion is still an
interesting topic for women. For example, we held a fashion design class, not a
beauty pageant; we do not agree with the competition of beauty. So, fashion-
related events are only one-third of our activities…fashion only as an addition,
we want to encourage a deeper understanding of Islam through workshop,
training and so on (personal communication on 18 November 2016).
One example of beauty-related events was that organised by HC and shown in Figure 6.41. HC
posted a poster of a Beauty Class entitled ‘Flawless Longwear Make-up’. This event was held
in a hotel and participants paid IDR Rp. 185,000 if they were HC members and IDR Rp.
215,000 for non-members (approximately AUD $18 - $20). Ifa, the vice-chairwoman of HC,
explained, “The purpose of beauty class is not for tabarruj (display the beauty). Our beauty is
just for ourselves, for the husband, and for Allah, because Allah likes beauty and to show others
that hijab-wearing women are not filthy” (personal communication on 7 October 2016). Figure
6.42 displays a beauty class event held by Hijabers United (HU). This event was sponsored by
Wardah, a halal cosmetic brand. Participants paid IDR 75,000 (approximately AUD $7.5) to
attend, which included a facial wash, lip balm, and face powder. These events display these
communities’ attention in improving the physical appearances of Indonesian hijab-wearing
women. These events also create a market opportunity for halal cosmetic brands and creating
these hijabers as the target of a consumer culture.
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Figure 6.41 - Flawless Longwear Makeup Class Figure 6.42 - Beauty Class
Most hijab communities celebrate their anniversary by arranging fashion show events that
indicate the process of beautifying hijabers’ appearances. For example, HC’s anniversary event
included a ‘Fashion Show from Hijab Local Brand’ (see Figure 6.46). Meanwhile, in Figure
6.48, Syari Lifestyle (SLS) which was established by two famous fashion designers launched
a trunk show with its founders’ brands, Kivitz and MissMarina. This trunk show was an event
to preview their 2015 Fall and Winter fashion collections. Lastly, Hijabie Community (HY)
organised a two-day ‘Hijabie Women’s Day’ with several activities, including a fashion show
competition and fashion parade. These fashion shows inspire young Muslim women to
rearrange their wardrobe and create opportunities to escalate young Muslim women’s interest
in the fashion industry.
Figure 6.43 - Fashion show for Hijabers Community’s anniversary
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Figure 6.44 - Fashion show for Syari Lifestyle’s anniversary
Figure 6.45 - Fashion show competition for Hijabie Community's anniversary
Modelling classes are also a part of the beautification process for some communities.
Forexample, Figure 6.46 shows how YHI celebrated its anniversary by organising a modelling
class. Ayu, the YHI chairwoman, admitted that through modelling classes, young women could
improve their confidence not only in front of a camera but also in their daily lives. Modelling
classes present the community’s intention to support veiled Indonesian women who like to
express themselves in photographs.
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Figure 6.46 - Modelling class in YHI’s anniversary
The attempts of beautification are also indicated by beauty pageant contests organised by the
HG and Hijabie Community Yogyakarta (HY). For its fifth anniversary, HG in collaboration
with Gresik Tourism and Culture Office, arranged several events with the theme of ‘Strength
and Dignity of Hijab’ including a ‘Princess Hijabers Junior’ contest and ‘Miss Hijabers Gresik
2017’ contest (see Figure 6.47) Meanwhile, HY, each year since its establishment in 2015, has
organized a beauty pageant called ‘Miss Hijabie’ (see Figure 6.48). These events show that
veiled Muslim women can be anything they want, including a beauty pageant. However, these
beauty contests also provoke the issue of objectification of women’s appearances and could be
interpreted as a form of commercialisation of the women’s body.
Figure 6.47 - Beauty pageant organised
by Hijabers Gresik
Figure 6.48 - Beauty pageant
organised by Hijabie Community
While HC as the first hijab community has shifted their focus from fashion to religious and
social-related events, these newer hijab communities tend to focus their activities on beauty-
related events. These beautification activities might have both positive and negative impacts.
On the one hand, these beauty events can give an advantage for their members to get
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information about beauty tips and makeup skills that possibly will increase their confidence
and self-love, all of which is essential to build a positive self-concept. These beautification
events also could develop new businesses and entrepreneurship, for example through a fashion
bazaar. On the other hand, these beauty-related events also could increase consumerism among
young women. In fact, through these events, these hijabers identify as modest fashion icons
that are followed by many of Indonesian young Muslim women.
6.5 Discussion
The hijabers in this study were active in their hijab communities in Indonesia, specifically:
Hijabers Community (HC), Hijaber Gresik (HG), Hijaber United (HU), Yayasan Hijab
Indonesia/Indonesia Hijab Foundation (YHI), Hijabie Community (HY), and Syar’i Lifestyle
(SLS). As Dunn (2013) highlights, the internet not only has changed the way people
communicate with each other but has also expanded a new identity. Instagram is an important
communication platform to connect within community members, to share visions and missions,
to build a communication culture, to increase the sense of belonging, and to maintain
relationships that support the formation of collective identity. By using Instagram, these hijab
communities have communicated their collective identity as a group of young Muslim women
who make contributions through the process of self-improvement and self-development
through various activities.
Significantly, these communities have made Instagram their primary platform to highlight
community events and promote their programs, to share Islamic knowledge, and to encourage
young Muslim women to become community activists. The meaning of ‘activist’ or ‘activism’
tends to relate to political movements. Nevertheless, I argue the label of activist could be
attached to someone or a group of ordinary people, who advocate their values in order to. Then,
this chapter offers two contributions on how the hijabers create change regarding the expanding
of pious agency and challenging public role.
Pious Agency
These hijab communities form of activism such as organising pengajian (Quran recitation and
Islamic studying), initiating charitable programs, and promoting modest fashion have
established new piety movements in Indonesia. Community activism has offered an
opportunity for the members to discover new skills and knowledge and to create networks,
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which will increase agency (Rinaldo, 2010b). It means by involving in the piety movements;
women could advance their pious agency in order to create change and also to counter male-
domination in interpreting religious scriptures and disseminating religious values.
Their piety movements could also generate pious agency and become a source of legitimacy
(Rinaldo, 2010b; Mir-Hosseini, 2006) with the capacity to encourage members to be active in
the public sphere and to spread and promote social change, primarily related to the
implementation of Islamic values in daily lives. These community activities have offered an
opportunity for their members to discover new skills and knowledge and to create networks,
which will increase agency like argued by Mahmood (2005) and Rinaldo (2010b). Thus, these
hijabers have exhibited their abilities to be active in the public domain, to extend their ‘women
power,’ to use their agency, and to contest domain power structures as agents of social change.
It means Instagram might be seen as an arena to express an identity that eventually becomes
part of the community’s way to enforce their agency.
Challenge Public Role
The hijabers locate their collective identity in the public discourse by displaying new nuances
in presenting alternative images of Islam and a new young Muslim generation in Indonesia.
Through producing and circulating stylised veiled images, these hijabers are also actively
reframing conventional neoliberal notions about Islamic veiling and Muslim womanhood, as
outlined in Smith-Hefner’s (2007) study. Prominently these communities have taken part as
agents of change by inviting young Muslim women to learn about Islam and to promote new
representations of Muslim women. In other words, by being community activists, these hijabers
become leaders and role models for other Indonesian young women.
This presentation of hijabers’ collective identity seems to be important in light of the growing
conservativism in Indonesian (Muttaqin, 2015). These hijabers, through their communities,
could help challenge and equalise the domination of conservatism that is showcased by
hardliner Indonesian Islamist groups. Their construction of collective identity has an impact in
changing dominant power structures in several ways, including in how Indonesian hijabers use
their community to express their voice. It means these woman-only communities have
enormous power to influence other young women.
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For instance, Hijabers Community (HC) as the pioneer and most organised hijab community
in Indonesia has conducted online and offline activism to share their ideas and community
philosophy, “to empower and inspire each other.” They organised monthly, quarterly, and
annual events, focusing on how to improve piousness and increase understanding of Islamic
teachings. They aim to be useful women, as Syifa wants her community to become “high-
quality Muslimah (an Arabic term for Muslim women), which means a woman who has strong
devotion, unity to God, broadminded, eager to increase self-potential, and useful for others”
(personal communication on 18 November 2016). Syifa’s statement differs from the portrayal
of Muslims in an online forum in Sweden that studied by Törnberg and Törnberg (2016). They
claimed Muslims in an online forum in Sweden to be “a homogeneous outgroup involved in
conflict, violence, and extremism” relating to Islam as a religion (p. 132). In other words, their
findings position Islam as an evil religion that promotes conflict, violence, and extremism that
contrasts with the hijabers’ values.
As ‘women only’ communities, they organise community events with limited assistance from
men. For example, in an interview session, a member of HC admitted that even for their annual
event ‘Hijab Day,' they do not hire an event organiser. They were in charge of the event from
the start, including planning the event, looking for sponsors, contacting guests, hiring
performers, setting the hall, and being Master of Ceremonies. Sarah said, “we must create a
big annual event…we are all superwomen…we want to show others that we can organise an
event that enjoyed and benefited for many people” (personal communication on 18 October
2016). These hijabers display their abilities to take a public role, to be in charge in the public
domain and to extend their ‘woman power’.
Another example of community activism that could challenge public role is the charitable
programs. These communities are therefore not groups of ‘self-centred’, careless young women
but very active in creating charity programs that draw young people intention to help others.
Certainly, Instagram has helped with the distribution of these community charitable programs
because the broader the reach of the programs the more people could participate. It means these
communities could facilitate more needy people. Amos (1982) and Dawson (1988) have
classified perceived benefits of donating such as “feelings of self-esteem, public recognition,
the satisfaction of expressing gratitude for one’s own well-being and relief from feelings of
guilt and obligation” (cited in Hibbert & Horne, 1996, p. 5). Their charity programs not only
could accentuate their generosity buy also increase their role in the society.
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These communities also serve as community activists to teach and propagate modest fashion.
The trend of the fashionable Busana Muslim (Muslim dress) introduced by famous Indonesian
fashion designers and actresses, helped by media coverage, was spread through fashion outlets
in large Indonesian cities and formed the new images of veiled Muslim women. Similarly, the
hijabers trend was also initiated by famous young designers like Dian Pelangi, Ria Miranda,
Jenahara who in 2010 were establishing the Hijabers Community. From these designers and
actresses, the fashionable trend was then recreated, reproduced, and consumed by ordinary
Muslim women in rural areas, moving from the higher to lower class and creating what Simmel
(1957 [1904) called the ‘top-down’ effect.
Simmel’s (1904) notion of conformity and individuality could be found in the context of how
the Indonesian hijabers present their fashionable body. The negotiation between faith and
fashion by Indonesian hijabers demonstrates the tension between conformity and individuality.
These hijabers conform to Islamic values by wearing a modest dress but are also being creative
by displaying their styled images on Instagram. Since fashion is a cultural and social process
by which individuals mark their positions in cultural groups and communicate several
meanings (Barnard, 2002), Islamic fashion, which is a significant part of these hijabers’
appearances, has become an essential nonverbal symbol that it can communicate and negotiate
these hijabers’ persona as stylish yet humble and inspired.
Simmel’s notion is also relevant to support the mechanism of fashion, and how being
fashionable is governed by “being in fashion” which assumes the existence of a collectivity to
be part of, while these hijabers joined and formed the hijab communities. Their participation
in community events has created a new and creative culture-sharing of modest fashion for
middle-class young women. Then it resonates to what Kiliçbay and Binark (2002) ; Gökarıksel
and McLarney (2010) and Lewis (2007, 2010) noting that the hijab fashion trend may only be
affordable for middle-class women. Moreover, it is important to note that these hijab
communities never consciously set up limitations of who can or cannot participate in their
fashion-related events. The underlying conditions for attending their events are ‘woman’ and
‘wear polite clothes’ where ‘polite clothes’ is not necessary to include a veil.
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These hijabers have acted as agents of change by asking other young Muslim women to learn
about Islam and to promote nuances and images of Muslim women. This finding also supported
El Guindi's (1999) notion, which is these hijab communities have developed public presence
not only through wearing a hijab but primarily through activism.
However, there are differences in how these hijab communities approach the value of being a
modest fashion icon. HC, as the most established community, changed their focus from
fashion-related activities to those that could increase piety. Syifa, as HC chairwoman admitted,
We still have an event related to fashion, but we are not focused on fashion…well,
fashion is still an interesting topic for women. For example, we held a fashion
design class, not a beauty pageant; we do not agree with the competition of beauty.
