benefits and costs of taxation
TRANSCRIPT
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isbn 0-88627-514-8
This report is available ree o charge rom
the CCPA website at www.policyalternatives.ca.
Printed copies may be ordered through
the National Oce or a $10 ee.
410-75 Albert Street
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www.policyalternatives.ca
About the Authors
Neil Brooks teaches tax law and policy at OsgoodeHall Law School. Thaddeus Hwong teaches taxlaw and policy at Atkinson Faculty o Liberal andProessional Studies, York University.
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5 Taxes: Are They Really All Bad?
7 Summary
11 Ranking Countries by Tax Level
13 Comparing Social and Economic
Outcomes in Low- and High-Tax Countries
35 To What Kind o Country Do
Canadians Aspire?
37 Appendix
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation
believe all taxes are bad. tephen Harper
made this remark during the ederal election
last year in announcing he would reduce the
oods and ervices ax rom 7% to 5% i elect-
ed rime Minister.
axes are the price citizens o a country pay
or the goods and services they collectively pro-
vide or themselves and or each other. o it is
dicult to know exactly what Harper meant
when he said he believes all taxes are bad. Was
he saying that all actions taken collectively by
citizens through democratically elected insti-
tutions are bad?
lthough almost everyone other than
rime Minister Harper recognizes the need
or some taxes, over the past 25 years public
policy debates in every nglo-merican coun-
try, including anada, have been dominated by
a campaign against taxes.
ax levels in anada have always been sub-
stantially below those in most other industrial-
ized countries, and they have been signicantly
reduced over the past ew years, yet the crusade
against them continues unabated. n 1998, all
taxes collected in anada amounted to 36.7% o
the gross domestic product (GDP). ue in part to
tax cuts, this percentage ell almost 3 percent-
age points to 33.5% by 2004.
ax levels in the average industrialized coun-
try that belongs to the rganization or conom-
ic ooperation and evelopment (OECD) was
over 2 percentage points higher than in anada
in 2004, 35.9% o GDP, and in the average uro-
pean country it was almost 5 percentage points
higher, 38.3% o GDP. Yet the ederal governments
major priority, as reected in its rst budget ta-
bled last spring, and in statements made ollow-
ing the tabling o its nnual Financial Report or
the iscal Year 200506 this all, in which the
government committed a $13.2 billion surplus
to debt reduction, is more tax cuts.
t is oten dicult to know precisely what tax-
cutters hope to achieve through more tax cuts and
what evidence they think supports their claims.
Teir contention that anadians would be better
of i taxes were reduced is usually asserted as an
article o a ith. However, one way o attempting
to answer the question o whether the anadian
government should be cutting taxes even more is
to look across countries and compare the social
and economic outcomes in high-taxed countries
with the social and economic outcomes in low-
Taxes: Are They Really All Bad?
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canadian centre for policy alternatives
taxed countries. s it really the case, as assumed
by those who think taxes need to be urther re-
duced in anada, that the quality o lie o the
average citizen is higher in low-taxed countries
than high-taxed countries?
Tat is the question we undertake to answer in
this study. We compare high- and low-tax coun-
tries on a wide range o social and economic in-
dicators. s representative o low-tax countries,
we study all six nglo-merican countries: the
nited Kingdom, the nited tates, anada,
reland, ustralia, and ew Zealand. s rep-
resentative o high-tax countries, we study the
our ordic countries: weden, orway, en-
mark, and inland.
the story about taxes and the welare state
told by tax-cutters has any credibility, the results
should be evident in comparisons between in-
dustrialized countries with low taxes and those
with high taxes. ndeed, i the story is even re-
motely true, one would expect those countries
with even marginally higher tax levels than an-
ada to be modern-day economic basket cases
and to be no better of in terms o social out-
comes or o the quality o the lives enjoyed by
their citizens.
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation
ax cuts are disastrous or the well-being o a
nations citizens.
Findings rom this study show that high-tax
countries have been more successul in achiev-
ing their social objectives than low-tax coun-
tries. nterestingly, they have done so with no
economic penalty.
n the majority o social measures we exam-
ine, high-tax countries rank signicantly above
low-tax countries. n a number o the econom-
ic indicators we examine, low-tax countries rank
above high-tax countries, but the diference is
almost never signicant.
