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  • 8/14/2019 Benefits and Costs of Taxation

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  • 8/14/2019 Benefits and Costs of Taxation

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    isbn 0-88627-514-8

    This report is available ree o charge rom

    the CCPA website at www.policyalternatives.ca.

    Printed copies may be ordered through

    the National Oce or a $10 ee.

    410-75 Albert Street

    Ottawa, on k1p 5e7

    te l 613-563-1341 fax 613-233-1458

    email [email protected]

    www.policyalternatives.ca

    About the Authors

    Neil Brooks teaches tax law and policy at OsgoodeHall Law School. Thaddeus Hwong teaches taxlaw and policy at Atkinson Faculty o Liberal andProessional Studies, York University.

    http://www.policyalternatives.ca/http://www.policyalternatives.ca/http://www.policyalternatives.ca/http://www.policyalternatives.ca/http://www.policyalternatives.ca/
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    5 Taxes: Are They Really All Bad?

    7 Summary

    11 Ranking Countries by Tax Level

    13 Comparing Social and Economic

    Outcomes in Low- and High-Tax Countries

    35 To What Kind o Country Do

    Canadians Aspire?

    37 Appendix

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation

    believe all taxes are bad. tephen Harper

    made this remark during the ederal election

    last year in announcing he would reduce the

    oods and ervices ax rom 7% to 5% i elect-

    ed rime Minister.

    axes are the price citizens o a country pay

    or the goods and services they collectively pro-

    vide or themselves and or each other. o it is

    dicult to know exactly what Harper meant

    when he said he believes all taxes are bad. Was

    he saying that all actions taken collectively by

    citizens through democratically elected insti-

    tutions are bad?

    lthough almost everyone other than

    rime Minister Harper recognizes the need

    or some taxes, over the past 25 years public

    policy debates in every nglo-merican coun-

    try, including anada, have been dominated by

    a campaign against taxes.

    ax levels in anada have always been sub-

    stantially below those in most other industrial-

    ized countries, and they have been signicantly

    reduced over the past ew years, yet the crusade

    against them continues unabated. n 1998, all

    taxes collected in anada amounted to 36.7% o

    the gross domestic product (GDP). ue in part to

    tax cuts, this percentage ell almost 3 percent-

    age points to 33.5% by 2004.

    ax levels in the average industrialized coun-

    try that belongs to the rganization or conom-

    ic ooperation and evelopment (OECD) was

    over 2 percentage points higher than in anada

    in 2004, 35.9% o GDP, and in the average uro-

    pean country it was almost 5 percentage points

    higher, 38.3% o GDP. Yet the ederal governments

    major priority, as reected in its rst budget ta-

    bled last spring, and in statements made ollow-

    ing the tabling o its nnual Financial Report or

    the iscal Year 200506 this all, in which the

    government committed a $13.2 billion surplus

    to debt reduction, is more tax cuts.

    t is oten dicult to know precisely what tax-

    cutters hope to achieve through more tax cuts and

    what evidence they think supports their claims.

    Teir contention that anadians would be better

    of i taxes were reduced is usually asserted as an

    article o a ith. However, one way o attempting

    to answer the question o whether the anadian

    government should be cutting taxes even more is

    to look across countries and compare the social

    and economic outcomes in high-taxed countries

    with the social and economic outcomes in low-

    Taxes: Are They Really All Bad?

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives

    taxed countries. s it really the case, as assumed

    by those who think taxes need to be urther re-

    duced in anada, that the quality o lie o the

    average citizen is higher in low-taxed countries

    than high-taxed countries?

    Tat is the question we undertake to answer in

    this study. We compare high- and low-tax coun-

    tries on a wide range o social and economic in-

    dicators. s representative o low-tax countries,

    we study all six nglo-merican countries: the

    nited Kingdom, the nited tates, anada,

    reland, ustralia, and ew Zealand. s rep-

    resentative o high-tax countries, we study the

    our ordic countries: weden, orway, en-

    mark, and inland.

    the story about taxes and the welare state

    told by tax-cutters has any credibility, the results

    should be evident in comparisons between in-

    dustrialized countries with low taxes and those

    with high taxes. ndeed, i the story is even re-

    motely true, one would expect those countries

    with even marginally higher tax levels than an-

    ada to be modern-day economic basket cases

    and to be no better of in terms o social out-

    comes or o the quality o the lives enjoyed by

    their citizens.

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation

    ax cuts are disastrous or the well-being o a

    nations citizens.

    Findings rom this study show that high-tax

    countries have been more successul in achiev-

    ing their social objectives than low-tax coun-

    tries. nterestingly, they have done so with no

    economic penalty.

    n the majority o social measures we exam-

    ine, high-tax countries rank signicantly above

    low-tax countries. n a number o the econom-

    ic indicators we examine, low-tax countries rank

    above high-tax countries, but the diference is

    almost never signicant.

    We examine 50 indicators that are commonly

    used to measure a countrys social progress. n

    over hal o these indicators (29), the outcomes

    in high-tax ordic countries are signicantly

    better than those in low-tax nglo-merican

    countries, and on most o the remaining indi-

    cators (13), social outcomes are somewhat bet-

    ter in ordic countries. n short:

    ordic countries have signicantly lower

    rates o poverty across almost all social

    groups;

    as an indicator o how well a country

    protects the vulnerable, the elderly have

    signicantly higher pension income

    replacement rates in ordic countries

    and the income received by those with

    disabilities relative to the population is

    much higher;

    income is distributed signicantly more

    equally in ordic countries;

    on every measure we examine there issignicantly more gender equality in

    ordic countries;

    ordic workers have signicantly more

    economic security;

    in terms o health outcomes, inant

    mortality rates are signicantly lower

    and lie expectancy is longer in ordic

    countries;

    in terms o educational outcomes, a greater

    percentage o the population completedsecondary school and university in ordic

    countries and 15-year old students score

    higher on math tests;

    Summary

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives

    as a measure o personal physical security,

    homicide rates are lower in ordic

    countries;

    as indicators o the degree o community

    and social solidarity in a country and

    general happiness and lie satisaction,

    there is signicantly more trust among

    individuals and or public institutions in

    ordic countries;

    there is signicantly less drug use in

    ordic countries; individuals have

    signicantly more leisure time; individuals

    have more reedom, according to a widely

    reerred to index o economic reedom;

    individuals report more lie satisaction;

    and they are more likely to discuss politics

    with riends; ordic countries rank much higher on

    an index o environmental perormance,

    and the ordic countries give signicantly

    more in oreign aid than nglo-merican

    countries.

    ow-tax nglo-merican countries rank high-

    er than ordic countries on only seven out o the

    50 social indicators. n each case, it is a trivial di-

    erence that could be easily due to chance: a slight-

    ly higher percentage o the 2564 age group com-pleted either college or university; 15-year-olds did

    slightly better on reading and science tests; a slightly

    greater percentage o people report a greater sense

    o reedom; there are on average a lower number

    o suicides; and a slightly greater percentage o in-

    dividuals report they are very happy.

    With respect to the pursuit o economic

    goals, the indicators we examine suggest high-

    tax countries have achieved their social suc-

    cess with no economic penalty. ver the past

    15 years, the low-taxed nglo-merican coun-tries have experienced slightly greater econom-

    ic growth than the high-taxed ordic countries,

    but it would appear that the ordic countries

    have positioned themselves or greater growth

    in the uture. the 33 economic indicators ex-

    amined, the ordic countries lead on 19 indica-

    tors and the nglo-merican countries on 14.

    e high-tax ordic countries have:

    a marginally higher GDP per capita;

    a higher GDP per hour worked;

    signicantly lower unit labour costs and

    signicantly lower rates o ination;

    higher budget and current account

    surpluses;

    a higher total labour participation rate, and

    a higher emale labour participation rate;

    much higher rates o household saving and

    net national saving;

    a higher ranking on indexes measuring

    innovation;

    a higher percentage o GDP spent on

    research and development and a higher

    percentage o their workers working as

    research and development researchers;

    a higher level o network readiness;

    a higher percentage o broadband

    subscribers;

    a signicantly higher ranking on their

    growth competitiveness by the World

    conomic orum; and

    a higher ranking on Richard loridas

    global creativity index.

    nglo-merican countries have:

    a higher rate o growth in GDP per capita

    between 1990 and 2004;

    a higher rate o growth in GDP per hour

    worked rom 1995 to 2004;

    a higher rate o growth in multi-actor

    productivity rom 1995 to 2002;

    a lower national debt;

    a signicantly higher growth in

    employment rom 1992 to 2002 (this is the

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation

    only measure on which nglo-merican

    countries exceed ordic countries in a way

    that is statistically signicant);

    a lower rate o general unemployment,

    a marginally lower rate o long-term

    unemployment, a marginally higher rate o

    male labour participation rates;

    a greater change in xed capital ormation;

    and

    greater inward oreign direct investment

    and inward oreign direct investment

    perormance.