So, fashion-related events are only one-third of our activities…fashion only an
insertion, we want to encourage a deeper understanding of Islam through
workshop, training and so on. (Syifa, November 2016)
HC only held fashion-related events on significant occasions such as anniversaries (Figure
4.49), that integrated with other activities like pengajian (Quran recitation and studying), talk
shows, workshops, Islamic consultation charity programs, fashion shows and bazaars. They
called their one-day event ‘HC Day 2017’.
Figure 4.49 - Annual HC Day
Meanwhile, newer hijab communities tend to focus on beauty and fashion related events. For
example, the Hijabie Community (HY), established at the end of 2014, has held several fashion
events and in 2017 organised fashion and beauty events such as the Hijabie Model Hunt,
Fashion Show Competition, Fashion Parade, Hijabie Modelling School, beauty pageant
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contest, and Miss Hijabie 2017. This beauty pageant contest has been held annually since 2015.
These fashion-related activities indicate HY’s intention to invite potential members by creating
modest fashion icons.
Figure 4.50 - Example of HY’s fashion events
The concern with these contests as events is that they have similar patterns with other beauty
contests like Miss World or Miss Universe, although labelled differently. It seems by adding
the label of ‘Muslimah’ or ‘Hijabi’ they capitalise less on women’s appearances. In fact, as
with other beauty pageants, these contests prioritise women’s appearance, glorify women’s
beauty and objectify women’s body just to secure a title with the crown.
Moreover, as fashionable icons my participants could spread capitalism that leads to
consumerism. In fact, fashion is a capitalist industry which means they will inevitably be
included in the networks of capitalism, of which most people globally are also involved.
Fashion has always been a marker of social, and cultural change. In this situation, these hijabers
are indeed self-marketing and participating in the commercial practice of postfeminist
ideology. This side effect of a modest fashion competition celebrating physical appearance is
a research area that is little explored here in this thesis but worthy of further investigation.
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6.6 Conclusion
This chapter explores how the finding of ‘being community activist’ relates to the previous
literature. In doing so, the discussion section elaborates how these findings contrast with
Törnberg and Törnberg (2016); resonate with Kiliçbay and Binark (2002); Gökarıksel and
McLarney (2010) and Lewis (2007, 2010); as well as expand Simmel’s (1904) notion of
conformity and individuality and Mahmood’s (2005) and Rinaldo's (2010b) study on piety
movement. Through their activities on Instagram, they expand pious agency and challenge
public image. Yet, the discussion section of this chapter also compares the Instagram postings
of new versus established hijab communities to acknowledge the possibility of women’s beauty
objectification towards beauty pageant events.
Hijab communities use Instagram as a platform to share information, to promote community
events, to publicise sponsorship and endorsement, to publicise their community’s programs as
well as be a medium for member registration. These communities have several guidelines,
rules, values, and boundaries about what is appropriate behaviour and what may be presented
on Instagram as representative of the Islamic way of life. They also carefully consider and
double check before posting to ensure they are presenting a suitable and acceptable image of
the communities. These communities also have employed Instagram as their primary platform
to share their community vision, organisational mission, and to promote community events.
Instagram has helped spread their agendas to reach multiple responses and impacts. Therefore,
using Instagram, these communities have changed the ways they communicate and interact
with each other because Instagram could extend and enhance the community existence.
While the hijabers never claim to be activists and feminists, their community activities do
reflect what they want to accomplish which is social and political change which relevant with
feminist agendas. These women have displayed their abilities to be community activists by
taking a public role, to be in charge in the public domain, and to extend their power and agency.
I propose therefore, that by being a community activist they have enormous influence in
generating piety movements in Indonesia that could prompt pious agency both online and in
everyday lives.
These Indonesian hijabers who have actively participated in their hijab community have
presented their collective identity by being community activists. Through regular pengajian
(Quran recitation and Islamic studying) events, these hijabers become active as agents of
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knowledge. They also show their generosity by organising charitable programs for children,
orphans, disaster victims, and sick people. Moreover, these hijabers endorse hijab wearing and
positively change the image of a hijab-wearing woman from out-of-date to modest, yet
fashionable. In other words, these hijabers within their communities engaged with several
activities that portrayed themselves as agents of knowledge, charitable enthusiasts, and icons
for modest fashion.
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CHAPTER 7: IMPLICATIONS
This thesis established three critical themes in responding to the overarching research question:
How do Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim selves through Instagram? These
three themes are ‘Being Authentic’, ‘Being Pious’, and ‘Being Community Activists’. I propose
that Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim self by displaying their uniqueness, or
as I outline it in this research, as ‘Being Me on Instagram’ (see Figure 7.1 below). This section
delves deeply into the Indonesian hijabers’ experiences in engaging with the visual affordances
of Instagram to present the construction of ‘Being Me’ by further examining each of the three
research sub-questions.
Figure 7.1 - Being Me on Instagram
This section outlines the three main implications of this research. Theoretically, this thesis
highlights how Instagram emphasises self-presentation and advances the ideology of Muslim
femininity. Meanwhile, the practical implication of this study draws attention to how the
engagement of Indonesian hijabers on Instagram reframes the nexus of piety and modernity.
These implications come out from the findings and analyses of studying ‘Being Me’ on
Instagram. Figure 7.2 below displays these three implications.
INQUIRY OUTCOME
Selfies Being Authentic
Being Real
Being Fashionable
Being Empowered
Being Humorous and Fun
Religious
Identity Being Pious
Being Faithful
Being Righteous
Being Grateful
Being Patient
Collective
Identity
Being Community
Activists
Being Agent of Knowledge
Being Generous
Being Modest Fashion Icon
BEING
ME
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Figure 7.2 - Implications of research
7.1 Instagram Emphasises Self-presentation
Numerous scholars have argued that the internet expands opportunities for Goffman’s (1959)
front and back stage self-making (Mendelson & Papacharissi, 2010; Abidin, 2016; Duguay,
2016), and with the advent and popularisation of web-based image-sharing, such self-making
increasingly proceeds through creative managing and posting of photographs. This section
explores how my participants’ strategy of front and back stage self-making on Instagram.
My analysis of my participants’ Instagram posts reveals three qualities of their front-stage self-
making on Instagram: authenticity expression, pious selves establishment, and activism
expansion. The front stage self making indicates their visual presentation through their
photographs and captions, through beautiful poses and interesting composition. Similar
dynamics are at play in the hijabers case. In their glossy, thoughtfully composed images of their
middle class everyday, the hijabers both emulate corporate media (they make hijaberness look
like a tv ad or a glossy magazine), and bring threatening identities in to a mainstream fold (ie,
the retrieve veiling from the threat of jilboobs and jilbab gaul).
In light of Marwick’s (2013) and Duguay’s (2016) arguments, I may surmise that this taming
is a function of a transnational culture of Instagram use. In other words, a culture of Instagram’s
use works alongside captions, borders and depth of field to attach meaning to images on
Instagram. The case of the hijabers also proffers new insights into recent developments in
cultures of using Instagram, particularly the new roles setting is playing in the visual vocabulary
that helps constitute the platform’s overwhelmingly mainstream nuances.
Moreover, their use of geographic settings, revealing how location data is being drawn into
frontstage self-making endeavours (Goffman, 1959) on Instagram. This mode of identity
performance positions them in a microcelebrity culture (Abidin, 2016) and draws attention to
Instagram emphasises self-
presentation
Instagram advances Muslim femininity
Instagram reframes the nexus of piety
and modernity
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the growing role images of place are playing in it (for example in the hijabers’ travelling
photos).
Meanwhile, the back stage is the stage of curation where my participants could choose which
photographs should be uploaded and with which captions. They need to create positive
impressions because they realise they have to present who they really are without generating
negative images. In accordance with Thumim's (2012) argument, they stage their selves as “the
generic expectations of the self-representations” (p. 154). They curate their photographs and
captions to conform what is expected by the society from a hijab wearing woman. For example,
they definitely could not post their ‘wake-up’ faces, because they do not wear their hijab while
sleeping. Nor they could post ‘bathroom’ mirror selfies like Kim Kardashian because they
cannot display their aurat (body parts that should be covered) as explain in section 4.5.
Therefore, back stage is a stage for the hijabers to build impression management which is not
always intentionally to manipulate self-presentation because users cannot control nonverbal
aspects (i.e. gesture, posture, facial, clothing).
My proposition about the creation of impression here resonates with Banet-Weiser’s (2012)
noted that “self-branding seems not only logical but perhaps necessary” (p. 56). She offers an
understanding of how our lives are surrounded by brands, as a self we consciously or
unconsciously have set up a persona branding that is influenced by our culture, particular life
values, and religion. Moreover, her suggestion similar with Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical
framework that both front and back stage can be managed but does not have to imply
insincerity. While it is not easy to know someone’s genuine intention when they engage with
social media, the meaning of self-performances on the ‘stage’ of social media still can be
interpreted based on the consistency of how she or he presents and represents themselves.
The hijabers’ front and back stage self-making constitutes hijaberness as a ‘composite habitus’
or the aspect of a habitus that is split between coplementary and contradictory predispositions
(Waltorp, 2015). In her study of young Danish Muslim women’s social media use, Waltorp
argued that the women use social media to augment to spaces available to them for identitity
experimentation. On and offline, they play with various subject positions in various fields. This
kind of practice is evidence of what Waltorp calls a “composite habitus” (2015, p. 50) – bodily
comportments that betray the acute sensibilities both structured by and necessary to the
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successful navigation of distinct social environments that become available through
smartphone use.
Composite habitus is usefully applied the hijabers. Unlike the veiled women of which Waltorp
writes, my participants don the veil both on and offline, maintaining a coherent identity. My
research finds that this apparently coherent habitus is concurrently structured by and oriented
to two distinct fields. First, they deliberately curate location data to compose coherently and
ordered Instagram identities and have positioned them in particular settings that mark them as
high-end consumers, and this mode of identity performance locates them in microcelebrity
culture, a subset of celebrity defined by its relationship to particular media forms (the use of
social media to gain celebrity status) and media practices (new branding and marketing
strategies that take advantage of the affordances and cultures of social media platforms).
Second, by captioning their posts as similar as their their offline lives, complemented with
dakwah and inspired messages, the hijabers mark themselves as authentic, pious, and activist.
These positioned them as knowledge and piety holders, not just hedonistic consumers. This
mode of identity performance shows how the hijabers’ phenomenon validates consumerist
ideology.
As a concept, composite habitus is useful because it affords access to the complex gender
politics inherent to the hijaber phenomenon, at once problematic from a feminist perspective
because it makes empowered womanhood contingent on elite modes of consumption, and yet
perhaps to be championed for their role in feminising Muslim authority. But, as touched on
earlier, this approach can also provide a framework for exploring digital cultures’ multiple
provenances – that is, those that stretch beyond the Euro-American trajectory of techno-social
change. The hijabers certainly adhere to norms governing ‘proper’ bodily comportment on
Instagram, and such adherence constructs them as a subset of a global cosmopolitan elite,
Muslim and otherwise. We can understand this mode of self-presentation through reference to
existing work on cultures of Instagram use, and its implications for women’s media power.
Nevertheless, the way the hijabers use captions to endorse authenticity, pious, and activism are
also enlightening.
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7.2 Instagram Advances Ideology of Muslim Femininity
Patriarchy is a practice of social constructions, which employs male-dominated oppression and
exploitation of women (Walby, 1989). As a system, patriarchies are built by social
constructions, not merely through culture, and cause gender bias and inequality. Levels of
inequality in a given country are measured by the Gender Inequality Index (GII), and,
Indonesia’s GII ranked 105 out of 159, far below neighbouring Muslim majority countries,
such as Malaysia and Singapore, rank 59 and 11, respectively (Human Development Index,
2015). It proves the level of gender inequality in Indonesia is still high.
The use of Instagram by my participants could lead to the advancement of ideology of Muslim
femininity. Through performing selfies, dakwah, and community activism, they have
negotiated female autonomy and agency. These negotiations could be essential achievements
when considering the substantial patriarchal systems in Indonesia. As autonomy also could be
portrayed through selfies (Tiidenberg & Cruz, 2015), the these hijabers’ digital self-portraits
could be considered as their efforts to be authors or originators of themselves.
Besides showing autonomy in the public sphere, by expressing themselves on Instagram, the
hijabers therefore seem to have the freedom to become whomever they want and so improving
their struggle by extending their agency in Indonesia’s patriarchal system.They use their
images to link their hijaber-ness to the physical and mental agency, which they articulate by
providing visual evidence of their well-to-do existence. My participants also enframe their
images through use of captions to interpret the visual evidence of their bodily agency,
independence and consumer power as key elements of Islamic practice. My participants
enhancement of agency, resonates with the argument that selfies could signify agency and self-
expression (Iqani & Schroeder,2016).