We examine 50 indicators that are commonly
used to measure a countrys social progress. n
over hal o these indicators (29), the outcomes
in high-tax ordic countries are signicantly
better than those in low-tax nglo-merican
countries, and on most o the remaining indi-
cators (13), social outcomes are somewhat bet-
ter in ordic countries. n short:
ordic countries have signicantly lower
rates o poverty across almost all social
groups;
as an indicator o how well a country
protects the vulnerable, the elderly have
signicantly higher pension income
replacement rates in ordic countries
and the income received by those with
disabilities relative to the population is
much higher;
income is distributed signicantly more
equally in ordic countries;
on every measure we examine there issignicantly more gender equality in
ordic countries;
ordic workers have signicantly more
economic security;
in terms o health outcomes, inant
mortality rates are signicantly lower
and lie expectancy is longer in ordic
countries;
in terms o educational outcomes, a greater
percentage o the population completedsecondary school and university in ordic
countries and 15-year old students score
higher on math tests;
Summary
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canadian centre for policy alternatives
as a measure o personal physical security,
homicide rates are lower in ordic
countries;
as indicators o the degree o community
and social solidarity in a country and
general happiness and lie satisaction,
there is signicantly more trust among
individuals and or public institutions in
ordic countries;
there is signicantly less drug use in
ordic countries; individuals have
signicantly more leisure time; individuals
have more reedom, according to a widely
reerred to index o economic reedom;
individuals report more lie satisaction;
and they are more likely to discuss politics
with riends; ordic countries rank much higher on
an index o environmental perormance,
and the ordic countries give signicantly
more in oreign aid than nglo-merican
countries.
ow-tax nglo-merican countries rank high-
er than ordic countries on only seven out o the
50 social indicators. n each case, it is a trivial di-
erence that could be easily due to chance: a slight-
ly higher percentage o the 2564 age group com-pleted either college or university; 15-year-olds did
slightly better on reading and science tests; a slightly
greater percentage o people report a greater sense
o reedom; there are on average a lower number
o suicides; and a slightly greater percentage o in-
dividuals report they are very happy.
With respect to the pursuit o economic
goals, the indicators we examine suggest high-
tax countries have achieved their social suc-
cess with no economic penalty. ver the past
15 years, the low-taxed nglo-merican coun-tries have experienced slightly greater econom-
ic growth than the high-taxed ordic countries,
but it would appear that the ordic countries
have positioned themselves or greater growth
in the uture. the 33 economic indicators ex-
amined, the ordic countries lead on 19 indica-
tors and the nglo-merican countries on 14.
e high-tax ordic countries have:
a marginally higher GDP per capita;
a higher GDP per hour worked;
signicantly lower unit labour costs and
signicantly lower rates o ination;
higher budget and current account
surpluses;
a higher total labour participation rate, and
a higher emale labour participation rate;
much higher rates o household saving and
net national saving;
a higher ranking on indexes measuring
innovation;
a higher percentage o GDP spent on
research and development and a higher
percentage o their workers working as
research and development researchers;
a higher level o network readiness;
a higher percentage o broadband
subscribers;
a signicantly higher ranking on their
growth competitiveness by the World
conomic orum; and
a higher ranking on Richard loridas
global creativity index.
nglo-merican countries have:
a higher rate o growth in GDP per capita
between 1990 and 2004;
a higher rate o growth in GDP per hour
worked rom 1995 to 2004;
a higher rate o growth in multi-actor
productivity rom 1995 to 2002;
a lower national debt;
a signicantly higher growth in
employment rom 1992 to 2002 (this is the
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation
only measure on which nglo-merican
countries exceed ordic countries in a way
that is statistically signicant);
a lower rate o general unemployment,
a marginally lower rate o long-term
unemployment, a marginally higher rate o
male labour participation rates;
a greater change in xed capital ormation;
and
greater inward oreign direct investment
and inward oreign direct investment
perormance.
n making their case or lower taxes, tax-
cutters in anada requently point to the nit-
ed tates, which has one o the lowest tax levels
o the industrialized countries in the world, and
suggest that anadian society should strive to
become more like merican society. o, in addi-
tion to comparing social and economic outcomes
broadly between low- and high-tax countries, we
highlight the social and economic outcomes in
the nited tates and ask: should anadians re-
ally want their country to become more like the
nited tates? o provide some basis or com-
parison, we compare the outcomes in the nit-
ed tates with those o another country ana-
da might wish to emulate: inland.ur ndings show mericans bear incredibly
severe social costs or living in one o the lowest-
taxed countries in the world. For a strikingly large
number o social indicators, the nited tates
ranks not only near the bottom o the 19 indus-
trialized countries, but it ranks as the most dys-
unctional country by a considerable margin:
overty is widespread. greater
percentage o mericans, and in particular
children and the elderly, live in poverty
in the nited tates than in any other
industrialized country in the world.
e income o vulnerable citizens, such
as the elderly and those with disabilities,
is much lower compared to others in
the nited tates than almost all other
industrialized countries.
iving conditions are shockingly unequal.
By any measure, income is distributed
more unequally in the nited tates than
in every other industrialized country. n
2004, mericas richest 1% held more o the
nations wealth than the bottom 90% (34.7%
versus 29.9%).
rdinary workers in the nited tates have
less economic security than workers in any
other industrialized country (as shown by a
comprehensive index o economic security
developed by the nternational abour
rganization).
s an indication o gender inequality,
women in the nited tates still hold arelatively small percentage o positions
in the proessions, legislative bodies, and
senior civil service.
n contrast to the nited tates, Finland ranks
near the top o the industria lized world on each
o the ollowing social indicators:
e percentage o the population living
below the poverty line is very low (or
example, only 3.4% o children).
e elderly and those with disabilities have
incomes that are close to those o the rest
o the population.
ncome is distributed relatively equally.