    n making their case or lower taxes, tax-

    cutters in anada requently point to the nit-

    ed tates, which has one o the lowest tax levels

    o the industrialized countries in the world, and

    suggest that anadian society should strive to

    become more like merican society. o, in addi-

    tion to comparing social and economic outcomes

    broadly between low- and high-tax countries, we

    highlight the social and economic outcomes in

    the nited tates and ask: should anadians re-

    ally want their country to become more like the

    nited tates? o provide some basis or com-

    parison, we compare the outcomes in the nit-

    ed tates with those o another country ana-

    da might wish to emulate: inland.ur ndings show mericans bear incredibly

    severe social costs or living in one o the lowest-

    taxed countries in the world. For a strikingly large

    number o social indicators, the nited tates

    ranks not only near the bottom o the 19 indus-

    trialized countries, but it ranks as the most dys-

    unctional country by a considerable margin:

    overty is widespread. greater

    percentage o mericans, and in particular

    children and the elderly, live in poverty

    in the nited tates than in any other

    industrialized country in the world.

    e income o vulnerable citizens, such

    as the elderly and those with disabilities,

    is much lower compared to others in

    the nited tates than almost all other

    industrialized countries.

    iving conditions are shockingly unequal.

    By any measure, income is distributed

    more unequally in the nited tates than

    in every other industrialized country. n

    2004, mericas richest 1% held more o the

    nations wealth than the bottom 90% (34.7%

    versus 29.9%).

    rdinary workers in the nited tates have

    less economic security than workers in any

    other industrialized country (as shown by a

    comprehensive index o economic security

    developed by the nternational abour

    rganization).

    s an indication o gender inequality,

    women in the nited tates still hold arelatively small percentage o positions

    in the proessions, legislative bodies, and

    senior civil service.

    n contrast to the nited tates, Finland ranks

    near the top o the industria lized world on each

    o the ollowing social indicators:

    e percentage o the population living

    below the poverty line is very low (or

    example, only 3.4% o children).

    e elderly and those with disabilities have

    incomes that are close to those o the rest

    o the population.

    ncome is distributed relatively equally.

    Women hold about 50% o the positions in

    legislative bodies and senior civil service.

    Workers in inland enjoy one o the

    highest levels o economic security among

    workers in the industrialized world.

    t is well known that there are proound prob-lems with the nited tates health and educa-

    tion system where values such as selectivity,

    diversity, and choice predominate and a large per-

    centage o the spending is done through the pri-

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives10

    vate sector. Te nited tates spends over twice

    as much o its GDP on health care than inland

    (15% versus 7.4%), and yet .. health care out-

    comes remain ar worse indeed, worse than

    most other industrialized countries. or exam-

    ple, the percentage o children who die at birth

    in the nited tates is the highest among indus-

    trialized countries. Finns live longer than mer-

    icans, and the rate o inant mortality in Finland

    is less than one-hal the merican rate.

    e nited tates spends a greater percent-

    age o its GDP on education than Finland spends,

    yet the innish education system which is a

    comprehensive public system based on equity

    and the proessionalism and training o teach-

    ers achieves much better outcomes. meri-

    can 15-year-olds rank near the bottom o OECD

    countries when it comes to science and math

    skills. By contrast, Finnish 15-year-olds rank rst

    in the world in science and math skills. mer-

    ican students also rank relatively low on read-

    ing skills, while the innish students come rst

    in the world in this area as well.

    Tis pattern, with the nited tates ranking

    about the lowest among industrialized countries

    and inland near the top, is evident on most o

    the remaining social indicators we examine re-

    lating to social goals such as personal security,

    community and social solidarity, sel-realization,

    democratic rights, and environmental govern-

    ance. We will not review them all here, except to

    note that, although anadas onservatives ap-

    pear ready to adopt aspects o the nited tates

    justice system, such as mandatory criminal sen-

    tencing, the nited tates is by a wide margin

    the most violent industrialized country in the

    world (measured by the murder rate). mericans

    themselves express the third lowest measure o

    condence in their justice system, in a tie with

    Belgium. talians and ustralians have slightly

    less condence in their justice systems.

    is brie review o how well industrial-

    ized countries have achieved their social goals

    shows the nited tates ranks lower than most

    countries on a wide range o social indicators,

    suggesting that the orm o social organization

    used to accommodate contemporary lie in the

    nited tates has gone prooundly amiss. ome

    commentators dismiss the miserable social out-

    comes achieved by the merican social con-

    tract by noting that it is nevertheless one o the

    wealthiest countries in the world. GDP per cap-

    ita is higher in the nited tates than in most

    other industrialized countries. e results o

    this study, however, suggest a trade-of does

    not have to be made between material prosper-

    ity and social equity.

    n addition, there are countless problems with

    using GDP per capita as a measure o economic

    well-being. t takes no account o how the wealth

    that is produced in a country is distributed. or

    example, even though the nited tates experi-

    enced strong economic growth in recent years,

    between 1998 and 2004 the income o the typical

    (median) merican amily ell by 3.8%. Moreo-

    ver, per capita GDP is high in the nited tates

    primarily because mericans work many hours

    more than citizens o other countries. ow-in-

    come mericans oten have to work at two or

    three jobs just to survive.

    Recent economic growth in the nited tates

    has also come at high long-term economic costs.

    e ederal government budget is on an unsus-

    tainable path: the .. has the largest decit

    in relation to its GDP o any industrialized na-

    tion; its trade decit is the largest in the world,

    a staggering $805 billion last year; and, the ..

    also has one o the lowest savings rates o the

    industrialized countries. Moreover, even with

    its wealth, exible economy and low taxes, the

    nited tates is not the most competitive coun-

    try in the world. rom 2001 to 2005, in its com-

    prehensive survey o world economies, the busi-

    ness-dominated private World conomic Forum

    has determined that the most competitive coun-

    try in the world was inland. n 200506, in-

    land was ranked as the second most competi-

    tive country ater witzerland.

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 11

    ndustrialized countries are divided into our

    categories in able 1, based upon their level o

    taxes: low-tax countries, low-intermediate tax

    countries, high-intermediate tax countries, and

    high-tax countries. ax levels vary at least slight-

    ly rom year to year; thereore a 12-year average

    rom 1990 to 2002 was used. Tis period imme-

    diately precedes the year or years in which most

    o the social and economic indicators that we

    examine apply.

    ven taking the average tax level over a 12-

    year period, there are large diferences between

    countries. weden, the highest tax country, col-

    lects almost twice as much tax as a percentage

    o its GDP (50.5%) as the lowest taxed country in

    the group, Japan (26.8%). Te average or the ve

    low-tax countries is about 29%; the average or

    the ve high-tax countries is 47%, almost 60%

    greater than the low-tax countries.

    iven these large diferences in tax levels, i

    high-taxed countries were not achieving their ob-

    jectives or i they were doing so at substantial

    economic cost this result should be revealed

    in aggregate data relating to a number o social

    and economic variables.

    olitical economists who study welare state

    development traditionally divide modern indus-

    trialized countries into our categories: 1) lib-

    eral welare states exemplied by the nglo-

    merican countries, in which the emphasis is

    on individual liberty and markets are the pri-

    mary orm o social organization; 2) corporat-

    ist welare states exemplied by most Western

    uropean countries, in which the emphasis is

    on social solidarity and occupational insurance

    plans play a large role in reducing social risks;

    3) Mediterranean welare states such as ortu-

    gal, pain, reece, and to a limited extent taly,

    in which pensions are generous but otherwise

    state systems o support are less and in which

    the amily and church play a large role in meet-

    ing the needs o citizens; and 4) social demo-

    cratic welare states, basically the candinavian

    countries, in which the emphasis is on equali-

    ty and state-provided universal programs usurp

    the role o markets and the amily in ensuring

    that the needs o individuals are met.

    lthough they rely upon a more sophisticat-

    ed measure o the welare state, there is obvious-

    ly a relatively close correspondence between the

    categorization o countries based simply on tax

    Ranking Countries by Tax Level

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives12

    levels and one based upon notions o the com-

    modication o labour and related concepts

    used by political economists to classiy welare

    states. iberal or nglo-merican countries are

    clustered in the low-tax column; Mediterrane-

    an countries are clustered in the low-interme-

    diate column; continental uropean countries

    are clustered in the high-intermediate column;

    and the candinavian countries are clustered

    in the high-tax column. ereore, in compar-

    ing low- and high-tax countries in this study,

    we compare the social and economic outcomes

    in the six nglo-merican countries (nited

    tates, ustralia, reland, ew Zealand, ana-

    da, and the nited Kingdom) all o which are

    relatively low-tax countries with those in the

    our ordic countries (orway, inland, en-

    mark, and weden) all o which are relative-

    ly high-tax countries. ocial and economic in-

    dicators o all countries in the our groups are

    provided in the appendix.

    table 1 Annual Average Tax Revenue as Percent

    o GDP o High-Income OECD Countries, 19902002

    low-tax

    Japan 2.