In addition, through Instagram my participants enable their community members to become
activists who develop a new form of community activism. This community activism programs
such as pengajian (Quran recitation and Islamic studying), charity program, and the
advancement of modest fashion have created a new piety movement in Indonesia. However,
the label of activist can be attached to someone (or some group of ordinary people) who
advocates their values in order to create change in actuality they have developed the agency of
young Indonesian women. In other words, Instagram could then become an information
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resource that helps women’s independency, where they can decide what is best for them
without intervention from the patriarchal system.
This orienting towards the ideal of the independent Muslim women is significant in light of a
Muslim feminist agenda. For example, the hijabers photographs with their husbands capture
an equal relationship that show how these hijabers use the trope of the empowered Muslim
wife. In this way, they shape Muslim women’s aspirations in a way that is synchronous with
an Indonesian feminist agenda to reform the institution of marriage.
Although my participants do not explicitly reference the feminists’ arguments but they support
women empowerment and generates better quality of life for women. Specifically, since the
beginning of its establishment in 2010, the Hijabers Community (as the most prominent
community) has applied feminist ideologies by setting up a philosophy ‘to empower and to
inspire’.
I believe therefore that my participants’ achievements through community support feminist
ideals without having to use the label of feminism, or to shout out loud “I am a feminist.”.
While the ideas of feminism in supporting women’s needs could be fashioned in many ways,
as noted by Badran (2008), I suggest these hijabers have created their own unique term of
feminism. Moreover, as many Indonesian non-profit organisations voiced their concerns
regarding women issues and gender equality, only some accepted the label of feminist
(Rinaldo, 2010a), a term which by the majority of Indonesians was interrogated to be a
“nonindigenous concept” that irrelevant to Indonesian values. It was difficult for women to
take on the term feminist when “certain assumptions remain common: feminism is a Western
or Northern concept; it is anti-men; it perceives men to be the source of all gender inequality;
it promotes the acceptance of lesbianism” (Sadli, 2002, p. 80-81). It is common that Indonesian
women develop a unique interpretation and expression of a feminist movement.
My participants’ production and circulation of self-portraits on Instagram could be positioned
themselves as objects of post feminism where they are viewed as empowered young women
but trapped in the consumer industry. This particular view emerges from a context of expanding
consumer culture and the commodification of Islam in Indonesia and is then significantly
bolstered by a culture of Instagram’s use, which favours the glossy, the high-end, and luxurious
images. Instagram cements the hijabers’ reliance on “feminine discourses and practices…
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anchored in the consumer marketplace” (Duffy & Hund, 2015, p. 3) in order to articulate their
empowerment, which is problematic from a feminist perspective because it limits such
empowerment to a capacity to consume.
Instagram images allow these hijabers however to unravel those ambivalences by claiming
ownership of their feminine subjectivities. Instagram expands the field of everyday image-
making and contributes to the visibility of Muslim women and their enhanced role in public
life. In Indonesia, and globally, digital media could become a stronger medium to negotiate
and influence the bargaining position of women in gender equality. Therfore, the hijabers
should optimise their digital media use to voice their aspirations, to create dialogue around
their concerns, to be heard and to influence the dominant power structure.
In addition, the hijabers’ experiences on social media have also created their unique story of
how young middle-class Indonesian Muslim women construct and reflect their identity on
Instagram. It is as what Cadenet (2016) believed, “If we don’t have women telling their stories
through all mediums, how are we supposed to see ourselves honestly reflected in the world?”.
Cadenet’s created the girlgaze website which aimed to offer a platform for women from various
identities and to challenge male-domination in media and photography industry (Looft, 2017).
While my participants engage with online presentations, their experiences and stories bolster a
broader challenging of Islamic presentation in the digital public sphere. Such work centres
largely on debates concerning the extent to which women’s work using social media to visibilise
the empowered women.
7.3 Instagram Reframes the Nexus of Piety and Modernity
This study explored how Indonesian hijabers used the visual affordances of Instagram to
construct their modern Muslim selves and reframe the nexus of piety and modernity. Figure
7.3 below presents the inductive research process from the overarching research question, to
the finding of ‘Being Me on Instagram’, and then the implication of how the Indonesian
hijabers’ engagement with Instagram reframes the nexus of piety and modernity.
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Figure 7. 3 - The nexus of piety and modernity
Reframing Piety
The experience of Muslim women in a Muslim-majority country (such as Indonesia) differs
significantly from the experiences of women in a minority setting (Wagner et al. (2012). In a
Muslim-majority country such as Indonesia, donning the veil is not a contested issue, where
women can choose whether to don a hijab or not (Bucar, 2017). Nevertheless, Indonesia, as a
multiethnic and multicultural country, has many sects of Islam, from the highly conservative
to the highly moderate and political developments since 2014 have seen the rise of conservative
groups (Arifah, Sobari, & Usman, 2016). Indonesian hijabers who could be classified as young
middle-class Muslim women from moderate Muslim sects sometimes encounter negative
stigmas regarding their hijab fashion preferences and are labelled as ‘too attractive,’ ‘not
syar’i,’ ‘too stylish,’ ‘too glamourous’ (see Sandıkçı & Ger, 2005, Umam & Altiria, 2010;
Moors, 2013; Faiz, 2017). The issue faced by Indonesian Muslim women, therefore, is not
whether they don the hijab, but the issues related to interpretations of the appropriateness of
what body parts should be covered, the length of the material, and what kind of style is used in
veiling.
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As highlighted in Chapter 6, the Hijabers Community (HC) has changed its focus from fashion
to religious events, and as the first to use the term hijabers, they have, since their beginning,
had as a mission to increase the younger generation’s interest in wearing the hijab. That is, they
offer hijab fashion designs that differ from their older and mother’s generations with a square
headscarf and single pin under the chin and combined with a single-coloured tunic or abaya.
When established in 2010, many of the HC committee were famous fashion designers who
created new icons of hijab fashion that led to the representation of the hijabers as modest and
fashionable figures. Their action increased the number of hijab-wearers in Indonesia. I outlined
the term ‘hijabisation’ to refer to the hijabers’ endorsement to campaign for veiling practices
both on Instagram and offline through their community events. This community also engaged
in activism that could eventually enhance the piety of these hijabers.
All participants in this study agree to wear the hijab and referred to Quran verses as a
foundation of their obedience to don the veil as part of their modesty. These hijabers’ modest
fashion indicates their level of piety since “Modesty is linked to one’s level of faith, it is often
associated with the level of piety” (Ahmad, 2017, p. 274). Through Instagram, these hijabers
communicate their values as young Muslim women who are promoting modesty, while their
agency could be shown through their ability to choose, wear, and post any outfit, depending
on their aspirations. These Indonesian hijabers emphasise their unique personality, identity,
and authenticity.
Additionally, by captioning their posts with dakwah-related messages, the hijabers mark
themselves as pious, empowering them as knowledge holders and not just hedonistic
consumers. Since the act of informed religious knowledge on individual and collective levels
can develop empowerment (Al-Sharmani, 2014), it is this mode of piety performance that
positions the hijabers in a field of Islamic knowledge dissemination and shows how the hijabers
phenomenon not only validates consumerist ideology but also bolsters a broader challenging
and fragmentation of male religious authority.
These young hijabers also used Instagram as a tool to prioritise their religion in their everyday
practices and to advise their followers (and themselves) to improve their religiosity. They post
religious activities such as pengajian and charity programs and encourage fellow members to
keep studying Islam in order to become better Muslim women. These hijabers use Instagram
as a dakwah platform in an enlightening method to present their religiosity which generates
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piety movements both in daily lives and in the online world. Instagram has become an
applicable theatre for these hijabers as a stage to perform their religious practices. Therefore,
these hijabers reframe their piety by wearing the hijab, displaying religious practices, studying
Islam with community, and disseminating Islamic knowledge.
Reframing Modernity
Modernity is a conceptual and philosophical point that emerged in the West at the end of the
1700s and took shape in the 1800s through technology, industrialisation, advances in sciences,
and consumerism. It characterises hundreds of years of western history which acknowledges
humans (“man”) being aware of “being modern”, different from antiquity and allowed a
distance from past society then the concept and meaning of modernity always changes over
time. It is important therefore to increase our understanding of the role that media and fashion
play in modernisation, and in creating identities of veiled Muslim women and as presented in
hijab fashion (Lewis, 2015). Many scholars define Muslim women as modern when they
associate themselves with Western feminine concepts of fashion, for example, mixed and
matched long flower-patterned top, blue jeans, high-heels, colourful hijab, and long-lasting
makeup (see Jones, 2010; Beta, 2014; Saraswati, 2015; Annisa, 2016; Bucar, 2016, 2017;
Peterson, 2017).
Indonesian hijabers who live in a Muslim majority country have also modified the Western
feminine context of fashion by changing the perception of veiling from old fashion, out of date,
and ‘only suitable for old women’ into fashionable modern attire that is suitable for a young
middle-class Indonesian lifestyle. They also enhance the definition of modern women by
generating the production and consumption of the hijab not merely as a garment to cover the
head but as an identity marker. Beyond endorsing the Islamic dress code, these hijabers have
created a new representation of the hijab and modern Muslim women, particularly through
social media. They believed that a modern Muslim woman has the ability to understand
technology and the online world, as stated:
Muslim women become ‘modern’ when they use social media (Tami, personal
communication on 5 October 2016).
Engaged with social media means following modernity (Ima, personal
communication on 13 October 2016)
Modern woman is someone who understanding technology, existing in the online
world, active, but she has not forgotten her nature as a woman (Syifa, personal
communication on 18 November 2016).
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Referring to my participants’ arguments above, they certainly adhere to norms governing
‘proper’ bodily comportment on Instagram, and such adherence constructs them as a subset of
media-savvy cosmopolitan young women. By being involved with Instagram, these hijabers
encourage modernity by creating, curating, managing image archives to emphasise their
personae. They are commodifying and disseminating those images in ways that produce new
kinds of the representation of modern Muslim women.
My participants use Instagram to present unique authenticity as I discussed in Chapter 4. They
present their values on authenticity through the reflection of their real, fashionable, empowered,
humorous and fun selves. These hijabers as media-savvy young women actively engage with
the production and circulation of digital media content relevant to what Banet-Weiser (2012)
called the ‘interactive subject’. As the interactive subject, they stimulate the formation of their
‘unique authentic self’.
In addition to selfies, I also discussed in Chapter 5 how these hijabers use Instagram for
presenting their pious selves. The hijabers took a chance to use Instagram as a stage to escalate
their religious identity and contest the religious authority of the Indonesian patriarchal culture
the visual affordances of Instagram have become a useful medium for their freedom of
expression by creating an opportunity for young Muslim women to communicate their ideas
about Islamic practices. Additionally, it opens an opportunity for young Muslim women to be
visible in the discourse of religion, to extend the discussion around how young Muslim women,
and to develop their public presence as sources or communicators of dakwah or syiar Islam,
which in turn redefines modernity.
Also, these hijab communities expand piety movement within their activism, and Instagram
helps the spread of their agendas to multiple responses and impacts. Though they have never
stated themselves as activists, their community activities reflect goals that are similar to those
activists seek, and to accomplish social and political change. Their activism on Instagram then
promote women’s agency in Indonesia. Therefore they also negotiate the and power relations
between men and women.
Instagram also has given these hijabers the opportunities to expand their identity without
restrictions or control from men. The hijabers are entirely in charge of their Instagram content.
They have the freedom to choose, to post, to re-post, to make their accounts public or private,
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or even to expurgate their account content. With freedom to present themselves, they therefore
challenge the stereotypes of being oppressed and backward. Therefore, I propose that by being
visible and extending their public presence, these hijabers emphasise their sense of being
modern.
As such, the modernity of these hijabers is not only elevated by the adoption of Western
feminine values of fashion and appearance but also enforced by ‘being me’, which emphasises
their authentic, pious, and community activist selves, through their participation on the visual-
based platform, Instagram. That is, to:
1) amplify visual affordances of Instagram, including engaging with the skills used in taking
and sharing digital portraits, such as operating a professional camera and/or smartphone,
editing, and using design applications and/or software;
2) express authenticity;
3) contest male domination in transferring Islamic values;
4) negotiate authority, agency, and power relations; and
5) challenge stigma and stereotypes of veiled Muslim women as oppressed and backward
In conclusion, by ‘being me’ these hijabers show the entanglement of piety and modernity. The
piety and modernity of these Indonesian hijabers cannot be examined as standalone concepts,
especially while discussing the hijabers self-presentation on Instagram. Rather than selecting
between piety and modernity, these hijabers have created a framework, mediated by the visual
affordances of Instagram in a synchronisation. For instance, their effort to spread dakwah on
Instagram confirms their intention to enhance piety by using modern social media technology.