Women hold about 50% o the positions in
legislative bodies and senior civil service.
Workers in inland enjoy one o the
highest levels o economic security among
workers in the industrialized world.
t is well known that there are proound prob-lems with the nited tates health and educa-
tion system where values such as selectivity,
diversity, and choice predominate and a large per-
centage o the spending is done through the pri-
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canadian centre for policy alternatives10
vate sector. Te nited tates spends over twice
as much o its GDP on health care than inland
(15% versus 7.4%), and yet .. health care out-
comes remain ar worse indeed, worse than
most other industrialized countries. or exam-
ple, the percentage o children who die at birth
in the nited tates is the highest among indus-
trialized countries. Finns live longer than mer-
icans, and the rate o inant mortality in Finland
is less than one-hal the merican rate.
e nited tates spends a greater percent-
age o its GDP on education than Finland spends,
yet the innish education system which is a
comprehensive public system based on equity
and the proessionalism and training o teach-
ers achieves much better outcomes. meri-
can 15-year-olds rank near the bottom o OECD
countries when it comes to science and math
skills. By contrast, Finnish 15-year-olds rank rst
in the world in science and math skills. mer-
ican students also rank relatively low on read-
ing skills, while the innish students come rst
in the world in this area as well.
Tis pattern, with the nited tates ranking
about the lowest among industrialized countries
and inland near the top, is evident on most o
the remaining social indicators we examine re-
lating to social goals such as personal security,
community and social solidarity, sel-realization,
democratic rights, and environmental govern-
ance. We will not review them all here, except to
note that, although anadas onservatives ap-
pear ready to adopt aspects o the nited tates
justice system, such as mandatory criminal sen-
tencing, the nited tates is by a wide margin
the most violent industrialized country in the
world (measured by the murder rate). mericans
themselves express the third lowest measure o
condence in their justice system, in a tie with
Belgium. talians and ustralians have slightly
less condence in their justice systems.
is brie review o how well industrial-
ized countries have achieved their social goals
shows the nited tates ranks lower than most
countries on a wide range o social indicators,
suggesting that the orm o social organization
used to accommodate contemporary lie in the
nited tates has gone prooundly amiss. ome
commentators dismiss the miserable social out-
comes achieved by the merican social con-
tract by noting that it is nevertheless one o the
wealthiest countries in the world. GDP per cap-
ita is higher in the nited tates than in most
other industrialized countries. e results o
this study, however, suggest a trade-of does
not have to be made between material prosper-
ity and social equity.
n addition, there are countless problems with
using GDP per capita as a measure o economic
well-being. t takes no account o how the wealth
that is produced in a country is distributed. or
example, even though the nited tates experi-
enced strong economic growth in recent years,
between 1998 and 2004 the income o the typical
(median) merican amily ell by 3.8%. Moreo-
ver, per capita GDP is high in the nited tates
primarily because mericans work many hours
more than citizens o other countries. ow-in-
come mericans oten have to work at two or
three jobs just to survive.
Recent economic growth in the nited tates
has also come at high long-term economic costs.
e ederal government budget is on an unsus-
tainable path: the .. has the largest decit
in relation to its GDP o any industrialized na-
tion; its trade decit is the largest in the world,
a staggering $805 billion last year; and, the ..
also has one o the lowest savings rates o the
industrialized countries. Moreover, even with
its wealth, exible economy and low taxes, the
nited tates is not the most competitive coun-
try in the world. rom 2001 to 2005, in its com-
prehensive survey o world economies, the busi-
ness-dominated private World conomic Forum
has determined that the most competitive coun-
try in the world was inland. n 200506, in-
land was ranked as the second most competi-
tive country ater witzerland.
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 11
ndustrialized countries are divided into our
categories in able 1, based upon their level o
taxes: low-tax countries, low-intermediate tax
countries, high-intermediate tax countries, and
high-tax countries. ax levels vary at least slight-
ly rom year to year; thereore a 12-year average
rom 1990 to 2002 was used. Tis period imme-
diately precedes the year or years in which most
o the social and economic indicators that we
examine apply.
ven taking the average tax level over a 12-
year period, there are large diferences between
countries. weden, the highest tax country, col-
lects almost twice as much tax as a percentage
o its GDP (50.5%) as the lowest taxed country in
the group, Japan (26.8%). Te average or the ve
low-tax countries is about 29%; the average or
the ve high-tax countries is 47%, almost 60%
greater than the low-tax countries.
iven these large diferences in tax levels, i
high-taxed countries were not achieving their ob-
jectives or i they were doing so at substantial
economic cost this result should be revealed
in aggregate data relating to a number o social
and economic variables.