    United States 2.0

    Switzerland 2.0

    Australia 2.

    Ireland 32.

    lowintermediate

    Spain 33.0

    Portugal 33.

    New Zealand 3 .4

    Canada 3.

    Greece 34.0

    United Kingdom 3.

    highintermediate

    Germany 3.

    Netherlands 42.2

    Norway 41.

    Italy 42.1

    Austria 42.3

    high-tax

    France 43.4

    Belgium 44.

    Finland 4.2

    Denmark 4.0

    Sweden 0.

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 13

    ur comparison o low- and high-tax countries

    is straightorward. or each major and widely

    agreed-upon social and economic objective o

    modern societies, we use one or more indicators

    that would suggest how successul a country has

    been in achieving these goals. We calculate the

    average score or the nglo-merican countries

    and compare it with ordic countries.

    Social Goals

    Relie o Poverty

    Relie o poverty is an important goal in every

    society. social contract should be struck that

    minimizes the number o those who are exclud-

    ed rom the lie o the community because o a

    lack o economic resources to purchase neces-

    sities. e number o children living in poverty

    is o particular concern. e ordic countries

    have signicantly lower rates o poverty across

    almost all social groups than nglo-merican

    countries. Four indicators are shown, as illustrat-

    ed in able 2. Te number in parentheses beside

    each indicator reers to the column number o

    the indicator in the ppendix: omparing o-

    cial and conomic utcomes in ow- and High-

    ax ountries.

    n low-tax nglo-merican countries, on av-

    erage, 12.6% o the population lives below 50% o

    the countrys median income; in ordic coun-

    tries, less than one-hal that percentage (only

    5.6%) o the population is living below the pov-

    erty line.

    n average, in the low-taxed nglo-mer-

    ican countries, 15.9% o children live in pover-

    ty, while in the ordic countries the percent-

    age o children living in poverty is less than

    one-quarter o the nglo-merican average,

    less than 3.3%.

    n the average nglo-merican country 45.2%

    o children in single-parent amilies live in pov-

    erty. n ordic countries only 9.2% o children

    in single-parent amilies live in poverty.

    ere is no signicant diference between

    low- and high-taxed countries with respect to

    the percentage o elderly who live in poverty (in

    large part because the low rate o poverty among

    the elderly in anada brings down the average or

    low-tax countries); nevertheless, a much lower

    percentage o the elderly live in poverty in or-

    Comparing Socialand Economic Outcomesin Low- and High-Tax Countries

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives14

    dic countries (9.2%) than in nglo-merican

    countries (13.5%).

    e nited tates has the highest rates o

    poverty in the industrialized world. n low-taxed

    nited tates, over 17% o individuals live below

    50% o the countrys median income; almost 22%

    o all children live in poverty; a shocking almost

    49% o children in single amilies live in poverty;

    and over 24% o the elderly live in poverty. n Fin-

    land, by contrast, the percentage o people living

    in poverty in each o these groups is small: 6.4%,

    3.4%, 10.5%, and 10.4%, respectively.

    lso, on most o these measures o the inci-

    dence o poverty, although anada ranks ar be-

    low the ordic countries, it has a better record

    than the nited tates. n particular, while 21.7%

    o children live in poverty in the nited tates,

    in anada a substantially lower percentage live

    in poverty: 13.6%. While 24.6% o the elderly live

    in poverty in the nited tates, in anada only

    4.3% o the elderly live in poverty. Te percentage

    0%

    2%

    4%

    6%

    8%

    10%

    12%

    14%

    16%

    18%

    20%

    22%

    USA NZL GBR IRL ITA PRT CAN AUT DEU GRC AUS NLD FRA SWE NOR FIN DNK

    Selected OECD Countries

    Child

    Poverty

    Rate

    figure 1 Child Poverty in Selected OECD Countries

    source OECD,SocietyataGlance:OECDSocialIndicators,2005,p.57.Childpovertydatasourcedfrom1999,2000,and2001.Onlyhigh-incomeOECDcountrieswithsuchdataareincluded.Dashedlinereferstothecountryaverage.

    table 2 Relie rom Poverty and Social Exclusion

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Relative poverty [] 12. . 10.3 1.1 .4

    Child poverty [] 1. 3.3 13. 21. 3.4

    Child poverty single parent [] 4.2 .2 42.1 4. 10.

    Elderly poverty [10] 13. .2 4.3 24. 10.

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 1

    o elderly living below the poverty line in an-

    ada is, in act, lower than in any o the ordic

    countries. t would appear the mericans have

    a good deal to learn rom anadians.

    ne social good that citizens buy with their

    taxes is a dramatically smaller percentage o

    their ellow citizens living in poverty.

    lthough we concentrate in this study solely

    on a comparison between the low-taxed nglo-

    merican countries and the high-taxed ordic

    countries, or most o the social indicators we

    examine, the social indicators are closely cor-

    related with tax levels across all industrialized

    countries. igures 1 and 2 illustrate this corre-

    lation with respect to child poverty. igure 1 is

    a bar graph that shows the rates o child pover-

    ty across 19 industrialized countries. igure 2

    is a chart that reveals how closely rates o child

    poverty are related with tax levels. enerally, the

    higher a countrys tax level, the lower its rate o

    child poverty.

    Protection o the Vulnerable

    very just society must protect the vulnerable:

    children, the elderly, and those with disabilities.

    ne measure o whether the elderly are ully in-

    tegrated into society is the extent to which pen-

    sions or the elderly are able to replace the sala-

    ries they earned while working.

    n the ordic countries, pensions replace

    66.6% o the salaries o pensioners, while in n-

    glo-merican countries the pension replacement

    rate is only 47.4%. anada is on the high end o

    the nglo-merican countries with a replace-

    ment rate o 57.1%. n the nited tates, the pen-

    sion replacement rate is only 51%, while in in-

    land it is 78.8%.

    ne way o measuring how well a society ac-

    commodates those with disabilities is to compare

    26 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 42 44 46 48 50 522%

    4%

    6%

    8%

    10%

    12%

    14%

    16%

    18%

    20%

    22%US A

    NZ L GB RIRL ITAPR T

    CA NAU T

    DE UGR C

    AUS

    NL D

    FR A

    SW ENO R FI N

    DN K

    Average Annual Tax Revenue as Percent of GDP, 19902002

    Child

    Poverty

    Rate

    figure 2 Child Poverty v. Tax Revenue o High-Income OECD Countries

    source CalculationbasedonOECDRevenueStatisticsdatabase.Childpovertydatasourcedfrom1999,2000,and2001.Onlyhigh-incomeOECDcountrieswithsuchdataareincluded.

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives1

    the income o persons with disabilities relative to

    that o the general population. n nglo-mer-

    ican countries, the income o those with disa-

    bilities is 67% o the general population, where-

    as in ordic countries the income o those with

    disabilities is around 86% o the general popula-

    tion. e relative income o those with disabil i-

    ties in anada is almost equal to the relative in-

    come o those in the ordic countries at 84.6%.

    nce again, the nited tates is at the low end

    o even the nglo-merican countries. n that

    country the income o those with disabilities is

    only 58.7% that o the general population; in Fin-

    land it is 83%.

    Economic Equality

    ne o the pressing issues acing every democ-

    racy is how economic resources should be dis-

    tributed. arge economic inequalities hold ad-

    verse consequences or the personal well-being

    o the citizens o a country: nequalities erode

    social cohesion; they lead to worse health and

    personal security outcomes; they lead to the

    withdrawal o the haves rom the lie o the

    community and the exclusion o the have-nots;

    and, generally, inequality diminishes the rich-

    ness and ourishing o a society. Moreover, ex-

    treme levels o inequality have been shown to

    have a negative impact on economic growth by

    distorting the allocation o resources and tal-

    ents. ncome inequality has also been shown to

    destabilize political and social values, since dis-

    proportionate economic power invariably leads

    to increased inuence over political and other

    societal decisions.

    ne o the strongest associations between the

    variables examined in this study is between tax

    levels and a more equal distribution o econom-

    ic resources. n all three indices o inequality re-

    ported in able 4, there are statistically signi-

    cant diferences between the nglo-merican

    and ordic countries. or example, in nglo-

    merican countries, on average the richest 10%

    receive about 12.4 times the poorest 10%, while

    in the average ordic country the richest 10% re-

    ceive only 6.5 times that o the poorest 10%.

    n the nited tates, where income is dis-

    tributed more unequally than in any other in-

    dustrialized country, the richest 10% o amilies

    receive almost 16 times as much o national in-

    come as the poorest 10%. n Finland, by contrast,

    the richest 10% receive only 5.6 times as much o

    the national income as the poorest 10%, about

    one-third the merican multiple. nce again,

    anada nds itsel on this indicator in between

    the nited tates and the ordic countries. n

    anada, the richest 10% receive 10.1 times that

    o the poorest 10%.

    ne o the most important social benets

    that citizens buy with their taxes is a society in

    table 3 Protection o the Vulnerable

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Net old-age pension replacement rate [11] 4.4 . .1 1 .