Therefore, this hijabers piety is being part of their modernity and vice versa.
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CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION
This chapter presents a summary of this research, its contributions, limitations and how other
related research questions and research problems should be addressed in the future to gain a
better understanding of the hijab, Muslim women self-presentation, and social media.
8.1 Conclusion
The cross-disciplinary literature review on media, fashion, and feminist studies highlighted the
limited knowledge available on hijab-wearing women and their involvement with social media,
especially Instagram. In order to approach this gap, this study established the overarching
research question “How do Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim selves through
Instagram?” This study aimed to obtain deeper understandings of Indonesian hijabers’ self-
presentation on Instagram in reframing the nexus of piety and modernity.
Twenty-six hijab-wearing Indonesian women participated in in-depth interviews, participant-
observations, and social media observations. They were well-educated, middle-class, aged 20-
34, living in Indonesia’s larger cities, Jakarta, Bandung, Yogyakarta, and Gresik. Their stories
and experiences were collected in 45-60 minutes interviews, through participant-observations
in various hijab community events from September to December 2016, and observation of their
Instagram accounts. The interviews questioned the participants’ hijab experience, their
motivations for using Instagram, various images they posted, and involvement in the
community. Qualitative thematic and iconographical analysis provided a revealing collection
of stories and narratives that these participants considered as essential and central to their
unique experiences in using Instagram. These unique experiences indicate how these
Indonesian hijabers present their authenticity, piousness, and community activism in order to
perform ‘Being Me on Instagram.’
The hijabers’ portraits display the hijab borders the face, accentuating its Muslim-ness, offering
the hijabers opportunities to demonstrate that hijab-wearing conforms to conventional notions
of feminine beauty, denoted by the youthful, made-up, fair-skinned face. Some such portraits
appear in the corpus I collected, but the hijabers favour self-portraits that emplace them in a
deeper field: broader ‘everyday’ settings identify her as more than just an object of a gaze.
Consistently, such everyday settings enhance the hijabers’ performance of empowerment on
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Instagram by identifying them as a certain kind of social subject – one who enjoys free access
to spaces limited to the well-to-do.
In addition to providing support to the theoretical concepts of media, fashion, and feminist
studies, this thesis presents in-depth, rich and dynamic data that contributes to understanding
the role of hijab-wearing women on social media. I argue that these unique hijabers experiences
in using Instagram could oppose the stigma of being voiceless, narcissistic, and fashionistas,
as well as contest religious authority and dominant power structures in disseminating Islamic
values and challenge the stereotypes of being oppressed and backward.
This study has significant implications for three substantive concepts. First, this study was
successful in applying Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical framework of the front and back stage,
to understand Indonesian hijabers performances on Instagram. The hijabers front back stage
self-making exhibit styled images which could be seen as an engagement with impression
management, consumer and mocrocelebrity cultures. On the other hand, their self-making also
display authenticity, pious selves, and activism.
This dual interpretation, which calls as ‘composite habitus’ is therefore crucial to the agenda
for internationalising digital media studies because it retrieves non-Western digital cultures
from the lowly scales of local specificity to position them as part of global histories, albeit
sorely understudied, being forged in and through platforms. The ‘composite habitus’
framework is useful because it opens space for acknowledging both the powerfully
homogenising effects of platforms’ cultures of use, and their important variations.
Second, this study provides ideas on how Instagram could advance Muslim femininity. While
none of my participants stated they were feminists or mentioned feminism, in actuality their
visual presence on social media enables these hijabers to generate autonomy, and agency. Also,
they share information about women’s movements that in turn, benefit other women, and
resonate with Muslim feminist agendas. However, these ‘women only’ communities mostly
invite male preachers or speakers to their events. More woman ‘friendly’ events could be
achieved and women’s issues could be discussed if more female preachers and speakers are
invited. In doing so these hijabers could increase their impact in terms of developing the
feminism movement in Indonesia. Then, I suggest these communities need to use their influence
and power more widespread to encourage gender equality more broadly in Indonesia since
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women movements are better equipped to raise important issues and campaigns through digital
media.
Third, this study redefines the nexus of piety and modernity by not only focusing on the
adoption of Western modern feminine concepts but also by considering the hijabers as agents
of change through their engagement with Instagram, and in so doing, to challenge the stigma
and stereotypes of being oppressed and backward.
8.2 Contributions
The hijab has come to symbolise the Muslim woman’s identity, and at this juncture it is
important to remember that in some Islamic states, Muslim women are forced to wear the hijab.
For example, by Taliban fundamentalists in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Islamic state
government of Iran, some parts of Saudi Arabia, as well as in Aceh, the only province in
Indonesia which implements shariah law. Many Muslim women outside those countries or
regions have their own reasons for wearing the hijab which for them is more than a piece of
fabric worn to cover the head or a trendy fashion item. The choice and experience of hijab-
wearing is different for each woman and might signal identity, protection, freedom and even
power (see Droogsma, 2007; Siraj, 2011).
The number of hijab-wearing women is rapidly increasing in Indonesia, as the most populous
Muslim nation in the world, so too are levels of social media use (including Instagram). If the
rise of Instagram is evidence of the increasing importance of visual texts in contemporary
culture, Highfield & Leaver (2016) pointed to the urgent need to study images in online identity
performances, with Marwick (2015) arguing that images offer qualitatively different resources
for identity construction, and as such calls for new frameworks for understanding identity
construction online. The rise of the hijabers, its key aspects, and as a site where faith, politics,
industry, identity and subjectivity encounter particularly how Indonesian hijab-wearing women
engage with Instagram to express their identity is what is presented in this thesis. That is,
applied media, fashion, and feminism literature were analysed through a digital ethnography
that studied and documented the unique experiences of twenty-six Indonesian hijabers
engaging with the visual affordances of Instagram.
To my knowledge, this is the first sizeable in-depth study of Indonesian hijabers who are active
in performing, participating and using the visual discourse of Instagram to negotiate and
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express their religiosity, their unique activist movement, yet unique ideology of veiled Muslim
femininity. Therefore, this study makes four critical contributions to the work on media,
fashion, and feminist studies. First, this study focused on the unique Indonesian context, where
the literature review in Chapter 1 documented the role of the hijab within Indonesian politics,
society, economics, culture, and the potential market for the Muslim fashion industry, as well
as a large number of social media users in Indonesia. The literature review presented in Chapter
2 emphasised the need for further research into the unique practices and experiences of how
veiled Muslim women engage with Instagram, highlighting the fact that little research had
explored how veiled Muslim women (whether in Muslim majority or minority countries)
express and present themselves on social media.
Second, the method integrates qualitative interviews with analysis of social media by adopting
a digital ethnography approach to collect these hijabers experiences and stories on donning the
hijab, using Instagram, participating in the community to generate their piety and modernity.
The data for this research was manually collected from visual archives from the hijabers’
Instagram accounts. These visual archives were used to highlight, and support points raised in
interviews, as well as to elaborate on narratives within their postings. The interview transcripts,
participant-observations, and Instagram captions were analysed through thematic coding
analysis, and Instagram images were analysed using iconography analysis. Combined, these
qualitative approaches provided a deep and rich insight into how these hijabers use Instagram
to express themselves and to reframe their piety and modernity (Chapter 3).
Third, a significant contribution from this study is the key findings, outlined in the results
chapters (Chapter 4, 5, and 6). Each chapter examined a critical theme that emerged from the
qualitative thematic coding and iconography analysis, namely: being authentic, being pious,
and being community activists. This research has unpacked unique insights into how Indonesian
hijabers ‘Being Me’ on Instagram, a topic that, to date, has received little research attention.
Fourth, this research has identified new knowledge about Instagram’s role as a stage of
performance (as Goffman would argue) in advancing the ideology of Muslim femininity and
reframing the nexus of piety and modernity of young veiled Muslim women. To sum up, this
thesis provides a new insight on how the architecture of Instagram could be used to generate a
new representation of young veiled Muslim women.
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8.3 Limitations
While this study has enhanced the existing knowledge in this essential and under-researched
area, some limitations exist. First, the sample size of twenty-six women cannot be ignored
when compared to the 20 million hijab-wearing women in Indonesia. Nor can the small scope
of data gathered from hijabers who live in several cities in Indonesia. Therefore, the results
presented here are not a reflection of all Indonesian hijab-wearing women. Second, this
research examined only Instagram as the most active platform used by the participants, and
because financial and time resources were limited. Third, the interpretation of the modern
Muslim self by this study’s participants cannot be generalised to other hijab-wearing women
with different economic, political, social, or cultural backgrounds as well as personal
differences of hijab styles.
Lastly, this research also has specific methodological limitations. For instance, utilising a
qualitative approach to data collection allowed for the collection of in-depth and precious data.
However, it also reduced the ability of the results to be generalised (e.g., transposed to other
locations). The sample does, however, allow for theoretical generalisations, which are reflected
in the reported results and conclusions. A potential limitation of using a self-report (interview)
format is that participants may provide a socially desirable response (e.g., overstating their
hijab experiences) rather than responses that reflect their genuine experiences. In an attempt to
address this limitation, both the written material in the participant information pack and the
verbal summary provided to the participants at the beginning of each interview outlined that
there were no ‘right or wrong’ answers and the research was interested in their unique
experiences.
8.4 Future Research
This study has increased the body of knowledge about media, fashion, and feminist studies.
However, despite successfully addressing the aims of this research, some knowledge gaps still
exist. As previously stated, it is a limitation of this study that hijab-wearing women from
diverse backgrounds were not included as study participants. Therefore, this may be a useful
area for future studies to explore several categories of hijab-wearing in Indonesia and then
make a comparison with hijab-wearing women in neighbouring Muslim-majority countries like
Malaysia and Singapore or another Muslim-minority country. Also outlined above, there is
the needed for more generalisation of the data. For instance, it would be insightful to combine
qualitative methodology with digital methods like social media data crawling software to
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collect comprehensive data on hashtags or number of likes, or other complex social media data
sets across various platforms.
Future research could investigate the feminist debates within the community and explore the
possibility of using the community as active critical agents to increase the power dynamic in
constructing the image of hijab-wearing women. Such research would extend the discussion
on the purposes of the hijabers’ actions with feminism ideas, and create the need to further
explore the operationalisation of social capital in the world of veiling-practising and social
media to better understand how it impacts both individuals and hijab communities as a whole.
The results of this thesis make it particularly useful for future research to examine how
participants’ self-expression on Instagram were perceived by their followers to understand the
two-way interactions and dialogues.
In closing, this thesis has used digital ethnography to explore how one active group of
Indonesian young women are outlining the meaning of their self-presentation through the
unique visual affordances of Instagram. It has challenged the stereotype of Muslim women as
voiceless, oppressed, and backward, showing how these Indonesian hijabers express and share
Islamic knowledge online. My hope is that the research findings described in this thesis inspires
others to also deeply delve into how Muslim women across the globe use social media to
reframe the nexus of piety and modernity.
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APPENDICES
APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
A. HIJAB, SELF-PRESENTATION AND COMMUNITIES (FOR LEADERS AND MEMBERS)
On the hijab: personal experiences and views of its meaning
• How long have you been wearing the hijab?
• Why did you decide to don it?
• Did you wear any other kind of veil previously and why did you decide to wear the hijab instead?
• What do you think about the role of the fashion industry in changing hijab wearing culture in Indonesia?
• Do you think hijab wearing in Indonesia is about fashion or faith?
On joining COMMUNITY: stories and motivations
• How long have you been a member of community?
• What motivated you to join?
• What was happening in your life when you joined community?
• Have things been different since you joined? How?
Experiences of community: friendships and community in the everyday
• How many people in your circle of friends are members of community?
• How often do you attend COMMUNITY events?
Roles in the community
• How long you have been a leader/chairwoman of Community? (for leader)
• What is your role as leader/chairwoman of community? (for leader)
• Do you have a special role in the community? What is it? What are your obligations? (for members)
• What kinds of activities do you undertake as a member/leader of the community? Do you see
COMMUNITY as a place to make friends and learn about fashion, for example, or to empower women,
or to learn Islamic teachings?
Views on community and presenting oneself as ‘modern’
• Do you think community has changed the image of hijab practise in Indonesia?