olitical economists who study welare state
development traditionally divide modern indus-
trialized countries into our categories: 1) lib-
eral welare states exemplied by the nglo-
merican countries, in which the emphasis is
on individual liberty and markets are the pri-
mary orm o social organization; 2) corporat-
ist welare states exemplied by most Western
uropean countries, in which the emphasis is
on social solidarity and occupational insurance
plans play a large role in reducing social risks;
3) Mediterranean welare states such as ortu-
gal, pain, reece, and to a limited extent taly,
in which pensions are generous but otherwise
state systems o support are less and in which
the amily and church play a large role in meet-
ing the needs o citizens; and 4) social demo-
cratic welare states, basically the candinavian
countries, in which the emphasis is on equali-
ty and state-provided universal programs usurp
the role o markets and the amily in ensuring
that the needs o individuals are met.
lthough they rely upon a more sophisticat-
ed measure o the welare state, there is obvious-
ly a relatively close correspondence between the
categorization o countries based simply on tax
Ranking Countries by Tax Level
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canadian centre for policy alternatives12
levels and one based upon notions o the com-
modication o labour and related concepts
used by political economists to classiy welare
states. iberal or nglo-merican countries are
clustered in the low-tax column; Mediterrane-
an countries are clustered in the low-interme-
diate column; continental uropean countries
are clustered in the high-intermediate column;
and the candinavian countries are clustered
in the high-tax column. ereore, in compar-
ing low- and high-tax countries in this study,
we compare the social and economic outcomes
in the six nglo-merican countries (nited
tates, ustralia, reland, ew Zealand, ana-
da, and the nited Kingdom) all o which are
relatively low-tax countries with those in the
our ordic countries (orway, inland, en-
mark, and weden) all o which are relative-
ly high-tax countries. ocial and economic in-
dicators o all countries in the our groups are
provided in the appendix.
table 1 Annual Average Tax Revenue as Percent
o GDP o High-Income OECD Countries, 19902002
low-tax
Japan 2.
United States 2.0
Switzerland 2.0
Australia 2.
Ireland 32.
lowintermediate
Spain 33.0
Portugal 33.
New Zealand 3 .4
Canada 3.
Greece 34.0
United Kingdom 3.
highintermediate
Germany 3.
Netherlands 42.2
Norway 41.
Italy 42.1
Austria 42.3
high-tax
France 43.4
Belgium 44.
Finland 4.2
Denmark 4.0
Sweden 0.
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 13
ur comparison o low- and high-tax countries
is straightorward. or each major and widely
agreed-upon social and economic objective o
modern societies, we use one or more indicators
that would suggest how successul a country has
been in achieving these goals. We calculate the
average score or the nglo-merican countries
and compare it with ordic countries.
Social Goals
Relie o Poverty
Relie o poverty is an important goal in every
society. social contract should be struck that
minimizes the number o those who are exclud-
ed rom the lie o the community because o a
lack o economic resources to purchase neces-
sities. e number o children living in poverty
is o particular concern. e ordic countries
have signicantly lower rates o poverty across
almost all social groups than nglo-merican
countries. Four indicators are shown, as illustrat-
ed in able 2. Te number in parentheses beside
each indicator reers to the column number o
the indicator in the ppendix: omparing o-
cial and conomic utcomes in ow- and High-
ax ountries.
n low-tax nglo-merican countries, on av-
erage, 12.6% o the population lives below 50% o
the countrys median income; in ordic coun-
tries, less than one-hal that percentage (only
5.6%) o the population is living below the pov-
erty line.
n average, in the low-taxed nglo-mer-
ican countries, 15.9% o children live in pover-
ty, while in the ordic countries the percent-
age o children living in poverty is less than
one-quarter o the nglo-merican average,
less than 3.3%.
n the average nglo-merican country 45.2%
o children in single-parent amilies live in pov-
erty. n ordic countries only 9.2% o children
in single-parent amilies live in poverty.
ere is no signicant diference between
low- and high-taxed countries with respect to
the percentage o elderly who live in poverty (in
large part because the low rate o poverty among
the elderly in anada brings down the average or
low-tax countries); nevertheless, a much lower
percentage o the elderly live in poverty in or-
Comparing Socialand Economic Outcomesin Low- and High-Tax Countries
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canadian centre for policy alternatives14
dic countries (9.2%) than in nglo-merican
countries (13.5%).
e nited tates has the highest rates o
poverty in the industrialized world. n low-taxed
nited tates, over 17% o individuals live below
50% o the countrys median income; almost 22%
o all children live in poverty; a shocking almost
49% o children in single amilies live in poverty;
and over 24% o the elderly live in poverty. n Fin-
land, by contrast, the percentage o people living
in poverty in each o these groups is small: 6.4%,
3.4%, 10.5%, and 10.4%, respectively.
lso, on most o these measures o the inci-
dence o poverty, although anada ranks ar be-
low the ordic countries, it has a better record
than the nited tates. n particular, while 21.7%
o children live in poverty in the nited tates,
in anada a substantially lower percentage live
in poverty: 13.6%. While 24.6% o the elderly live
in poverty in the nited tates, in anada only
4.3% o the elderly live in poverty. Te percentage
0%
2%
4%
6%
8%
10%
12%
14%
16%
18%
20%
22%
USA NZL GBR IRL ITA PRT CAN AUT DEU GRC AUS NLD FRA SWE NOR FIN DNK
Selected OECD Countries
Child
Poverty
Rate
figure 1 Child Poverty in Selected OECD Countries
source OECD,SocietyataGlance:OECDSocialIndicators,2005,p.57.Childpovertydatasourcedfrom1999,2000,and2001.Onlyhigh-incomeOECDcountrieswithsuchdataareincluded.Dashedlinereferstothecountryaverage.
table 2 Relie rom Poverty and Social Exclusion
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Relative poverty [] 12. . 10.3 1.1 .4
Child poverty [] 1. 3.3 13. 21. 3.4
Child poverty single parent [] 4.2 .2 42.1 4. 10.