    Relative income o disabled persons [12] 4. . 3

    table 4 Economic Equality: Income

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    GINI coecient [13] 32.1 24. 30.1 3. 2.1

    Income share o richest 10%/poorest 10% [14] 12.4 . 10.1 1. .

    0th percentile/10th percentile [1] 4. 2. 4 . 2.

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 1

    which economic resources are distributed much

    more equally.

    Gender Equality

    very Western country is committed to equali-

    ty or women. lthough progress has been slow,

    countries with higher taxes have had much great-

    er success in achieving this social goal. ne ex-

    planation or this is that a considerable amount

    o the care-giving work that is borne by women

    in low-tax nglo-merican societies is paid or

    and nanced by taxes in high-taxed countries.

    Tus, not only is the cost o these services spread

    more equitably across the entire population in

    high-tax countries, but women are also ree to

    take a greater part in market, civil, and politi-

    cal lie. n average, the level o gender equality

    in the ordic countries is signicantly higher

    than that in the nglo-merican countries, as

    measured by the indicators in able 5.

    e World conomic orum, which boasts

    the worlds 1,000 leading companies as its mem-

    bers, measures the extent to which women have

    achieved ull equality with men in economic par-

    ticipation, economic opportunity, political em-

    powerment, educational attainment, and health

    and well-being, and reports the results as the

    ender ap ndex, with a higher index reect-

    ing a narrower gender gap. Te ordic countries

    score an average o 5.35, which is higher than the

    average o 4.65 o the nglo-merican countries.

    anada scores 4.87, which is higher than the 4.4

    or the .. but lower than inlands 5.19.

    n its annualHuman evelopment Report, the

    nited ations evelopment rogram computes

    a comprehensive index o gender equality: the

    gender empowerment measure. n this meas-

    ure, ordic countries score an average o 0.868

    while nglo-merican countries score only an

    average o 0.773. anada scores 0.807, which was

    higher than the nited tates at 0.793, but low-

    er than inland at 0.833.

    simple measure o gender equality is the

    percentage o women who participate in the

    paid labour orce and the percentage o wom-

    en who hold inuential jobs. n nglo-meri-

    can countries, 69% o women participate in the

    labour orce: in ordic countries 75% o women

    participate in the labour orce. n nglo-mer-

    ican countries, on average, about 32% o doctors

    are emales, 21% o members o arliament are

    emales, and 22% o senior civil servants are e-

    males. By contrast, in ordic countries, about

    43% o doctors are emales, 40% o members o

    arliament are emales, and 44% o senior civil

    servants are emales.

    nce again, on all o these measures o gender

    equality, the ordic countries are signicantly

    better of than the nglo-merican countries.

    nce again, on every measure, anada does bet-

    ter than the nited tates.

    table 5 Social Equality: Gender

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Gender gap index [1] 4. .3 4. 4.4 .1

    Gender empowerment [1] 0.3 0. 0.0 0.3 0.33

    Female labour orce participation [1] . 3.1 .2 2.

    Female doctors [1] 31. 42. 33.1 23.4 3.2

    Female % in parliament [20] 21.4 3. 24. 14. 3.

    Female % in senior civil service [21] 21. 44.3 23.1 14.3 4.1

    % o population who avour men

    over women over scarce jobs [22] 1 1. .

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives1

    lso, as an indication o how these diferences

    afect public attitudes (or are afected by them),

    in nglo-merican countries 17% o the popula-

    tion reported in a survey that men should have a

    priority in ll ing jobs, while in ordic countries

    only 8% o the population held this view.

    Economic Security

    ndividuals and amilies need work-related secu-

    rity in order to make long-range plans, to our-

    ish, and to develop. n 2004, the nternational

    abour ce published a major report on eco-

    nomic security as part o its socio-economic se-

    curity program,conomic ecurity for a Better

    World. at program examined how countries

    organized work and how their organization o

    work connected to broad social goals.

    Te IL O identied seven orms o work-relat-

    ed security: 1) labour market security (adequate

    employment opportunities); 2) employment secu-

    rity (protection against arbitrary dismissal and

    so on); 3) job security (the possession o a niche

    in work, allowing some control over the content

    o a job, what the worker actually does and the

    opportunity he or she has o building a career);

    4) work security (protection against accidents

    and illness at work); 5) skill reproduction secu-

    rity (widespread opportunities to gain and re-

    tain ski lls); 6) income security (protection o in-

    come through minimum wage machinery, wage

    indexation, and comprehensive social security;

    and 7) representation security (protection o col-

    lective voice in the labour market, etc). t devel-

    oped an index or each o these orms o secu-

    rity and then combined them into one overall

    index: an conomic ecurity ndex.

    ccording to the ILOs conomic ecurity

    ndex, which measures the economic security

    provided in a country relative to other countries,

    the ordic countries ofer signicantly more eco-

    nomic security than the nglo-merican coun-

    tries. high economic security index indicates

    that country is providing more security than a

    country with a lower score. e average score

    or nglo-merican countries is 0.70; the aver-

    age score or ordic countries is 0.94.

    e nited tates ties with ew Zealand in

    providing workers with the lowest level o eco-

    nomic security among industrialized countries:

    0.61. Finnish workers have one o the highest lev-

    els o economic security: 0.95. anadas score is

    above the nglo-merican average at 0.79.

    axes enable a country to buy services and

    social insurance programs that provide workers

    with a higher degree o economic security.

    Access to Essential Services

    Health

    enerally, people are able to live long and healthy

    lives in all high-income industrialized countries,certainly relative to poorer countries. Tereore

    it is hard to nd an index that distinguishes be-

    tween health outcomes in industrialized coun-

    tries. common measure is lie expectancy at

    birth. By this measure there is little diference

    between ordic and nglo-merican coun-

    tries: on average, males live 76.2 years in both

    low- and high-taxed countries; emales, on av-

    erage, live a little longer in high-taxed countries

    (81.4 years versus 81.2 years). nce again, how-

    ever, on this index o social progress the nitedtates is below the average o low-tax countries.

    n act, among industrialized countries, mer-

    icans have one o the lowest lie expectancies at

    birth. Te lie expectancy o men and women in

    table 6 Economic Security

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Economic security index [23] 0.0 0.4 0. 0.1 0.

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives20

    who completed college or university. lthough

    Finland has a lower percentage o students com-

    pleting secondary school and university than

    the nited tates, its 15-year-old students score

    much higher than merican students on read-

    ing, science, and math. ndeed, in all three o

    these subjects, its students score higher than any

    other high-income industrialized country. a-

    nadian students also score higher than meri-

    can students, although not as high as the inn-

    ish students.

    Physical Security

    global index o physical security is dicult to

    imagine. ne statistic requently reerred to in

    discussions o the physical security o citizens is

    the number o homicides in a country per pop-

    ulation o 100,000. n this index, although it is

    not statistically signicant, there are ewer hom-

    icides in ordic countries (1.4 per 100,000) than

    nglo-merican countries (2.2 per 100,000).

    lmost needless to say, the murder rate in

    the nited tates is ar above that o every oth-

    er industrialized country: 7.1 per 100,000. an-

    ada is close to the ordic average, and inland

    is above the ordic average.

    Community and Social Solidarity

    n the late 1990s, the concept o social capi-

    tal (usually dened as networks together with

    shared norms, values and understanding that

    acilitate cooperation within or among groups)

    gained widespread interest among researchers and

    policy-makers. e interest developed because

    o research results that suggested social capital

    was important, not only in acilitating produc-

    tive organization and economic development,

    but also in enriching many aspects o social lie

    and ostering social engagement and democra-

    cy. nortunately, the concept o social capital

    is dicult to operationalize, but, rom the so-

    cial indicators we examine, it would appear that

    citizens o high-tax countries are likely to have

    higher degrees o trust in one another and more

    condence in public institutions. ne could say

    they live in societies with more social capital than

    those living in low-tax countries.

    ince 1981, the World Values urvey has con-

    ducted our waves o surveys o peoples attitudes

    toward socio-cultural and political change. n

    nglo-merican countries, only about 38% o

    survey respondents agree with the statement

    that people can be trusted, whereas 64% o sur-

    vey respondents in ordic countries agree with

    that statement. More citizens in ordic countries

    have condence in arliament (52.7% in ordic

    table 9 Physical Security

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Homicides per 100,000 [40] 2.2 1.4 1. .1 2.

    table

    10

    Community and Social Solidarityanglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    People can be trusted [41] 3. 3. 3 3.3 .4

    Condence in parliament [42] 32.1 2. 3. 3 42.3

    Condence in corporation [43] 1 1. . 3. 42.