• Do you think community is about fashion or is it about faith?
• What kind of “culture” is it that makes community different from other groups of veiling women in
Indonesia?
• What do you think about the role of community in changing hijab wearing culture in Indonesia?
• What does the hijab mean in terms of community identity?
• What is the meaning of Islamic modernity from community perspective?
• Does community think wear hijab is part of Islamic modernity? Why?
• Do you think members of community identify themselves as modern Muslim women?
• Does your hijab reflect who you are? How and why?
• What does the hijab mean in terms of your identities?
• Do you think wearing hijab is part the of Islamic modernity? Why?
B. ON TECHNOLOGY AND INSTAGRAM (FOR LEADERS AND MEMBERS)
Instagram and broader device/platform ecologies
• Can you tell me how long you have been using Instagram? When did you begin using it and why?
• What kind of device do you use to access and post on Instagram? Is it always a mobile phone or not?
• What kind of phone(s) do you have? If you have more than one, do you use them for different
purposes? Can you tell me about that?
• What other things do you do on your phone? (eg email? Other social media platforms? Browsing on the
web? Voice calls? IM? Sms?)
• What’s the most important media technology you use to stay connected with friends (eg phone, PC,
tv…?)
• What’s the most of important media technology you use to get the latest information (about news,
celebrities, fashion etc)
220
• How you have seen the use of technology among the hijabers evolve in your time as
leader/chairwoman?
Instagram’s role in community
• What is the value of social media for community? Is it an indispensable part of community life in
your view? Or is it peripheral/dispensable?
• How long have community used Instagram?
• What is the main reason for community’s use of Instagram?
• What kind of information does community choose to share on Instagram?
• What kind information does community seek to omit? Why?
• What activities have community discussed or posted on Social Media?
• Does the hijabers have specific norms and rules to access/post/comment/retweet? Can you tell me
about them?
• How do you as a chairwoman share the rules of online and offline communication? (for leader)
• Do you think community has specific norms of online and offline communication that different from
other groups of veiling women?
• What do you think about the hijabers’ online and offline interactions in their group?
Self-presentation on Instagram
• How are community members presenting themselves on Instagram? In what kind of
texts/photos/pictures?
• How do you present yourself on Instagram? In what kind of texts/photos/pictures?
• When you create profiles/posts/comments/tweets, do you have a certain person or audience in mind?
Who are these people and why do you target them?
• Do your profiles/posts/comments/tweets portray the same person as in face-to-face interactions? Why
or why not?
• What information do you choose to share on Instagram?
• What information do you seek to omit? Why?
• Who are your fans/followers?
• What activities have you discussed or posted on Social Media?
C. FOR ADMINISTRATOR
• How long you have been the administrator of this account?
• What is the purpose of this account?
• Who are the fans/followers of this account?
• How many active followers does this account have?
• How many posts/comments/tweets does community have in a day/week?
• When is the peak time of tweets? On what occasion?
• Do you think it is an active account? How and why?
• What kind of messages do the followers usually post in this account (what kind of
texts/photos/pictures)?
• Do you think the followers’ profiles/posts/comments/tweets are an accurate portrayal of the person?
• Do you think their hijab reflects who they are? How and why?
• Do you think the way the followers present themselves identifies them as modern?
• In what kind of posts (texts/photos/pictures) do you think the followers are presenting as modern?
• What do you think about the way followers express themselves? (the images they share; the messages
they write)
221
APPENDIX B: LIST OF PARTICIPANTS
APPENDIX B1: PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS
NO COMMUNITY FULL
NAME
AGE ROLE IN
COMMUNITY
DATE OF
INTERVIEW
EDUCATION JOB SOCMED
1
Hijabers
Community
(HC)
Syifa
Fauzia
(Syifa)
32 Chairwoman 18 November
2016
PhD student Vice
Rector,
Presenter,
Twitter,
2 Annisa
Pratiwand
a (Wanda)
26 Social media
administrator
30 October
2016
Master’s
degree
Marketing Line,
3 Triana
(Tria)
23 Committee 22 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Business
owner
4 Desnanti
Sarachika
(Chika)
23 Committee 30 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Graphic
Designer
5 Addina
Ayuningty
as
(Addina)
26 Committee 22 October
2016
Master’s
degree
Pre-school
teacher
6 Firlia
Septiani
(Firli)
26 Member 22 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Administr
ator
Twitter,
7 Bunga
(fiction
name)
23 Member 8 October 2016 Bachelor’s
degree
Cooking
Teacher
8
Hijabers
Community
Bandung (HCB)
Ghaida
Tsurayya
(Ghaida)
28 Advisory Board 6 October 2016 Bachelor’s
degree
Business
owner
Line,
Twitter,
9 Sarah
Hesty
Nurrohma
h (Sarah)
25 Chairwoman 18 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Marketing Twitter,
10 Hanifa
Paramitha
Siswanti
(Ifa)
26 Vice-
chairwoman
7 October 2016 Bachelor’s
degree
News
Presenter
11 Shafira
Sidratul
Muntaha
Siswanda
(Fira)
22 Public Relations 13 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Customer
Service
Line,
12 Annisa
Eka Zarny
(Aez)
23 Committee 20 November
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Business
owner
Line,
13 Irine Dilla
Andika
(Irine)
27 Social media
administrator
13 October
2016
Master’s
degree
Fresh
graduate
Line,
14 Tami
Sintya
Hardianty
(Tami)
24 Member 5 October 2016 Bachelor’s
degree
Marketing Path,
15 Fatimah
Nuruz
Zakiyah
(Ima)
29 Member 13 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Lecturer Instagram
16 Lera
Nadia
Arfileai
(Lera)
23 Member 23 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Graphic
Designer
222
17 Ghinaa
Faadiyah
Gunawan
(Ghina)
20 Member 20 November
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Fresh
graduated
Line,
18
Hijabers
Community
Yogyakarta
(HCY)
Rizky
Anggarda
Paramita
Syahriani
(Kiki)
28 Chairwoman 21 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Business
owner
19 Melissa
Nurul Fani
(Melissa)
27 Vice-
chairwoman
21 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Business
owner
20 Meisza
Adilla
Herssy
(Echa)
21 Social media
administrator
20 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Marketing Instagram
21 S Elita
Barbara
(Elita)
25 Committee 20 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Business
owner
22 Hijabie
Community
Yogyakarta
(HY)
Atika
Maulida
(Atika)
24 Chairwoman 20 October
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Business
owner
Line,
23 Hijabers United
(HU)
Maya
Dewi
Resmi N
(Dewi)
22 Committee 10 November
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Fresh
graduate
Line,
24 Yayasan Hijab
Indonesia (YHI)
/ Indonesian
Hijab
Foundation
Ayu
Wulansari
(Ayu)
25 Chairwoman 17 November
2016
Bachelor’s
degree
Business
owner
25 Syar’i Lifestyle
(SL)
Fitri Aulia 28 Chairwoman 17 Nov 2016 Bachelor’s
degree
Business
owner
Twitter,
26 Hijabers Gresik
(HC)
Uly
Darojah
(Udhe)
27 Chairwoman 20 Nov 2016 Bachelor’s
degree
Business
owner
FB,
223
APPENDIX B2: INSTAGRAM PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS (as per July 2018)
NO COMMUNITY FULL NAME IG
ACCOUNT STATUS
NUMBER OF
FOLLOWER
NUMBER
OF POST
1
Hijabers
Community (HC)
Syifa Fauzia
(Syifa) @syifaf Public 189000 1556
2
Annisa
Pratiwanda
(Wanda)
@pratiwanda Public 1130 874
3 Triana (Tria) @triaiya Public 1164 552
4
Desnanti
Sarachika
(Chika)
@sarachika Public 1256 149
5
Addina
Ayuningtyas
(Addina)
@addinaaaaa Private 1413 1349
6 Firlia Septiani
(Firli)
@firliamarch
vinodyra Public 826 48
7 Bunga (fiction
name) @mellizaime Public 2631 33
8
Hijabers
Community
Bandung (HCB)
Ghaida Tsurayya
(Ghaida) @gdaghaida Public 426000 6362
9
Sarah Hesty
Nurrohmah
(Sarah)
@sarahhesty Private 1323 129
10
Hanifa
Paramitha
Siswanti (Ifa)
@hpsiswanti Public 2118 835
11
Shafira Sidratul
Muntaha
Siswanda (Fira)
@shfirasm Private 1726 264
12 Annisa Eka
Zarny (Aez) @aezannisa Private 1562 4794
13 Irine Dilla
Andika (Irine) @irineorene Public 2404 643
14
Tami Sintya
Hardianty
(Tami)
@tamisintya Private 2077 64
15 Fatimah Nuruz
Zakiyah (Ima)
@fathimahnu
ruzz Public 1007 243
16 Lera Nadia
Arfileai (Lera) @leranadiar Public 1591 219
17
Ghinaa Faadiyah
Gunawan
(Ghina)
@ghinaafaa Public 3756 290
224
NO COMMUNITY FULL NAME IG
ACCOUNT STATUS
NUMBER OF
FOLLOWER
NUMBER
OF POST
18
Hijabers
Community
Yogyakarta
(HCY)
Rizky Anggarda
Paramita
Syahriani (Kiki)
@kikiparamita Public 1275 563
19 Melissa Nurul
Fani (Melissa) @melissanfani Public 1654 267
20 Meisza Adilla
Herssy (Echa) @meiszadilla Public 4614 841
21 S Elita Barbara
(Elita) @elitabarb Public
2461 221
22
Hijabie
Community
Yogyakarta
(HY)
Atika Maulida
(Atika)
@atika_mauli
da Private 63400 111
23 Hijabers United
(HU)
Maya Dewi
Resmi N (Dewi) @mayadewirn Public 1096 199
24
Yayasan Hijab
Indonesia (YHI)
/ Indonesian
Hijab
Foundation
Ayu Wulansari
(Ayu)
@ayuwulan_zi
abrides Private 11400 2842
25 Syar’i Lifestyle
(SL) Fitri Aulia @fitriaulia_ Public 131000 3259
26 Hijabers Gresik
(HC)
Uly Darojah
(Udhe) @ulydarojah Public 4023 1749
225
APPENDIX C: FIELD NOTES
FIELD NOTES ON THE HIJABERS COMMUNITY EVENTS
=============================================================================
FIELD NOTES 1
Day/date : Sunday, 25 September 2016
Site : Al-Mutaqin Mosque, Bandung city, Indonesia
Event : Monthly Pengajian/Islamic study
Organizer : Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB)
Length of observation : Approximately 4 hours (09.00 am – 01.00 pm)
Focus of observation : The flow of the event
=============================================================================
Descriptions:
1. Settings
Site: The mosque is in a West Java province’s government office complex at Bandung city. This mosque is
usually called as the mosque of Gedung Sate and located in the center of Bandung city. This two-storey large
mosque is one of the grand mosques in Bandung with a capacity around 1000 people.
Mosque setting: In the mosque’s front door, there are two registration tables. Attendees line up to confirm their
registration or to register onsite then move to another table to receive a morning tea (in a box) and merchandise
from the sponsor. Inside the mosque, in the first row behind the podium, there are two chairs for the speaker
and moderator, a standing mike from Masters of Ceremony (MC), and a small table. Meanwhile, the attendees
are sitting lined on a carpeted floor facing the mosque’s podium.
2. Attendee
I try to count the number of attendees, and approximately there are 400 people on the mosque. I am guessing
from their appearances; the attendees are young women between 18-30 years old.
An attendee suggested to register via Line@ account of Hijabers Community Bandung, but they still could
register directly on the site. To attend this event, participants had to pay IDR 20,000 (approx. AUD 2). This
fee is for catering (morning tea) purposes, renting cost of the mosque, and paying the speaker(s) in willingly
amount.
3. Speaker
The theme for this event is ‘Hang out with good people to avoid being ‘stupid’ (Gaul yang betul biar gag
bahlul).
First speaker: Ustadz Evie Effendi (ustadz is a term for male Islamic teacher).
He talks about how to mingle according to Islamic ways of life and hoe to choose friends who could increase
the faith. Basically, young people could be bergaul (mingle or follow the trend) as long as he/she keeps his/her
behaviour accordance with the Islamic corridor.
He does not look like another Islamic teacher stereotype who usually wears white skullcap, cloak, pants. Instead
of appearing as typical of ustadz, he wore casual denim cloth, black pants, black skullcap and black wool scarf
on the neck.
He used simple, everyday languages with a lot of slang and humorous content inserting with Sundanese (the
ethnic language of West Java people).