Elderly poverty [10] 13. .2 4.3 24. 10.
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 1
o elderly living below the poverty line in an-
ada is, in act, lower than in any o the ordic
countries. t would appear the mericans have
a good deal to learn rom anadians.
ne social good that citizens buy with their
taxes is a dramatically smaller percentage o
their ellow citizens living in poverty.
lthough we concentrate in this study solely
on a comparison between the low-taxed nglo-
merican countries and the high-taxed ordic
countries, or most o the social indicators we
examine, the social indicators are closely cor-
related with tax levels across all industrialized
countries. igures 1 and 2 illustrate this corre-
lation with respect to child poverty. igure 1 is
a bar graph that shows the rates o child pover-
ty across 19 industrialized countries. igure 2
is a chart that reveals how closely rates o child
poverty are related with tax levels. enerally, the
higher a countrys tax level, the lower its rate o
child poverty.
Protection o the Vulnerable
very just society must protect the vulnerable:
children, the elderly, and those with disabilities.
ne measure o whether the elderly are ully in-
tegrated into society is the extent to which pen-
sions or the elderly are able to replace the sala-
ries they earned while working.
n the ordic countries, pensions replace
66.6% o the salaries o pensioners, while in n-
glo-merican countries the pension replacement
rate is only 47.4%. anada is on the high end o
the nglo-merican countries with a replace-
ment rate o 57.1%. n the nited tates, the pen-
sion replacement rate is only 51%, while in in-
land it is 78.8%.
ne way o measuring how well a society ac-
commodates those with disabilities is to compare
26 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 42 44 46 48 50 522%
4%
6%
8%
10%
12%
14%
16%
18%
20%
22%US A
NZ L GB RIRL ITAPR T
CA NAU T
DE UGR C
AUS
NL D
FR A
SW ENO R FI N
DN K
Average Annual Tax Revenue as Percent of GDP, 19902002
Child
Poverty
Rate
figure 2 Child Poverty v. Tax Revenue o High-Income OECD Countries
source CalculationbasedonOECDRevenueStatisticsdatabase.Childpovertydatasourcedfrom1999,2000,and2001.Onlyhigh-incomeOECDcountrieswithsuchdataareincluded.
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canadian centre for policy alternatives1
the income o persons with disabilities relative to
that o the general population. n nglo-mer-
ican countries, the income o those with disa-
bilities is 67% o the general population, where-
as in ordic countries the income o those with
disabilities is around 86% o the general popula-
tion. e relative income o those with disabil i-
ties in anada is almost equal to the relative in-
come o those in the ordic countries at 84.6%.
nce again, the nited tates is at the low end
o even the nglo-merican countries. n that
country the income o those with disabilities is
only 58.7% that o the general population; in Fin-
land it is 83%.
Economic Equality
ne o the pressing issues acing every democ-
racy is how economic resources should be dis-
tributed. arge economic inequalities hold ad-
verse consequences or the personal well-being
o the citizens o a country: nequalities erode
social cohesion; they lead to worse health and
personal security outcomes; they lead to the
withdrawal o the haves rom the lie o the
community and the exclusion o the have-nots;
and, generally, inequality diminishes the rich-
ness and ourishing o a society. Moreover, ex-
treme levels o inequality have been shown to
have a negative impact on economic growth by
distorting the allocation o resources and tal-
ents. ncome inequality has also been shown to
destabilize political and social values, since dis-
proportionate economic power invariably leads
to increased inuence over political and other
societal decisions.
ne o the strongest associations between the
variables examined in this study is between tax
levels and a more equal distribution o econom-
ic resources. n all three indices o inequality re-
ported in able 4, there are statistically signi-
cant diferences between the nglo-merican
and ordic countries. or example, in nglo-
merican countries, on average the richest 10%
receive about 12.4 times the poorest 10%, while
in the average ordic country the richest 10% re-
ceive only 6.5 times that o the poorest 10%.
n the nited tates, where income is dis-
tributed more unequally than in any other in-
dustrialized country, the richest 10% o amilies
receive almost 16 times as much o national in-
come as the poorest 10%. n Finland, by contrast,
the richest 10% receive only 5.6 times as much o
the national income as the poorest 10%, about
one-third the merican multiple. nce again,
anada nds itsel on this indicator in between
the nited tates and the ordic countries. n
anada, the richest 10% receive 10.1 times that
o the poorest 10%.
ne o the most important social benets
that citizens buy with their taxes is a society in
table 3 Protection o the Vulnerable
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Net old-age pension replacement rate [11] 4.4 . .1 1 .