    Condence in justice system [44] 4. . 4 3. .

    Union density [4] 23. 1. 2.1 12. .2

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 21

    countries versus only 32.1% in nglo-merican

    countries) and in the justice system (68.9% in

    ordic countries versus 45.8% in nglo-mer-

    ican countries). bout the same percentage o

    citizens in both groups o countries report hav-

    ing condence in the civil service (about 48%)

    and major companies (about 51%).

    Many sociologists investigating the nature

    o social capital and the role it plays in society

    have suggested that trade unions are one o the

    most important organizations in society or the

    creation o social capital. nions are organiza-

    tions where people develop skills essential in a

    thriving democracy such as tolerance, will-

    ingness to compromise, and respect or other

    viewpoints. ey also stimulate political par-

    ticipation, increase peoples political skills, and

    promote an appreciation o both the rights and

    obligations o citizenship. Furthermore, they are

    organizations that oster collegiality. ot surpris-

    ingly, the average union density in ordic coun-

    tries is much higher than that o nglo-meri-

    can countries. bout 24% o the work orce, on

    average, is unionized in nglo-merican coun-

    tries, whereas over 71% is unionized in ordic

    countries. anadas union density o about 28%

    is higher than that o the .., where only 13% o

    the work orce is unionized, but much lower than

    the over 76% union density in inland.

    Sel-Realization Goals

    t is dicult to know which indicators might be

    examined to iner whether people are generally

    achieving their personal goals and satised with

    their lives; however, we have selected a ew com-

    monly used indicators.

    ersonal Freedom and utonomy

    ince 1995, the Heritage Foundation and the Wall

    Street Journalhave jointly produced an index o

    economic reedom. ey claim that countries

    with the most economic reedom also have high-

    er rates o long-term economic growth and are

    more prosperous than are those with less eco-

    nomic reedom. omewhat surprisingly, even

    though high taxes are taken as an indication o

    the lack o economic reedom in the compila-

    tion o the index, the average score o the or-

    dic countries on the overall economic reedom

    index is only slightly higher than that o the n-

    glo-merican countries. Te average ranking or

    nglo-merican countries is 1.78; the average

    ranking or ordic countries is slightly higher

    at 1.97. lso, survey evidence suggests that the

    sense o reedom o citizens in ordic countries

    is almost as high as it is in the average nglo-

    merican country (82.7% versus 84.4%).

    rug Use and Rate of uicides

    Te inerence to be drawn rom the rate o drug

    use in a society is uncertain: s drug use indica-

    tive o people who are living lives o quiet desper-

    ation, or is it indicative o people who are simply

    less inhibited in the pursuit o happiness? What-

    ever inerence might be drawn rom it, on aver-

    age a signicant lower percentage o people in

    ordic countries are cannabis users than peo-

    ple in nglo-merican countries. n average o

    11.6% o the population between the ages o 15

    and 64 report using cannabis in the past year in

    nglo-merican countries, but two-thirds less,

    or only 3.8%, report doing so in ordic countries.

    annabis use is about the same in anada and

    the nited tates, at about 11%, but only about

    table 11 Sel-Realization Goals: Freedom

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Index o economic reedom [4] 1. 1. 1. 1.4 1.

    Sense o reedom [4] 4.4 2. .4 .

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives22

    3% o the population between the ages o 15 to

    64 report using cannabis in inland.

    high rate o suicide might suggest the citi-

    zens o a country are dissatised with their lives.

    n nglo-merican countries, the suicide rate is

    lower than in ordic countries (11 per 100,000

    versus 15 per 100,000), and the diference is sta-

    tistically signicant but there is no strong asso-

    ciation between tax level and suicide rates. Ja-

    pan has the highest rate o suicide, but inland

    is among those countries with the highest rates

    with 21 suicides per 100,000, over twice the

    merican rate.

    Leisure

    n the assumption that most people preer lei-

    sure to work, one indirect measure o the quality

    o lie in a country might be the amount o lei-

    sure that individuals are able to enjoy. n average,

    people in the ordic countries work signicantly

    ewer hours than those in the nglo-merican

    countries. n nglo-merican countries, the av-

    erage person works 1,752 hours a year, while in

    the ordic countries the average person works

    only 1,550 hours a year (over 200 hours less than

    in nglo-merican countries).

    mericans enjoy signicantly less leisure

    than citizens o most other countries. n av-

    erage, they work 1,824 hours a year. is is 274

    hours more than the ordic average and 88 hours

    a year more than anadians. mong the ordic

    countries, the inns enjoy less leisure than av-

    erage candinavians. Tey work about the same

    number o hours a year as anadians.

    course, whether working ewer hours a

    year results in a higher degree o welare or cit-

    izens o ordic countries depends upon what

    accounts or the increased leisure enjoyed by

    people in high-tax countries. oes it reect a

    liestyle choice that contributes to the quali-

    ty o their lives or do high taxes cause them to

    substitute leisure or work and thus diminish

    their well-being?

    ttempting to determine the reason or the

    diference between the number o hours worked

    by uropeans and mericans has generated a

    good deal o research. ome studies conclude

    that the higher marginal tax rates in uropean

    countries account or the reduced number o

    hours worked in those countries. this is the

    case, the increased leisure enjoyed by citizens

    in high-tax countries would not indicate that

    these citizens are better of. ndeed, it would

    indicate that they are worse of since, in the ab-

    sence o taxes, or i they aced lower tax rates,

    they would preer to work longer hours. ther

    researchers have ound that the diferences in

    hours worked reects diferences in taste. u-

    ropeans, they argue, simply value their leisure

    more than mericans.

    ne o the most recent studies on this is-

    sue ound the diference in the number o hours

    worked between uropeans and mericans is

    largely explained by uropean labour market

    table 12 Sel-Realization Goals: Drug Use and Suicide Rate

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Drug users (% 14) [4] 11. 3. 10. 11 2.

    Suicides [0] 11.1 1.2 11. 10.4 21

    table 13 Sel-Realization Goals: Hours Worked

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Average hours worked per year [4] 1,2 1,0 1,3 1,24 1,3

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 23

    regulations. ter the rst oil shock in 1973, u-

    ropean unions pushed hard or a shorter work

    week and longer vacations. n addition to their

    collective bargaining eforts, unions also lob-

    bied or the adoption o government-mandated

    vacation time and a generous number o holi-

    days. this is the correct explanation or the

    diferences, then the efect on workers well-be-

    ing is ambiguous.

    these labour market regulations orce work-

    ers to take time of when they would preer to

    work, then presumably the regulations reduce

    their well-being. However, the authors o this

    recent study conclude that, instead o reducing

    worker well-being, these regulations actually

    increase worker well-being by helping to solve

    a collective action problem. ndividual workers

    oten work longer hours than they would pre-

    er because their co-workers are working long-

    er hours. n order to keep up with the relative

    income o their co-workers and to compete or

    promotions, they must work equally as hard.

    is gives rise to the equivalence o an arms

    race. ach worker works harder and harder, but

    each would preer not to. Regulation helps them

    solve this coordination problem. Te authors o

    this study suggest that this latter explanation is

    the correct one. Tey note that uropeans seem

    to be happy to work less and less.

    Happiness and Life atisfaction

    ltimately, at least according to one widely held

    personal philosophy, what lie on the planet is

    all about is happiness and satisaction with ones

    lie. s set out so eloquently in the merican

    eclaration o ndependence, everyone has an

    unalienable right to lie, liberty, and the pur-

    suit o happiness. iven the enormous diversi-

    ty o individual preerences and tastes, it is hard

    to imagine indicators that could measure di-

    rectly whether individuals are happy and satis-

    ed with their lives. However, the World Values

    urvey has included questions relating to the re-

    spondents perceived happiness and overall sat-

    isaction with lie.

    Based upon the most recent survey data, there

    are no statistically signicant diferences in re-

    ported happiness or lie satisaction between

    high- and low-tax countries. n average, the

    percentage o citizens in low-tax nglo-meri-

    can countries who report they are very happy is

    slightly higher than the percentage in high-tax

    ordic countries (39.5% versus 34.1%), but the

    number who report they are satised with their

    lives is slightly lower (86.7% versus 88%). anadi-

    ans report they are among the happiest citizens

    o industrialized countries. lso, on these kinds

    o surveys the utch (etherlanders) consistent-

    ly report being the happiest people and the most

    satised with their lives, and yet the etherlands

    is, o course, a relatively high-tax country.