Second speaker: Wirda Salamah Ulya (hafiza/memoriser of Quran)
She shares her experiences in learning and memorising Quran since an early age and then became the
memoriser of Quran at aged 11 years old. She is a daughter of famous ustadz in Indonesia. She does not feel
losing her childhood and still enjoy her life even though she should be spent more time to memorise Quran at
her will. However, her parents never allowed her to have a mobile phone and access the online world before
she can memorise all verses of the Quran (6666 verses in total). Now, she is 17 years old, active in ask.fm,
create vlog on Youtube, and ready to launch her first acting talent. She will be continued her study in London
even though she did not go to formal school because she chose to study the Quran. She looks like another
teenage girl with young spirit, enthusiasm, confident, sense of humour, and strong Betawi dialect (the ethnic
language of Jakarta). She also recites a surah for her audiences and gives tricks and tips to memorise it. She
wore a colourful dress with medium size of hijab.
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4. Event schedule
The event opened by two beautiful young women, who are the committees of the Hijabers Community. After
greeting the audiences, explaining the themes and speakers, and thanking the sponsor, they call another two
committees to recite Quran and read the translation. Then the two Masters of Ceremony give an ice-breaking
game with a prize from a sponsor. The first speaker gives his lecture, and the first session ends with a Q&A
session. The next session is sharing a story with the second speaker then followed by another Q&A. The
attendee who asks a question in the Q&A session is receiving a gift from the sponsors. This event wrapped up
by all audiences and committees taken pictures together.
5. Atmosphere
The atmosphere of the event is very enjoyable, relaxed, full of enthusiasm and cheerful. The committees greet
the attendees with a friendly tone and built positive vibes around the event.
6. Sponsor
Here are some sponsors of the event: My Hayra (Socks), Wardah halal cosmetics,
S Fitness (fitness centre for woman only), Spirulina (multivitamin), Sophie Paris (direct selling of French-
owned beauty and fashion product).
7. Style and fashion related
The attendees are wearing the various style of hijab fashion. Most of them wear the hijabers (medium size of
colourful hijab covered the chest), some wear hijab syar’i (long hijab until the thighs), and two wear cadar
(face-veiled).
8. Social media related
The attendees take many photos using their smartphone. The committees also remind them to follow the
community Instagram and Line@ accounts. The photos of this event, including the group photos, is posting on
Instagram.
Reflections:
From this first experience as an observer in the Hijabers Community Bandung’s event, I identified some
impressions such as:
- The creative way of organising and managing the event, and combining the content from the ustadz and
sharing a story from a teenage girl about her effort in memorising Quran.
- This event is far from the old-school style of lecturing that usually focused on sins and hell that usually
couldn’t reach the heart of teenager and young audiences.
- Both speakers delivered easy listening and relevant contents that easily to practice in their daily lives.
- The style of the ustadz that is very casual both in his appearances as well as in delivering the knowledge
closer the gap between ‘the source of knowledge and the knowledge seeker.’ This becomes interesting
because the system of feudalism that still embraced in Indonesian education cultures creates significant
gaps between teacher and students. Thus, this closer gap shows a new way of conveying Islamic knowledge.
- The spirit that comes from both the committees and attendees in studying Islam from the youthful age is
remarkable
- The power that might result from these 400 women who were gathered together in one place to increase
their knowledge and faith
- The sense of belonging between the committees who compromised their holiday times to organise the event.
As the community is a non-profit community, then I exceedingly admired they effort, spirit, and consistency
in keeping this monthly event besides their quarterly and annual events.
- These women have shown the girl power, a one or many step(s) ahead in promoting Islam far beyond the
Western media stereotype who thought hijab-wearing women are oppressed and back warded.
Questions/Things to follow up with:
- The hijabers’focus has changed from fashion-related events to more religious events
- How does Instagram become part of the hijabers daily lives?
===============================================================================
FIELD NOTES 2
Day/date : Thursday, 29 September 2016
Site : Trans Studio Mall Mosque, Bandung city, Indonesia
Event : Pengajian/Islamic study
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Organizer : HIJUP
Community Partner : Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB)
Length of observation : Approximately 2 hours (15.30 am – 17.30 pm)
Focus of observation : The flow of the event
================================================================================
Descriptions:
1. Settings
Site: The mosque is in an entertainment park, a five-starred hotel, and a supermall complex. It is located in the
east area of Bandung city. This three-story mosque is one of the grand mosques in Bandung with a capacity around
2,500 people. The architecture of the mosque is following the Nabawi mosque in Madinah, one of sacred place
for Muslims.
Mosque setting: In the mosque’s front door, there are two registration tables. Attendees lined up to confirm their
registration or to register onsite then moved to another table to receive an afternoon tea (in a box) and merchandise
from the sponsor. Inside the mosque, in the first row behind the podium, there were two chairs for the speaker and
moderator, a standing mike from MC, and a small table. Meanwhile, attendees sitting lined on a carpeted floor
facing the mosque’s podium.
2. Organiser
This event is organised by HIJUP. According to its website, HIJUP.com is the world's first Islamic fashion e-
commerce established in 2011. With an online mall concept, we provide a wide range of the best products from
Indonesian Islamic fashion designers. The products we provide are for Muslim women in particular, from clothing,
hijab/headscarf, accessories and more.
Since its establishment, HIJUP.com functions as an agent between designers and their prospective buyers around
the world. With HIJUP.com designers can increase their profits more efficiently while making it easier for buyers
to find the products they want.
HIJUP stands for Hijab Up (just like in Makeup or Dress Up) because they believe that they can bring something
up to all Muslim women around the world. That while wearing Hijab, they are not limited to do anything
worthwhile, create something beautiful, and earn much respect from others. They deserve to be happy and looking
great in pretty but syar'i outfit and fashionable hijab.
The role of HCB in this event was as a community partner. HCB was posting this event on its Instagram, and
Line@ accounts and four committees are also helping in registration tables.
3. Attendee
I tried to count the number of attendees, and approximately there were 100 people on the mosque. Not all of the
attendees are women, among them are also children and men. Based on their appearances they are aged between
3-45 years old. This event was free of charge. An attendee suggested to register via email, but they still could
register directly on the site. This was free of charge event.
4. Speaker
The theme for this event is ‘Starting a New Chapter in Life and Welcoming the Beauty of Muharram’ (Membuka
Lembaran Baru, Menyambut Indahnya Muharram). Muharram is the first month of the Islamic calendar then
every 1st Muharram some Muslims celebrate the Islamic New Year.
First speaker: Ustadzah Heni Setyowati (ustadzah is a term for a female Islamic teacher).
She talks about how to change over time because time flies so fast. According to her, it does not matter to agree
or not agree with the celebration of Muharram, because we are better focused on how to spend our time wisely in
Allah’s favourable way. She gives the lecture in a semi-formal way, cites many verses, and asked test questions
to the attendees. Her appearance is looked like the ordinary female Islamic teacher (long hijab, tunic and long
skirt).
Second speaker: Ghaida Tsurayya (entrepreneur)
Ghaida is the daughter of a famous Islamic teacher in Indonesia. Both of her parents is well known as pious
Islamic teachers. She owned a Muslim fashion brand and boutique. She is also one of the founders of Hijabers
Community. She shares her experiences in celebrating Islamic New Year in her parent’s pesantren (Islamic
school). At that time, she is six months pregnant with her fourth child, but she still looks energetic, spirit full, and
friendly. She interestingly tells her experiences. She wears a bright colour of maternity dress with a medium size
of hijab.
228
5. Event schedule
The event opened by an MC. After greeting the audiences, explaining the themes and speakers, and thanking
the sponsor, she calls another two women to recite Quran and read the translation. Then she gives information
about a photo challenge game (see point 9). The first speaker gives his lecture, and the first session ends with
a Q&A session. The next session is sharing a story with the second speaker then followed by another Q&A.
The attendee who asks a question in the Q&A session is receiving a gift from the sponsors. This event wrapped
up by all audiences and committees taken pictures together.
6. Atmosphere
The atmosphere of the event is quite serious and a bit boring at the first session, but then getting warmer in the
second session. The noises from the roller coaster nearby the mosque are very disturbing too.
7. Sponsor
The primary sponsor is the organiser, Hijup, But the attendees also received two small bottles of Sunsilk shampoo
with a specific variant for hijab-wearing women. As a brand from an international corporation, Universal, Sunsilk
must be seen the hijab-wearing women in Indonesia as a potential market.
8. Style and fashion related
The attendees are wearing a various style of hijab fashion. Most of them wear the hijabers (medium size of
colourful hijab covered the chest), some wear hijab syar’i (long hijab until the thighs).
9. Social media related
The organiser asks the attendees to join a photo challenge. The attendees have to capture and take photographs
related to the event. Then they have to share it on Instagram by mentioning @hijup and putting #kajianIslamhijup
(Hijup’s Islamic learning) and #empowerchange.
The attendees take many photos using their smartphone.
Reflections:
From this event, I identified some insights such as:
- The organiser is HIJUP which is an Indonesian e-commerce company with the specialty in hijab fashion. There
are many HIJUP logo such as in the backdrop of the mini stage, a standing banner on registration table and
nearby the speaker’s chair. On the one hand, this event could be increasing the attendees’ Islamic knowledge,
but on the other hand, there is a possibility of the intention behind this event is to increase consumerism and
profit. Unfortunately, I do not get an answer when I requested an interview session with HIJUP management.
- Even though the event is discussing Islamic knowledge, I feel like bombarded with a marketing strategy
because there are so many HIJUP logo and the MC always mentioned about HIJUP and announced the photo
challenge that also must mention @hijup.
- Comparing with the first event that I observed (see field notes 1), I do not feel the sense of belonging to the
event, it seemed the organiser, and the attendees are not blended.
Questions/Things to follow up with:
- Is there genuine intention to spread Islamic knowledge or merely a ‘marketing’ strategy program or both?
- How does Instagram become part of hijab-fashion marketing? Even though this question is not really related
to my research question, but maybe it will be used for research background.
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================================================================================
FIELD NOTES 3
Day/date : Saturday, 22 October 2016
Site : Baitul Ihsan Mosque (basement room), Jakarta city, Indonesia
Event : Monthly Pengajian/Islamic study
Organizer : Hijabers Community Official (HC)
Length of observation : Approximately 4 hours (09.00 am – 02.00 pm)
Focus of observation : The flow of the event
================================================================================
Descriptions:
1. Settings
Site: The mosque is in Indonesian Bank’s (Bank Indonesia/BI) office complex at Jakarta city. This mosque is
usually called as the mosque of BI and located in the center of Jakarta city. This three-story majestic mosque is
one of the grand mosques in Jakarta with a capacity around 3000 people.
Mosque setting: In the mosque’s basement front door, there were two registration tables. Attendees lined up to
confirm their registration or to register onsite then moved to another table to receive a morning tea (in a box) and
merchandise from the sponsor. Inside the mosque, in the first row behind the podium, there were two chairs for
the speaker and moderator, a standing mike from MC, and a small table. Meanwhile, attendees sitting lined on a
carpeted floor facing the mosque’s podium.
2. Attendee
The number of attendees is approximately 100 people. I am guessing from their appearances; the attendees are
young women between 18-30 years old. This is free of charge event.
An attendee suggested to register via Line@ account of Hijabers Community, but they still could register directly
on the site. This event is free, and the first 100 registers will get a free snacks box.
3. Speaker
The theme for this event is ‘The Chosen Leader’ (Pemimpin Pilihan).
First speaker: Ustadz Rizky Manwar Umar (ustadz is a term for Islamic teacher).
He talks about how to choose a leader that has a strong faith in Islam. He also explicitly states to not choose a
non-Muslim as a leader. He relates his explanation to the case of blasphemy by Jakarta’s governor who is a
Chinese and non-Muslim. His speech is provocative and tendencies.
He is bearded and wears a white skullcap, cloak, pants, just like any ‘regular’ ustadz’s appearances, unfortunately,
the conservative one.
4. Event schedule
The event opened by a young woman, who were the committees of Hijabers Community. After greeting the
audiences, explaining the themes and speakers, she explains that the intention to bring the topic is for knowing
the criteria of a leader and getting more understanding about the case that recently happened in Jakarta. Then she
calls another two committees to recite Quran and read the translation. Then she asks the attendees to fill in a
questionnaire about what kind of topic they want to learn in monthly pengajian and quarterly event called Hijab
Day Out (HDO). She describes some themes recently held by the community such as design class, Zumba session,
business plan workshop, cooking class and parenting class.
Then the ustadz gives his lecture, and the session ends with a Q&A session. The attendee who asks a question in
the Q&A session is receiving a gift from the sponsors. This event wrapped up by all audiences and committees
taken pictures together.