Relative income o disabled persons [12] 4. . 3
table 4 Economic Equality: Income
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
GINI coecient [13] 32.1 24. 30.1 3. 2.1
Income share o richest 10%/poorest 10% [14] 12.4 . 10.1 1. .
0th percentile/10th percentile [1] 4. 2. 4 . 2.
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 1
which economic resources are distributed much
more equally.
Gender Equality
very Western country is committed to equali-
ty or women. lthough progress has been slow,
countries with higher taxes have had much great-
er success in achieving this social goal. ne ex-
planation or this is that a considerable amount
o the care-giving work that is borne by women
in low-tax nglo-merican societies is paid or
and nanced by taxes in high-taxed countries.
Tus, not only is the cost o these services spread
more equitably across the entire population in
high-tax countries, but women are also ree to
take a greater part in market, civil, and politi-
cal lie. n average, the level o gender equality
in the ordic countries is signicantly higher
than that in the nglo-merican countries, as
measured by the indicators in able 5.
e World conomic orum, which boasts
the worlds 1,000 leading companies as its mem-
bers, measures the extent to which women have
achieved ull equality with men in economic par-
ticipation, economic opportunity, political em-
powerment, educational attainment, and health
and well-being, and reports the results as the
ender ap ndex, with a higher index reect-
ing a narrower gender gap. Te ordic countries
score an average o 5.35, which is higher than the
average o 4.65 o the nglo-merican countries.
anada scores 4.87, which is higher than the 4.4
or the .. but lower than inlands 5.19.
n its annualHuman evelopment Report, the
nited ations evelopment rogram computes
a comprehensive index o gender equality: the
gender empowerment measure. n this meas-
ure, ordic countries score an average o 0.868
while nglo-merican countries score only an
average o 0.773. anada scores 0.807, which was
higher than the nited tates at 0.793, but low-
er than inland at 0.833.
simple measure o gender equality is the
percentage o women who participate in the
paid labour orce and the percentage o wom-
en who hold inuential jobs. n nglo-meri-
can countries, 69% o women participate in the
labour orce: in ordic countries 75% o women
participate in the labour orce. n nglo-mer-
ican countries, on average, about 32% o doctors
are emales, 21% o members o arliament are
emales, and 22% o senior civil servants are e-
males. By contrast, in ordic countries, about
43% o doctors are emales, 40% o members o
arliament are emales, and 44% o senior civil
servants are emales.
nce again, on all o these measures o gender
equality, the ordic countries are signicantly
better of than the nglo-merican countries.
nce again, on every measure, anada does bet-
ter than the nited tates.
table 5 Social Equality: Gender
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Gender gap index [1] 4. .3 4. 4.4 .1
Gender empowerment [1] 0.3 0. 0.0 0.3 0.33
Female labour orce participation [1] . 3.1 .2 2.
Female doctors [1] 31. 42. 33.1 23.4 3.2
Female % in parliament [20] 21.4 3. 24. 14. 3.
Female % in senior civil service [21] 21. 44.3 23.1 14.3 4.1
% o population who avour men
over women over scarce jobs [22] 1 1. .
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canadian centre for policy alternatives1
lso, as an indication o how these diferences
afect public attitudes (or are afected by them),
in nglo-merican countries 17% o the popula-
tion reported in a survey that men should have a
priority in ll ing jobs, while in ordic countries
only 8% o the population held this view.
Economic Security
ndividuals and amilies need work-related secu-
rity in order to make long-range plans, to our-
ish, and to develop. n 2004, the nternational
abour ce published a major report on eco-
nomic security as part o its socio-economic se-
curity program,conomic ecurity for a Better
World. at program examined how countries
organized work and how their organization o
work connected to broad social goals.
Te IL O identied seven orms o work-relat-
ed security: 1) labour market security (adequate
employment opportunities); 2) employment secu-
rity (protection against arbitrary dismissal and
so on); 3) job security (the possession o a niche
in work, allowing some control over the content
o a job, what the worker actually does and the
opportunity he or she has o building a career);
4) work security (protection against accidents
and illness at work); 5) skill reproduction secu-
rity (widespread opportunities to gain and re-
tain ski lls); 6) income security (protection o in-
come through minimum wage machinery, wage
indexation, and comprehensive social security;
and 7) representation security (protection o col-
lective voice in the labour market, etc). t devel-
oped an index or each o these orms o secu-
rity and then combined them into one overall
index: an conomic ecurity ndex.
ccording to the ILOs conomic ecurity
ndex, which measures the economic security
provided in a country relative to other countries,
the ordic countries ofer signicantly more eco-
nomic security than the nglo-merican coun-
tries. high economic security index indicates
that country is providing more security than a
country with a lower score. e average score
or nglo-merican countries is 0.70; the aver-
age score or ordic countries is 0.94.
e nited tates ties with ew Zealand in
providing workers with the lowest level o eco-
nomic security among industrialized countries:
0.61. Finnish workers have one o the highest lev-
els o economic security: 0.95. anadas score is
above the nglo-merican average at 0.79.
axes enable a country to buy services and
social insurance programs that provide workers
with a higher degree o economic security.