    Opportunities to Participate

    in Collective Decision-Making

    umerous indicators might be used as meas-

    ures o the vibrancy o democratic institutions

    in a country. We report on two here. irst, citi-

    zens are more likely to participate in collective

    decision-making i they eel their government is

    honest. itizens in the ordic countries, on av-

    erage, eel that their countries are less corrupt

    than their counterparts in the nglo-meri-

    can countries, and the diference is statistical-

    ly signicant.

    table 14 Sel-Realization Goals: Happiness

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Happiness [1] 3. 34.1 4.2 3. 24.

    Lie satisaction [2] . . .2 .

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives24

    nglo-merican countries score an average

    o 8.4 on a perception o government corruption

    scale (rom 0 [most corrupt] to 10 [least corrupt]),

    whereas ordic countries score 9.3.

    econd, engaged citizens in a democracy pre-

    sumably deliberate about political issues with

    their riends and colleagues. n nglo-mer-

    ican countries, on average, about 13% o peo-

    ple report they had requent discussions o pol-

    itics with riends, while in ordic countries

    about 18% report requent discussions o poli-

    tics with riends.

    Environmental Sustainability

    onstructing composite environmental indica-

    tors has become a growth industry, but a coun-

    trys rank on them is oten determined by geog-

    raphy or other characteristics beyond the control

    o the countrys government, by the method used

    to aggregate individual indicators, by the com-

    parability o the data, and by the purpose o the

    evaluation.

    Te composite index in able 16 is taken rom

    a anadian study that used OECD data to rank

    the environmental perormance o countries. n

    average, the ordic countries rank signicant-

    ly higher than the nglo-merican countries:

    on average, the ordic countries rank 13th (even

    though orway ranks 25th, considerably pulling

    down the ordic countries average rank); while

    the nglo-merican countries rank 24th. e

    nited tates ranks lowest among the high-in-

    come industrialized countries (in 30th place).

    Inter-Nation Equity

    Te inequalities between individuals around the

    world are staggering. e richest 5% o people

    receive one-third o total global income, more

    than the poorest 80%. High-income countries

    should care about the development o low-in-

    come countries, or a number o reasons. irst,

    as a matter o their own sel-interest, in a glo-

    balized world high-income countries cannot

    insulate themselves rom the insecurity, public

    health crises, violence, and economic volatili-

    ty that constantly threaten low-income coun-

    tries. econd, as a matter o basic airness, no

    person should be denied the chance to live ree

    o poverty and have access to services such as

    health and education that are essential to hu-

    table 16 Environmental Sustainability

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Environmental perormance ranking [] 24 13 2 30 1

    table 17 Inter-Nation Equity

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Ocial development assistance (% GNI) [] 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.3

    Commitment to development index [] .3 .1 .3 .4

    table 15 Opportunities to Participate in Collective Decision-making

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Corruption perceptions index [3] .4 .3 .4 . .

    Political discussion with riends [4] 13.3 1.2 11 1.3 .

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 2

    man development. ird, high-income coun-

    tries should promote the same social and eco-

    nomic values they pursue in their own nations,

    such as human dignity and basic levels o mate-

    rial well-being, throughout the world. For these

    and other reasons, citizens o wealthy countries

    have recognized a responsibility to assist those

    in poor countries.

    e most straightorward index o a coun-

    trys development efort is its total oreign aid as

    a percentage o the donor countrys GDP. oun-

    tries with higher taxes are presumably better

    able to provide assistance to low-income coun-

    tries. ne might also suppose that more caring

    countries domestically are likely to be more car-

    ing globally. e evidence bears out these intu-

    itions. n average, high-tax ordic countries

    provide more oreign aid than low-tax nglo-

    merican countries. Te nglo-merican coun-

    tries give on average only 0.28% o their gross

    national income (GNI) or ocial development

    assistance; the ordic countries give an aver-

    age 0.71% o their GNI , more than double that o

    the nglo-merican countries. the high-in-

    come industrialized countries, the nited tates

    gave the least development assistance as a per-

    cent o its GNI .

    much more sophisticated measure o a

    countrys commitment to development would

    take account o its oreign aid as well as the ull

    range o its policies towards low-income coun-

    tries: including trade, investment, migration, en-

    vironment, security, and technology. e en-

    tre or lobal evelopment ranks the 21 richest

    nations or each o these policy areas and then

    combines the results into a ommitment to e-

    velopment ndex. ven on this index, the or-

    dic countries score signicantly higher than the

    nglo-merican countries (an average o 6.1

    versus an average o 5.2). anada scores high-

    er than the .. and is in line with inland. n

    the 2005 index, enmark tops all countries with

    a score o 6.7.

    Economic Goals

    Equity versus Efciency

    ne o the undamental tenets o classical eco-

    nomics is that there is a trade-of between equity

    and eciency. e pursuit o social goals must

    come, to some extent, at the expense o eco-

    nomic goals. lthough some studies purport to

    show that government spending hampers eco-

    nomic growth, in recent years a growing body

    o literature has concluded that there is no nec-

    essary trade-of to be made between economic

    eciency and equity.

    olicies urthering social justice are like-

    ly to contribute to eciency and growth, or a

    number o reasons: spending on education and

    health care contributes to a better educated and

    healthier work orce; the increased economic

    security o workers enhances their capacity to

    adjust to change, bear more risk, acquire more

    specialized skil ls, and pursue investment oppor-

    tunities; social justice policies can channel and

    mitigate industrial conict in periods o struc-

    tural adjustment and oster political stability and

    social cohesion; a smaller range o wage disper-

    sion encourages structural change and thus pro-

    ductivity growth; and a more equal society bears

    ewer o the costs o social stratication such as

    increased health costs, crime control costs, and

    the cost o inner city decay.

    e above review o social indicators sug-

    gests that high-tax countries have been better

    able to achieve their social objectives than low-

    tax countries. Te ollowing review o economic

    indicators suggests that high-tax ordic coun-

    tries have not sufered any signicant econom-

    ic costs in the pursuit o a more just and equi-

    table society.

    High Standard o Material Living

    e most common way o measuring the mate-

    rial well-being o citizens o a country is simply

    by dividing the countrys gross domestic prod-

    uct (GDP) by its population. ountries can then

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives2

    be compared by converting their GDP per cap-

    ita to .. dollars on the basis o their purchas-

    ing power parity.

    By this measure, uxembourg is the wealth-

    iest country in the world with an astonishing

    2004 GDP per capita o US$57,500. t is worth

    noting that the wealthiest country in the world,

    by ar, also has a tax level much higher than the

    OECD average. axes in uxembourg are about

    42% o GDP.

    lthough the diference is not statistically

    signicant, the high-tax ordic countries have

    a higher GDP per capita than the low-tax nglo-

    merican countries. n the ordic countries, the

    GDP per capita is $32,825; in nglo-merican

    countries it is slightly less at $32,083.

    ext to uxembourg, the nited tates is the

    wealthiest country in the world; its GDP per cap-

    ita is $39,700. anadas GDP per capita is $31,500,

    marginally below the ordic and even the n-

    glo-merican average. lthough the nited

    tates is both a low-tax and wealthy country, it

    is important to note that across the high-income

    OECD countries there is no association between

    tax levels and material well-being.

    lthough GDP per capita is the most re-

    quently used measure o well-being, there are

    many problems with this measure.

    First, GDP measures the market values o ac-

    tivities carried on in the country without regard

    to whether they contribute to material well-be-

    ing. n the nited tates, or example, to the ex-

    tent its GDP is measuring the value o activities

    such as the cost o incarcerating prisoners, o

    police and private security guards, and o ine-

    ciently delivered health care services, it is not

    necessarily a good measure o the material well-

    being o mericans.

    econd, a countrys GDP is a unction not

    only o the productivity o workers, but also o

    how many hours they work. Workers in ordic

    countries have been able to produce goods and

    services per capita that slightly exceed the value

    o the goods and services per capita produced by

    workers in nglo-merican countries, yet this

    seriously understates how much better of they

    are since they are able to produce these goods

    and services while working over 200 hours less

    a year. s mentioned earlier, on average mer-

    ican workers work 274 more hours a year than

    workers in ordic countries.

    Tird, and most importantly, the simple meas-

    ure o GDP per capita reveals nothing about how

    income in the country is distributed, and there-

    ore who is beneting rom the wealth produced

    in the economy. t is an average gure that is

    arrived at simply by taking the total wealth o

    the country and dividing it by the total popu-

    lation. t would remain the same whether all o

    the wealth in a country was distributed to one

    person or equally across all persons. resuma-

    bly, in judging the economic success o a coun-

    try, what matters is the material wealth o the

    typical or median amily (a real amily), not the

    average amily (a statistical construct). ne rea-

    son why the average GDP per capita is so high

    in the .. is that the .. has a relatively small

    number o extremely high-income individuals.

    us the .. GDP per capita is an unreliable

    measure o the material well-being o the typi-

    cal (median) merican amily.