5. Atmosphere
The atmosphere of the event is serious, a bit provocative. The ustadz seems emotional and full of hatred.
6. Sponsor
HIJUP
7. Style and fashion related
The attendees are wearing the various style of hijab fashion. Most of them wear the hijabers (medium size of
colourful hijab covered the chest), some wear hijab syar’i (long hijab until the thighs), and two wear cadar
(face-veiled).
230
8. Social media related
The attendees take many photos using their smartphone. The committees also remind them to follow the
community Instagram and Line@ accounts. The photos of this event, including the group photos, is posting on
Instagram.
Reflections:
From this first experience as an observer in the Hijabers Community event in Jakarta, I identified some senses
such as:
- I do not like the ustadz ‘s way of using the term of kafir for pointing non-Muslim
- The ustadz tend to spread hate speech that could trigger hatred towards non-Muslim
- The attendees seem to agree with the ustadz’s arguments.
- I started to get my interviewees in this event and had time to interviewed three women.
Questions/Things to follow up with:
- Is the ustadz’s point of view reflected the community’s opinion regarding Indonesian political condition, or it
is just a coincidence? However, this is not my focus though.
- Does this community try to involve in Indonesian politic practice? However, this is not my focus though.
- Why did this ‘woman only event’ invite an ustadz, not an ustadzah (female Islamic speaker)?
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================================================================================
FIELD NOTES 4
Day/date : Sunday, 23 October 2016
Site : Al-Mutaqin Mosque, Bandung city, Indonesia
Event : Monthly Pengajian/Islamic study
Organizer : Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB)
Length of observation : Approximately 4 hours (09.00 am – 01.00 pm)
Focus of observation : The flow of the event
================================================================================
Descriptions:
1. Settings
Site: The mosque is in a West Java province’s government office complex at Bandung city. This mosque is usually
called as the mosque of Gedung Sate and located in the center of Bandung city. This two-story majestic mosque
is one of the grand mosques in Bandung with a capacity around 700 people.
Mosque setting: In the mosque’s front door, there were two registration tables. Attendees lined up to confirm their
registration or to register onsite then moved to another table to receive a morning tea (in a box) and merchandise
from the sponsor. Inside the mosque, in the first row behind the podium, there were two chairs for the speaker and
moderator, a standing mike from MC, and a small table. Meanwhile, attendees sitting lined on a carpeted floor
facing the mosque’s podium.
2. Attendee
There are approximately 200 attendees. The committee said there are more than 200 people who registered. The
heavy rain since early in the morning might be the reason for cancelling the registration. I am guessing from their
appearances; the attendees are young women between 18-30 years old
An attendee suggested to register via Line@ account of Hijabers Community Bandung, but they still could register
directly on the site. To attend this event, attendees have to give infaq (spending to please God) IDR 15,000 for
member and IDR 20,000 for non-member (approx. AUD 1.5 - 2). This fee is for catering (morning tea) purposes,
renting cost of the mosque, and paying the speaker(s) involuntarily amount.
3. Speaker
The theme for this event is ‘Inspire without Deprave’ (Menginspirasi Tanpa Merusak Akhlak).
First speaker: Ustadzah Heni Setiyowati (ustadzah is a term for a female Islamic teacher).
She talks about how to inspire others without damaging the morality. She emphasises the importance of looking
for many pieces of knowledge (Islamic or general) as possible then we can decide which one is good or bad for
ourselves. Her appearance is looked like ordinary female Islamic teacher (long hijab, tunic and long skirt).
Second speaker: Shirin Al-Athrus (social media influencer) @shireeenz
She shares her experiences as a social media influencer at a youthful age. When she was 13 years old, she is
already had 76k followers, and now at the age of 15, she had 600K followers and awarded as Indonesia’s Lifestyle
Influencer from Influence Asia. She said she likes to share information on social media and using social media as
a medium to express herself and opinions. Now she is a digital ambassador for a facial cleansing product for teens.
She looked like another teenage girl with young spirit, enthusiasm, confident. She wore a colourful dress with
medium size of hijab.
4. Event schedule
The event opened by two beautiful young women, who are the committees of the Hijabers Community. After
greeting the audiences, explaining the themes and speakers, and thanking the sponsor, they call another two
committees to recite Quran and read the translation. Then the two Masters of Ceremony give an ice-breaking
game with a prize from a sponsor. The first speaker gives his lecture, and the first session ends with a Q&A
session. The next session is sharing a story with the second speaker then followed by another Q&A. The
attendee who asks a question in the Q&A session is receiving a gift from the sponsors. This event wrapped up
by all audiences and committees taken pictures together.
5. Atmosphere
The atmosphere of the event is very enjoyable, relaxed, and cheerful. The committees greet the attendees with a
friendly tone and built positive vibes around the event.
232
6. Sponsor
There were some sponsors of the event: Aurora (women accessories), Polite Swim (swimwear for Muslim
woman), Cipcop snacks, Soka (socks), AAI (fashion brand)
7. Style and fashion related
The attendees are wearing the various style of hijab fashion. Most of them wear the hijabers (medium size of
colourful hijab covered the chest), some wear hijab syar’i (long hijab until the thighs).
8. Social media related
The attendees take many photos using their smartphone. The committees also remind them to follow the
community Instagram and Line@ accounts. The photos of this event, including the group photos, is posting on
Instagram.
Reflections:
From the second experience being an observer in the Hijabers Community Bandung’s event, I identified some
impressions such as:
- The creative way in packaging and organising of the event, lecturing content from the ustadzah, and sharing a
story from a teenage girl about her life as a successful digital ambassador and social media influencer in the
youthful age but still committed to her faith.
- This event was far from the old-school style of lecturing that usually focused on sins and hell that usually
couldn’t reach the heart of teenager and young audiences.
- Both the speakers delivered easy listening and relevant contents that efficiently to practice in their daily lives.
- The spirit that came from both the committees and attendees in studying Islam from the youthful age
- The power that might be resulted from these women who were gathered together in one place to increase their
knowledge, network, experience, and faith. It means this community is giving power to women in the form of
knowledge, experience, and networking.
- The sense of belonging between the committees who compromised their holiday times to organise the event.
As the community is a non-profit community, then I exceedingly admired they effort, spirit, and consistency
in keeping this monthly event besides their quarterly and annual events.
- These women have shown the girl power, a one or many step(s) ahead in promoting Islam far beyond the
Western media stereotype who thought hijab-wearing women are oppressed and back warded. These young
women also challenged the stigma that comes from some Indonesian people who labelled the hijabers as a
group of teenagers who just love fashion and only care about their appearances to become stylish and
fashionable. Moreover, these young women sometimes judged as a mere group of women who are practising
consumerism and capitalism.
- By inviting Shirin as the youngest girl who awarded as Top Social Media Influencer, this community conscious
of the power of social media in influencing people.
- This community wants to spread the message of the positive impact of social media if we are using it for useful
purposes.
- The theme of this event conveys the message about how young women could be an inspirator without
neglecting her belief and still following Islamic corridor. It means these women could negotiate their Islamic
identity with modern identity without depriving.
Questions/Things to follow up with:
- The hijabers’focus has changed from fashion-related events to more religious events
- How does Instagram become part of the hijabers modern lives?
- How could the hijabers be the agent of change?
- How do the hijabers’ events reflect a movement?
- Are they activities related to feminism? (or any term)
- How do social media reshape their modernity?
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FIELD NOTES 5
Day/date : Sunday, 30 October 2016
Site : Estubizi Grha, Jakarta city, Indonesia
Event : Hijabers Day Out (HDO) - Islamic Parenting Class
Organizer : Hijabers Community Official (HC)
Length of observation : Approximately 7 hours (09.00 am – 03.00 pm)
Focus of observation : The flow of the event
===============================================================================
Descriptions:
1. Settings
Site: This event conducted at Estubizi, Grha Tirtadi, South Jakarta. This building is a five-story small office
complex in the busy street of Jakarta.
Room setting: The event occurs in a multifunction room with a capacity of 60 people. In the front door, there were
two registration tables. Attendees lined up to confirm their registration or to register onsite then moved to another
table to receive a morning tea (in a box) and merchandise from the sponsor. Inside the room, in the first row
behind the screen, there were two chairs for the speaker and moderator, a standing mike from MC, and a small
table. Meanwhile, attendees sitting lined on a chair facing the screen.
2. Attendee
The number of attendees is 40 people. This is a limited event and open for public, not ‘woman only’ event because
the topic is about parenting, which required both mother and father. Most of the attendees are young parents aged
between 25-35 years old.
An attendee suggested to register via WhatsApp of two contact persons of Hijabers Community, but they still
could register directly on the site if the seat is available. The attendees should pay IDR 250,000 for a couple or
IDR 150,000 for a single (approximately AUD 15-25).
3. Speaker
The theme for this event is ‘Discipline with Affection’ (Disiplin dengan Kasih Sayang).
First speaker: Perwitasari, Psi. (psychologist).
She explains tricks and tips in parenting with the concept of discipline and how to apply it to young children
without distressed them.
Second speaker: Ummu Balqis
She is a fashion brand owner, a writer, and a parenting enthusiast. She likes to write her parenting’s style on social
media. She shares her experiences as a mother of two. She tells how she is like a recording player because
sometimes she gave the same orders and instructions to both of her children. However, she believes some of her
words will seep her children subconscious.
Third speaker: Ria Miranda and Pandu Rosadi
Ria Miranda is a famous fashion designer and one of the Hijabers Community’s founder. She and her husband,
Pandu now manage a fashion business under her name ‘Ria Miranda.’ As a busy couple, they share the story as a
parent who is still learning how to raise their two toddlers. They acknowledge the importance of cooperation
between husband and wife in gaining less stressful parenting.
4. Event schedule
The event opened by Syifa Fauzia, the president of Hijabers Community, who is also a mother of two children.
Today she is also the MC. After greeting the audiences, explaining the themes and speakers, she said that the
intention to bring the topic is for knowing the best way to teach children about discipline without distressing both
parents and children. Then she called the first speaker.
The first speaker explains the present and gives handout prints to the attendees. Then she asks the attendees to fill
in a questionnaire about the attendees’ discipline experiences when they were a child and how they implement a
discipline to their children. The psychologist ends the session with Q&A.
The second and third speakers perform together like a talk show program with the MC is asking questions, and
the speakers are giving answers based on their experiences.
The attendees who had asked questions are receiving gifts from sponsors. This parenting class ends the session
with Q&A, group photos, and lunch together.
234
5. Atmosphere
The atmosphere of the event is a semi-formal because situated in a closed room and the material is presented in
the form of class. However, the attendees seem enthusiast and interest in the topic.
6. Partner
Yayasan Kita and Buah Hati (parenting foundation)
7. Style and fashion related
The attendees are wearing the various style of hijab fashion. Most of them wear the hijabers (medium size of
colourful hijab covered the chest), some wear hijab syar’i (long hijab until the thighs).
8. Social media related
The attendees take many photos using their smartphone. The photos of this event, including the group photos,
is posting on Instagram.
Reflections:
From this first experience as an observer in the Hijabers Day Out in Jakarta, I identified some senses such as:
- Hijabers Day Out is a form of the event with limited seats that still attracted many audiences.
- The parenting term realises as a concept of collaboration between mother and father. While Indonesia is still
had a strong patriarchal system, and emphasising the role of parenting as mothering, this event conveys the
importance of gender equality.
Questions/Things to follow up with:
- How could the hijabers be the agent of change?
- How do the hijabers’ events reflect a movement?
- Are they activities related to feminism? (or any term)
235
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FIELD NOTES 6
Day/date : Sunday, 13 November 2016
Site : DS Equestrian, Bandung city, Indonesia
Event : Gathering HCB: Archery and Horse Riding
Organizer : Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB)
Length of observation : Approximately 10 hours (07.30 am – 04.00 pm)
Focus of observation : The flow of the event
===============================================================================
Descriptions:
1. Settings
Site: This event conducted at a ranch called DS Equestrian, owned by Daarut Tauhid Foundation, located in the
hilly area of North Bandung. The ranch is a complex of pesantren (Islamic school). This school required the
students to learn how to ride a horse and do archery.
Place setting: The event is an occurred in an outdoor ranch. The attendee's seat in chairs below a tends to face a
small stage where the coach and manager of the equestrian explain the rules in riding the horse and doing archery.
There is also some horse jockey who are high school students gave an example of what the coach/manager said.
2. Attendee
The number of attendees is 30 people. This is a limited event and opens to the public. Various group of women is
attending this event aged between 18 - 40 years old.