Access to Essential Services
Health
enerally, people are able to live long and healthy
lives in all high-income industrialized countries,certainly relative to poorer countries. Tereore
it is hard to nd an index that distinguishes be-
tween health outcomes in industrialized coun-
tries. common measure is lie expectancy at
birth. By this measure there is little diference
between ordic and nglo-merican coun-
tries: on average, males live 76.2 years in both
low- and high-taxed countries; emales, on av-
erage, live a little longer in high-taxed countries
(81.4 years versus 81.2 years). nce again, how-
ever, on this index o social progress the nitedtates is below the average o low-tax countries.
n act, among industrialized countries, mer-
icans have one o the lowest lie expectancies at
birth. Te lie expectancy o men and women in
table 6 Economic Security
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Economic security index [23] 0.0 0.4 0. 0.1 0.
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canadian centre for policy alternatives20
who completed college or university. lthough
Finland has a lower percentage o students com-
pleting secondary school and university than
the nited tates, its 15-year-old students score
much higher than merican students on read-
ing, science, and math. ndeed, in all three o
these subjects, its students score higher than any
other high-income industrialized country. a-
nadian students also score higher than meri-
can students, although not as high as the inn-
ish students.
Physical Security
global index o physical security is dicult to
imagine. ne statistic requently reerred to in
discussions o the physical security o citizens is
the number o homicides in a country per pop-
ulation o 100,000. n this index, although it is
not statistically signicant, there are ewer hom-
icides in ordic countries (1.4 per 100,000) than
nglo-merican countries (2.2 per 100,000).
lmost needless to say, the murder rate in
the nited tates is ar above that o every oth-
er industrialized country: 7.1 per 100,000. an-
ada is close to the ordic average, and inland
is above the ordic average.
Community and Social Solidarity
n the late 1990s, the concept o social capi-
tal (usually dened as networks together with
shared norms, values and understanding that
acilitate cooperation within or among groups)
gained widespread interest among researchers and
policy-makers. e interest developed because
o research results that suggested social capital
was important, not only in acilitating produc-
tive organization and economic development,
but also in enriching many aspects o social lie
and ostering social engagement and democra-
cy. nortunately, the concept o social capital
is dicult to operationalize, but, rom the so-
cial indicators we examine, it would appear that
citizens o high-tax countries are likely to have
higher degrees o trust in one another and more
condence in public institutions. ne could say
they live in societies with more social capital than
those living in low-tax countries.
ince 1981, the World Values urvey has con-
ducted our waves o surveys o peoples attitudes
toward socio-cultural and political change. n
nglo-merican countries, only about 38% o
survey respondents agree with the statement
that people can be trusted, whereas 64% o sur-
vey respondents in ordic countries agree with
that statement. More citizens in ordic countries
have condence in arliament (52.7% in ordic
table 9 Physical Security
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Homicides per 100,000 [40] 2.2 1.4 1. .1 2.
table
10
Community and Social Solidarityanglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
People can be trusted [41] 3. 3. 3 3.3 .4
Condence in parliament [42] 32.1 2. 3. 3 42.3
Condence in corporation [43] 1 1. . 3. 42.
Condence in justice system [44] 4. . 4 3. .
Union density [4] 23. 1. 2.1 12. .2
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 21
countries versus only 32.1% in nglo-merican
countries) and in the justice system (68.9% in
ordic countries versus 45.8% in nglo-mer-
ican countries). bout the same percentage o
citizens in both groups o countries report hav-
ing condence in the civil service (about 48%)
and major companies (about 51%).
Many sociologists investigating the nature
o social capital and the role it plays in society
have suggested that trade unions are one o the
most important organizations in society or the
creation o social capital. nions are organiza-
tions where people develop skills essential in a
thriving democracy such as tolerance, will-
ingness to compromise, and respect or other
viewpoints. ey also stimulate political par-
ticipation, increase peoples political skills, and
promote an appreciation o both the rights and
obligations o citizenship. Furthermore, they are
organizations that oster collegiality. ot surpris-
ingly, the average union density in ordic coun-
tries is much higher than that o nglo-meri-
can countries. bout 24% o the work orce, on
average, is unionized in nglo-merican coun-
tries, whereas over 71% is unionized in ordic
countries. anadas union density o about 28%
is higher than that o the .., where only 13% o
the work orce is unionized, but much lower than
the over 76% union density in inland.