    High Rates o Economic Growth

    ver the past 15 years, the merican economy

    has grown aster than most others (as measured

    by GDP per capita). Yet it has not been the astest

    table 18 Material Standard o Living

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    GDP per capita (US$) [] 32,03 32,2 31,00 3,00 30,00

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 2

    growing economy in the world; that honour goes

    to another nglo-merican country, reland.

    rom 1990 to 2004, the rish economy has

    grown at a staggering rate o 6.6% a year. reland

    has always been a relatively low-tax country, but

    rom 1994 to 2003 its tax level declined even ur-

    ther, rom about 35% to about 30% o GDP. re-

    lands low general tax level, along with its low

    corporate tax rate o 10% on the manuacturing

    prots o oreign multinationals, has led tax-cut-

    ters in nglo-merican countries to urge their

    governments to ollow the rish tax model.

    However, there is little reason to suppose

    that tax cuts had much to do with the rish eco-

    nomic miracle. reland reaped the advantages

    o huge uropean nion subsidies, particularly

    in the late 1970s and in the 1980s (reaching 6%

    o GDP), and even in the early 1990s. reland in-

    vested those subsidies in inrastructure, includ-

    ing ree higher education. t had an nglish-

    speaking, well-educated, under-utilized labour

    orce. t aggressively courted oreign investment

    through industrial development agencies. t was

    perectly poised to take advantage o the mer-

    ican boom in inormation technology at a time

    when merican multinationals were looking or

    places to invest overseas or export to the uro-

    pean market. nce it had attracted a number o

    inormation technology rms, there was a well-

    known agglomeration efect o industrial con-

    centrations that contributed to spin-of growths

    and attracted more rms.

    Furthermore, reland is not really a good ex-

    emplar o the nglo-merican model. n the late

    1980s and throughout the 1990s, it had high lev-

    els o employment protection and a highly coor-

    dinated system o wage-setting that kept wages

    down. t seems reasonably clear that the rish

    miracle is due to a unique set o circumstanc-

    es that cannot be duplicated in other countries

    simply by trying to imitate its beggar-thy-neigh-

    bour corporate tax rate strategy. ven i such a

    strategy worked, it would only work or a very

    small number o other countries.

    From 1990 to 2004, the average annual growth

    rate o GDP per capita was 3.6% in nglo-mer-

    ican countries and only 2.3% in the ordic coun-

    tries. Tis is one o the most requently reerred-

    to acts in arguing that uropean countries are

    going to have to adopt the nglo-merican eco-

    nomic model i they hope to increase the pros-

    perity o their nations. e act that the ..

    growth rate over this period has been 3.1% and

    anadas has only been 2.8% is also requently

    reerred to in urging that anada must reduce

    its tax level to .. levels. Yet there is a lack o

    evidence linking lower taxes in nglo-merican

    countries to higher rates o economic growth.

    n act, there are many reasons why these com-

    parisons do not lead to the conclusion that high-

    tax countries should ollow the example o low-

    tax countries in order to oster higher rates o

    economic growth.

    irst, the diference in economic growth

    rates over this period between ordic and n-

    glo-merican countries is not statistically sig-

    nicant: it is likely to be a chance occurrence.

    n addition, the association between higher eco-

    nomic growth and lower tax levels is weak.

    table 19 Rate o Economic and Productivity Growth

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Average growth rate 12004 [0] 4.1 2. 3.4 3.4 3.

    GDP per hour worked [2] 3.2 44.1 3.2 4.3 3.2

    Growth in GDP per hour worked, 12004 [3] 2. 2.1 1. 2. 2.3

    Growth in multi-actor productivity, 12002 [4] 1. 1.2 1.2 1.4 2.2

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives2

    econd, the diferences are highly dependent

    upon what base year is used or the purpose o

    drawing the comparison. For example, in a more

    recent period, rom 1995 to 2004, the growth rate

    in GDP per capita in both anada and the nit-

    ed tates was the same: 3.4%. nd over this pe-

    riod, high-tax inland outgrew both countries,

    with a rate o growth o 3.7%.

    ird, the past 50 years have demonstrat-

    ed that periods o economic growth tend to be

    highly cyclical. or example, only 20 years ago

    many economists were predicting that erma-

    ny and then Japan should be the economic mod-

    els to ollow.

    Finally, almost all o the wealth created in the

    nited tates over the past 20 years has benet-

    ed the very rich. e real income o the typical

    worker has hardly changed at all.

    High Rates o Productivity Growth

    Te wealth that a nation produces is determined

    not only by how many hours workers work, but

    also by how productive they are when they are

    working. s noted above, merican and nglo-

    merican workers generally work many more

    hours than uropean workers. However, uro-

    pean workers are generally more productive than

    nglo-merican workers.

    e average ordic country worker is sub-

    stantially more productive than the average n-

    glo-merican worker, although the diference

    is not statistically signicant. n average, or-

    dic country workers produce goods and servic-

    es valued at $44.1 an hour, while nglo-mer-

    ican workers only produce goods and services

    valued at $38.2 an hour.

    merican workers tend to be very productive,

    on average producing goods and services worth

    $46.3 per hour. However, it might be noted that

    they are not nearly as productive as workers in

    orway, who produce goods and services worth

    $56.6 per hour, or even French workers who pro-

    duce goods and services worth $47.7 per hour.

    With the strong pick-up in economic growth

    in the nited tates, particularly since the mid-

    1990s, ater 50 years o catching up to the nit-

    ed tates, uropean countries now nd them-

    selves alling behind. n the nited tates, rom

    1995 to 2004, the average annual growth in GDP

    per hour worked was 2.5%. ndeed, this was the

    average o the nglo-merican countries. ver

    the same period, the annual average growth in

    GDP per hour worked in ontinental urope-

    an countries was only 1.5%. learly, i this di-

    erence persists over a number o years, it will

    make a large diference in living standards. How-

    ever, it is odd to attribute the lack o productivi-

    ty growth in urope to high tax levels, as many

    business commentators do. or one thing, we-

    den, the country with the highest tax levels in

    the world, experienced productivity growth over

    this period at almost the same level as the nit-

    ed tates (an annual rate o 2.4% versus 2.5%).

    Moreover, although the average growth in GDP

    per hour worked rom 1995 to 2004 was lower

    in the ordic countries than in the average n-

    glo-merican countries (2.5% versus 2.1%), the

    diference is not statistically signicant; it could

    have been due to chance.

    Price Stability

    Tere are good reasons or believing that higher

    taxes might enhance economic stability. First, the

    higher levels o government spending that result

    rom higher taxation tend to act as an automat-

    ic stabilizer, reducing the impact on production

    and employment o uctuations in other elements

    o demand. econd, i the tax system is progres-

    sive, this might act to dampen uctuations. i-

    nally, it may be expected that, i the distribution

    o personal income is more equal because o high

    taxes and a generous transer system, personal

    consumption will uctuate less over the business

    cycle. ower-income amilies are more likely to

    consistently spend their income, and thus con-

    tribute to stable aggregate demand, than higher-

    income amilies who might veer between bouts

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 2

    o cautionary savings and credit-nanced con-

    sumption binges.

    lthough not a particularly good measure o

    economic stability, it is noteworthy that, in the

    most recent year or which there are comparable

    data, the ination rate in the average nglo-mer-

    ican country was 2.8%, while it was only 0.8% in

    ordic countries. e ination rate was 3.3% in

    the nited tates in this period, and only 0.4%

    in Finland. Te diference is statistically signi-

    cant. n addition, the association between lower

    ination and higher tax level is strong.

    Sustainable Debt Levels

    n average, nglo-merican countries had a

    surplus o 0.1% o GDP in 2004, but the ordic

    countries had a much larger average surplus o

    4.1% o GDP. e higher ordic percentage is

    partly attributed to the 11.4% surplus o orway.

    till, other ordic countries also outperormed

    most o the nglo-merican countries, as in-

    land had a surplus o 1.9% o GDP, enmark had

    a surplus o 1.7% o GDP, and weden had a sur-

    plus o 1.4% o GDP. mong the nglo-meri-

    can countries, ew Zealand, reland, ustral-

    ia, and anada were the countries in the black,

    with a surplus o 5.5%, 1.4%, 1% and 0.7% o GDP,

    respectively. But the .. and the .K. were in

    the red, with a decit o 4.7% and 3.2% o GDP,

    respectively.

    lthough the ordic countries, on average,

    carry a higher debt level than the nglo-mer-

    ican countries, inland carries a lower debt lev-

    el than the .. and anada. Te data show that

    ustralia, ew Zealand, and reland each has a

    much smaller national debt than anada, the

    .. and the .K., with ustralias accounting or

    about 18% o 2004 GDP and the other two coun-

    tries totalling 29% each. n contrast, the ordic

    countries debt levels are more even.