An attendee suggested to register via WhatsApp and Line account, and they cannot register directly on the site.
The attendees should pay IDR 150,000 for both activities, lunch, and morning and afternoon tea (approximately
AUD 15).
3. Speaker
A coach and manager of the ranch give a lesson on how to take control over the horse and how to be confident
while riding the horse.
4. Event schedule
The event opened by a committee and then followed by the explanation from the coach and manager of the ranch.
Moreover, then the attendees divided into two groups, group one is doing the horse riding first and then archery
and vice versa.
5. Atmosphere
The atmosphere of the event is enjoyable, exciting, full of spirit and sporty. The coach and manager give their
talks with humour so can calm the attendees who are mostly doing it for the first time.
6. Partner
DS Equestrian
7. Style and fashion related
The attendees are wearing the various style of sports clothing. Most of them wear the sporty hijabers (medium
size of colourful hijab covered the chest, long comfort shirt, long training pants), some of them wear hijab
syar’i (long hijab until the thighs with long skirt and training pants under it).
8. Social media related
The attendees take many photos using their smartphone. The photos of this event, including the group photos,
is posting on Instagram.
Reflections:
From this first experience as an observer in the outdoor event, I identified some senses such as:
- The horse riding and archery are becoming favourite sports sin middle-class Muslims in Indonesia. This is due
to the spreading of hadith ‘teach your children swimming, horse riding, and archery.’
- These sports are teaching about strength, focus, and confidence.
- These male-kinds of the sport are started to be liked by female
- The coach said that shortly there would be female coaches in DS Equestrian, so the female participants could
be more comfortable if handled and coached by a female.
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- These women have shown the girl power, a one or many step(s) ahead in promoting Islam far beyond the
Western media stereotype who thought hijab-wearing women are oppressed and back warded. These young
women also challenged the stigma that comes from some Indonesian people who labelled the hijabers as a
group of teenagers who just love fashion and only care about their appearances to become stylish and
fashionable. Moreover, these young women sometimes judged as a mere group of women who are practising
consumerism and capitalism.
Questions/Things to follow up with:
- How could the hijabers be the agent of change?
- How do the hijabers’ events reflect a movement?
- Are they activities related to feminism? (or any term)
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================================================================================
FIELD NOTES 7
Day/date : Sunday, 20 November 2016
Site : Trans Studio Mall Mosque, Bandung city, Indonesia
Event : Monthly Pengajian/Islamic study
Organizer : Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB)
Length of observation : Approximately 4 hours (09.00 am – 01.00 pm)
Focus of observation : The flow of the event
===============================================================================
Descriptions:
1. Settings
Site: The mosque is in an entertainment park, a five-starred hotel, and a supermall complex. It is located in the
east area of Bandung city. This three-story mosque is one of the grand mosques in Bandung with a capacity around
2,500 people. The architecture of the mosque is following the Nabawi mosque in Madinah, one of sacred place
for Muslims.
Mosque setting: In the mosque’s front door, there were two registration tables. Attendees lined up to confirm their
registration or to register onsite then moved to another table to receive a morning tea (in a box) and merchandise
from the sponsor. Inside the mosque, in the first row behind the podium, there were two chairs for the speaker and
moderator, a standing mike from MC, and a small table. Meanwhile, attendees sitting lined on a carpeted floor
facing the mosque’s podium.
2. Attendee
I try to count the number of attendees, and approximately there are 200 people on the mosque. I am guessing from
their appearances; the attendees are young women between 18-30 years old. An attendee suggested to register via
Line@ account of Hijabers Community Bandung, but they still could register directly on the site. To attend this
event, attendees have to give infaq (spending to please God) IDR 15,000 for member and IDR 20,000 for non-
member (approx. AUD 1.5 - 2). This fee is for catering (morning tea) purposes, renting cost of the mosque, and
paying the speaker(s) involuntarily amount.
3. Speaker
The theme for this event is ‘Make It Halal or Leave It’ (Halalkan atau Tinggalkan)
First speaker: Ustadz Yayat Ruhiyat (ustadz is a term for Islamic teacher).
He discusses the relationship between unmarried man and woman. According to him, to prevent adultery, young
people should beware of their relationship with the opposite sex and guard their lust by getting closer to Allah as
well as involving in positive activities. If he or she was involved in a more in-depth relationship, then it is better
for them to make it halal in the knot of marriage. Marriage at the youthful age as in 18-19 years old is better than
doing a sinful relationship that not halal yet. He wears a batik shirt, black pants, and black peci (traditional
Indonesian hat). By observing his speech and his style of clothes, he comes from a moderate sect of Islam.
Second speaker: Alzindani is a young CEO of Alzin Group and the writer of ‘The Conglomerate Mindset.’ He
comes from Bandung. He is married young at 19, and now he is 20 years old. He is a successful property
businessman and the youngest Indonesian conglomerate. He shares his success story as an entrepreneur who owns
14 companies. He is already worked since he was a secondary school about five years ago. He only studied at
formal school until grade 9; then he chose to take an internship in a company to chase his passion for
entrepreneurship.
He also acknowledges that at the first time he did the business, money is not his goal. He advises the attendees to
have a goal setting and positive mindset to be a success. His humble personality reflected in his modest style of a
blue long shirt and cream pants.
4. Event schedule
The event opened by two beautiful young women, who are the committees of the Hijabers Community. After
greeting the audiences, explaining the themes and speakers, and thanking the sponsor, they call another two
committees to recite Quran and read the translation. Then the two Masters of Ceremony give an ice-breaking
game with a prize from a sponsor. The first speaker gives his lecture, and the first session ends with a Q&A
session. The next session is sharing a story with the second speaker then followed by another Q&A. The
attendee who asks a question in the Q&A session is receiving a gift from the sponsors. This event wrapped up
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by all audiences and committees taken pictures together.
5. Atmosphere
The atmosphere of the event is very enjoyable, relaxed, and full of enthusiasm and cheerful. The committees greet
the attendees with a friendly tone and built positive vibes around the event.
6. Sponsor
There were some sponsors of the event: Aez Anissa Indonesia (clothing line), Cookay cookies, Lakoca (instant
food), Wardah (halal cosmetics), Kamilia (Muslimah agenda/diary)
7. Style and fashion related
The attendees are wearing the various style of hijab fashion. Most of them wear the hijabers (medium size of
colourful hijab covered the chest), some wear hijab syar’i (long hijab until the thighs).
8. Social media related
The attendees take many photos using their smartphone. The committees also remind them to follow the
community Instagram and Line@ accounts. The photos of this event, including the group photos, is posting on
Instagram.
Reflections:
From the third (and the last) experience being an observer in the Hijabers Community Bandung’s event, I
identified some impressions such as:
- The creative way of packaging and organising of the event, lecturing content from the ustadz and sharing a
story from a teenage girl about her effort to memorise the Quran.
- This event was far from the old-school style of lecturing that usually focused on sins and hell that usually
couldn’t reach the heart of teenager and young audiences.
- Both the speakers delivered easy listening and relevant contents that efficiently to practice in their daily lives.
- The style of the ustadz that was very casual both in his appearances as well as in delivering the knowledge
closer the gap between ‘the source of knowledge and the knowledge seeker.’ This becomes interesting because
the system of feudalism that still embraced in Indonesian cultures has given more significant gaps between
teacher and students. Thus, this closer gap showed a new way of conveying Islamic knowledge.
- The spirit that came from both the committees and attendees in studying Islam from the youthful age
- The power that might result from these 400 women who were gathered together in one place to increase their
knowledge and faith
- The sense of belonging between the committees who compromised their holiday times to organise the event.
As the community is a non-profit community, then I exceedingly admired they effort, spirit, and consistency
in keeping this monthly event besides their quarterly and annual events.
- These women have shown the girl power, a one or many step(s) ahead in promoting Islam far beyond the
Western media stereotype who thought hijab-wearing women are oppressed and back warded. These young
women also challenged the stigma that comes from some Indonesian people who labelled the hijabers as a
group of teenagers who just love fashion and only care about their appearances to become stylish and
fashionable. Moreover, these young women sometimes judged as a mere group of women who are practising
consumerism and capitalism.
- In the sharing story session, Alzindani explains his story to motivate the attendees to be a hardworking person
since their youthful age, to dream big, and to make the best effort to achieve it. It means this community
believes that woman could be anything that she wants to be and should set their mindset to achieve their dreams
and life’s goals.
- Becoming a successful woman (in all aspect of lives) is a concern of this community.
Questions/Things to follow up with:
- The hijabers’focus has changed from fashion-related events to more religious events
- How does Instagram become part of the hijabers modern lives?
- How could the hijabers be the agent of change?
- How do the hijabers’ events reflect a movement?
- Are they activities related to feminism? (or any term)
- How do social media reshape their modernity?
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APPENDIX D: THESIS OUTCOMES
APPENDIX D1: Article in The Conversation
Tittle: Hijabers of Instagram: the Muslim Women Challenging Stereotypes
Link: https://theconversation.com/hijabers-of-instagram-the-muslim-women-challenging-
stereotypes-79416
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APPENDIX D2: Opinion Article in The Jakarta Post
Tittle: Impact of Islamophobia on Covered Women
Link: http://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2017/07/17/impact-of-islamophobia-on-
covered-women.html
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APPENDIX D3: Included in The Innovation Group Research Report
Tittle: The New Muslimah: Southeast Asia Focus (Exploring the changing face of young
Muslim women in Southeast Asia’s dynamic, connected economy)
Link: Due to the copyright is owned by The Innovation Group Research Group, I cannot share
the link to the whole report.
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APPENDIX D4: Indonesian Book chapter
Publisher: Tasdiqiya Publisher
Book Tittle: Membedah Anatomi Peradaban Digital (Unpack the Anatomy of Digital
Civilization)
Chapter Tittle: Ideologi Feminisme di Era Digital Media (Feminism Ideology in The Era of
Digital Media)
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APPENDIX D5: Journal Article
Journal: Social Media & Society
Tittle: HIJABERS ON INSTAGRAM: Using visual social media to construct the ideal
Muslim woman
Author: Emma Baulch and Alila Pramiyanti
Link: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/2056305118800308
Abstract:
This article studies uses of Instagram by members of Indonesia’s Hijabers’ Community.
Previous research showed how hijab-wearing women position themselves as modern and pious
subjects by fashioning their hijabs to create a stylish, well-to-do appearance, but this article
advances more nuanced interpretations of piety and consumption among Indonesian hijabers.
It shows how hijabers employ Instagram a stage for dakwah (“the call, invitation or challenge
to Islam”, Millie, 2017, p.38), which they consider one of their primary tasks as Muslims. By
seeking to enfold the taking and sharing of images of Muslim bodies on Instagram into this
Quranic imperative, the hijabers not only play an important role in shaping an Islamic-themed
bodily aesthetic for middle class women, but also pioneer the ‘writing in’ of this bodily aesthetic
as an authoritative form of Islamic knowledge. The article extends work on influencer culture
on Instagram, which has considered how and whether women exert control over their bodies in
post-feminist performances of female entrepreneurship and consumer choice on social media.
In it, we argue that examining the “enframement” (Spyer and Steedly, 2014) of hijaberness on
Instagram reveals it to be a “composite habitus” (Waltorp, 2015): a performance of hijaber-ness
as both a Muslim variant of post-feminist performances on social media, and a female variant
of electronically-mediated Muslim preaching.
Keywords: dakwah, hijabers, Instagram, Indonesia, post-feminism, microcelebrity
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APPENDIX D6: Book Chapter
Publisher: Routledge
Tittle: #Hijabers: How Indonesian Muslim women construct and express their Islamic identity
through Instagram
Author: Alila Pramiyanti and Evonne Miller
Abstract:
This chapter analyzes how a group of veiled fashion-conscious young Muslim women in
Indonesia construct and perform their Islamic identity through Instagram. We draw on three
months of fieldwork, participant observations, social media observations and face-to-face
interviews with 21 members of the Hijabers Community, a physical and online community that
supports women who chose to wear the hijab (a religious scarf covering the head and hair).
Instagram has created a new space for identity-making for these young Muslim women. All
saw conveying Islamic teaching as their primary task and were using the visual discourse of
Instagram to negotiate and express their religious identity, their piety and their elegant yet
uniquely Muslim femininity. Through producing and circulating stylized veiled images, these
hijabers are actively reframing conventional neoliberal notions about Islamic veiling and
Muslim womanhood.
Keywords: activism, empowerment, feminism, hijabers, Indonesia, Instagram, Islam, Muslim
women, piety, religion, social change, social media, social networks