    Viable International Balance o Payments

    urrent account balance reects a countrys

    transactions with other countries. n average,

    the ordic countries had a current account sur-

    plus o 7.4% o GDP in 2004, compared to the

    3.2% decit o nglo-merican countries. e

    diference is statistically signicant. Te associ-

    ation between current account surplus and tax

    level is moderate. anada had a surplus o 2.3%

    o GDP in 2004, compared to a 5.7% decit o the

    .. and a 5.1% surplus o inland.

    table 21 Budget Surplus or Defcit

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Surplus or decit as percent o GDP [] 0.1 4.1 0. -4. 1.

    Debt as percent o GDP [] 42. 4. 2.2 4 2.

    table 20 Stable Prices

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Infation, 200304 [] 2. 0. 2.1 3 .3 0.4

    table 22 Balance o Payments

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Surplus or decit as percent o GDP [] -3.2 .4 2.3 -. .1

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives30

    High and Stable Rates o Employment Growth

    e one economic measure on which the n-

    glo-merican countries have signicantly out-

    perormed the ordic countries is employment

    growth. n 20042005, they had an employment

    growth rate o 2.5%, compared to the ordic

    countries where the employment growth rate

    was only 0.9%.

    e unemployment rate in nglo-meri-

    can countries in 2004 was lower than that o

    the ordic countries (5.2% versus 6.4%), but not

    signicantly lower. mong the unemployed, on

    average, about 18%20% are unemployed or a

    year or more in the ordic and nglo-meri-

    can countries.

    Te labour orce participation rate in ordic

    countries was higher than in nglo-merican

    countries (77.8% versus 75.4%). e labour par-

    ticipation rate o men was marginally higher in

    nglo-merican countries (82.4% versus 80.6%),

    but the labour participation rate o women was

    signicantly higher in ordic countries (75.9%

    versus 68.6%).

    High Rates o Savings and Investment

    Te rate o household saving in the ordic coun-

    tries is higher than that in the nglo-merican

    countries. n ordic countries, households save

    on average 6.1% o their disposable income, while

    in nglo-merican countries they save only 2.9%

    o their disposable income. et national savings

    rates are also higher in ordic countries than in

    nglo-merican countries (11.6% versus 5.9%).

    n addition, the act that the ordic countries,

    on average, have a higher national savings rate

    table

    24

    Unemployment Rateanglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Unemployment rate [1] .0 .2 . .1 .

    Long-term rate [2] 1. 1. . 11. 24.

    table 23 Employment Growth

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Growth [0] 2. 0. 1.4 1. 1.

    table 25 Labour Force Participation Rate

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Total participation rates [3] .4 . . .4 4.3

    Male participation rates [4] 2.4 0. 2. 1. .

    Female participation rates [] . .0 3.1 .2 2.

    table 26 Rates o Saving

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Household saving [] 2. .1 1.4 1. 2.

    Net national saving [] . 11. . 1.3 .4

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 31

    than the nglo-merican countries is statisti-

    cally signicant.

    e percentage change in real total gross

    xed capital ormation is higher in nglo-mer-

    ican countries than in ordic countries (8.2%

    versus 5.6%).

    nglo-merican countries have been able to

    attract a greater amount o oreign investment

    than ordic countries. oreign investment was

    3.7% o 2004 GDP in nglo-merican countries,

    but only 0.9% in ordic countries. lthough an-

    adas inward oreign direct investment accounted

    or only 0.6% o GDP in 2004 and is lower than

    the 0.9% o the .., inlands 2.5% is sharply

    higher than that o the .. Measured by the

    inward FDI perormance index, o which over 1

    means that a country attracts more inow o in-

    vestment than its size warrants, nglo-meri-

    can countries on average attract more investment

    than ordic countries. eir average score was

    2.3 compared to only 0.8 or the ordic coun-

    tries. anadas score is higher than that o the

    .., but lower than that o inland.

    Innovation

    nnovation is a main driving orce o long-term

    economic growth. s indicated in able 29, as

    innovators the high-tax ordic countries out-

    perormed the low-tax nglo-merican coun-

    tries.

    e UNCTA D nnovation apability ndex

    consists o the unweighted averages o two in-

    dexes. ne is the echnological ctivity ndex,

    which is made up o research and development

    personnel per million people, .. patents grant-

    ed per million people, and scientic publications

    per mill ion people. nother is the Human ap-

    ital ndex, which is made up o the literacy rate

    as a percent o population, secondary school

    enrolment as percent o age group, and tertiary

    enrolment as percent o age group. n average,

    the ordic countries scored 0.951, higher than

    the 0.892 o the nglo-merican countries. Te

    diference is statistically signicant. Te associ-

    ation between the index and tax level is modest.

    anada scored lower than the .., but inland

    scored higher than the ..

    table 29 Innovation

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    UNCTAD innovation capability index [1] 0.2 0.1 0.0 0.2 0.

    table 27 Investment

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Annual change in xed capital ormation [] .2 . . .4 4.

    table

    28

    Foreign Direct Investmentanglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Inward oreign direct investment [] 3. 0. 0. 0. 2.

    Inward FDI perormance [0] 2.3 0. 0. 0.4 1.

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    canadian centre for policy alternatives32

    Research and Development

    High-tax countries appear well placed to capital-

    ize on opportunities or uture economic growth

    and productivity. e average ordic country

    spends signicantly more than the average n-

    glo-merican country on research and develop-

    ment (3.4% o GDP versus 1.7%), and has signi-

    icantly more researchers per 10,000 o workers

    (11.6% versus 7.3%).

    Utilization o Inormation Technology

    Te level o ability to make good use o inorma-

    tion technology is another proxy or uture eco-

    nomic growth and productivity. n average, the

    ordic countries appear to be more prepared or

    the normation ge than the nglo-merican

    countries, as measured by both the etwork Read-

    iness ndex and broadband subscription.

    eveloped by the World conomic orum,

    the etwork Readiness ndex measures the de-

    gree o preparation o a nation or community to

    participate in and benet rom inormation and

    communication technology developments. e

    index is composed o three component index-

    es that assess the environment or inormation

    and communication technology ofered by a giv-

    en country or community, the readiness o the

    communitys individuals, business and govern-

    ments, and the usage o inormation and commu-

    nication technology among these stakeholders.

    e ordic countries rate higher than the

    nglo-merican countries on both the et-

    work Readiness ndex (1.61 vs 1.43), and have

    signicantly more broadband subscribers per

    100 inhabitants (15.8 vs 9.5). e .. appears to

    be more network ready than inland and an-

    ada, as shown in the latest etwork Readiness

    ndex, but anada had more broadband sub-

    scribers per 100 inhabitants in 2004 than in-

    land and the ..

    Competitive Economy

    Te business press routinely bemoans the alleged

    lack o competitiveness o the anadian econo-

    my, again usually by comparison to the nited

    tates economy. t is unclear whether the con-

    cept o competitiveness has any sensible meaning

    when applied to national economies; certainly

    table 30 Research and Development

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    R&D as % o GDP [3] 1. 3.4 2 2. 3.4

    R&D researchers per 10,000 [4] .3 11. .2 .3 1.

    table 31 Inormation Technology Development

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Network readiness index [] 1.43 1.1 1.4 2.02 1.2

    Broadband subscribers [] . 1. 1. 13 1

    table 32 Competitiveness Indexes

    anglo-

    american nordic canada u.s. finland

    Growth competitiveness index [] .3 . .3 .1 .

    World competitiveness scoreboard [] 2.3 .3 2.2 100 2.2

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    the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 33

    countries are not competing with one anoth-

    er in the same way that private rms compete;

    nevertheless, a cottage industry has sprung up

    measuring the competitiveness o national econ-

    omies. Basically, what is usually being measured

    is the extent to which a country is implement-

    ing policies that are likely to encourage econom-

    ic growth. ere is, o course, a vast literature

    and considerable disagreement over what caus-

    es economic growth; thereore, these measures

    necessarily embody contested ideas about what

    makes countries prosperous. o a great extent

    they likely reect economic policies that the con-

    structors o the index avour. evertheless, they

    are routinely reerred to in debates over whether

    anada is achieving its economic goals.

    very all, the World conomic Forum, a busi-

    ness-dominated, eneva-based, private organ-

    ization, releases its Global ompetitiveness Re-

    port. Te report contains a comprehensive index

    that measures the competitiveness o countries

    based upon around 150 variables, including each

    countrys macroeconomic perormance, the qual-

    ity o its public institutions, and the level