Sel-Realization Goals
t is dicult to know which indicators might be
examined to iner whether people are generally
achieving their personal goals and satised with
their lives; however, we have selected a ew com-
monly used indicators.
ersonal Freedom and utonomy
ince 1995, the Heritage Foundation and the Wall
Street Journalhave jointly produced an index o
economic reedom. ey claim that countries
with the most economic reedom also have high-
er rates o long-term economic growth and are
more prosperous than are those with less eco-
nomic reedom. omewhat surprisingly, even
though high taxes are taken as an indication o
the lack o economic reedom in the compila-
tion o the index, the average score o the or-
dic countries on the overall economic reedom
index is only slightly higher than that o the n-
glo-merican countries. Te average ranking or
nglo-merican countries is 1.78; the average
ranking or ordic countries is slightly higher
at 1.97. lso, survey evidence suggests that the
sense o reedom o citizens in ordic countries
is almost as high as it is in the average nglo-
merican country (82.7% versus 84.4%).
rug Use and Rate of uicides
Te inerence to be drawn rom the rate o drug
use in a society is uncertain: s drug use indica-
tive o people who are living lives o quiet desper-
ation, or is it indicative o people who are simply
less inhibited in the pursuit o happiness? What-
ever inerence might be drawn rom it, on aver-
age a signicant lower percentage o people in
ordic countries are cannabis users than peo-
ple in nglo-merican countries. n average o
11.6% o the population between the ages o 15
and 64 report using cannabis in the past year in
nglo-merican countries, but two-thirds less,
or only 3.8%, report doing so in ordic countries.
annabis use is about the same in anada and
the nited tates, at about 11%, but only about
table 11 Sel-Realization Goals: Freedom
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Index o economic reedom [4] 1. 1. 1. 1.4 1.
Sense o reedom [4] 4.4 2. .4 .
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canadian centre for policy alternatives22
3% o the population between the ages o 15 to
64 report using cannabis in inland.
high rate o suicide might suggest the citi-
zens o a country are dissatised with their lives.
n nglo-merican countries, the suicide rate is
lower than in ordic countries (11 per 100,000
versus 15 per 100,000), and the diference is sta-
tistically signicant but there is no strong asso-
ciation between tax level and suicide rates. Ja-
pan has the highest rate o suicide, but inland
is among those countries with the highest rates
with 21 suicides per 100,000, over twice the
merican rate.
Leisure
n the assumption that most people preer lei-
sure to work, one indirect measure o the quality
o lie in a country might be the amount o lei-
sure that individuals are able to enjoy. n average,
people in the ordic countries work signicantly
ewer hours than those in the nglo-merican
countries. n nglo-merican countries, the av-
erage person works 1,752 hours a year, while in
the ordic countries the average person works
only 1,550 hours a year (over 200 hours less than
in nglo-merican countries).
mericans enjoy signicantly less leisure
than citizens o most other countries. n av-
erage, they work 1,824 hours a year. is is 274
hours more than the ordic average and 88 hours
a year more than anadians. mong the ordic
countries, the inns enjoy less leisure than av-
erage candinavians. Tey work about the same
number o hours a year as anadians.
course, whether working ewer hours a
year results in a higher degree o welare or cit-
izens o ordic countries depends upon what
accounts or the increased leisure enjoyed by
people in high-tax countries. oes it reect a
liestyle choice that contributes to the quali-
ty o their lives or do high taxes cause them to
substitute leisure or work and thus diminish
their well-being?
ttempting to determine the reason or the
diference between the number o hours worked
by uropeans and mericans has generated a
good deal o research. ome studies conclude
that the higher marginal tax rates in uropean
countries account or the reduced number o
hours worked in those countries. this is the
case, the increased leisure enjoyed by citizens
in high-tax countries would not indicate that
these citizens are better of. ndeed, it would
indicate that they are worse of since, in the ab-
sence o taxes, or i they aced lower tax rates,
they would preer to work longer hours. ther
researchers have ound that the diferences in
hours worked reects diferences in taste. u-
ropeans, they argue, simply value their leisure
more than mericans.
ne o the most recent studies on this is-
sue ound the diference in the number o hours
worked between uropeans and mericans is
largely explained by uropean labour market
table 12 Sel-Realization Goals: Drug Use and Suicide Rate
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Drug users (% 14) [4] 11. 3. 10. 11 2.
Suicides [0] 11.1 1.2 11. 10.4 21
table 13 Sel-Realization Goals: Hours Worked
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Average hours worked per year [4] 1,2 1,0 1,3 1,24 1,3
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 23
regulations. ter the rst oil shock in 1973, u-
ropean unions pushed hard or a shorter work
week and longer vacations. n addition to their
collective bargaining eforts, unions also lob-
bied or the adoption o government-mandated
vacation time and a generous number o holi-
days. this is the correct explanation or the
diferences, then the efect on workers well-be-
ing is ambiguous.
these labour market regulations orce work-
ers to take time of when they would preer to
work, then presumably the regulations reduce
their well-being. However, the authors o this
recent study conclude that, instead o reducing
worker well-being, these regulations actually
increase worker well-being by helping to solve
a collective action problem. ndividual workers
oten work longer hours than they would pre-
er because their co-workers are working long-
er hours. n order to keep up with the relative
income o their co-workers and to compete or
promotions, they must work equally as hard.
is gives rise to the equivalence o an arms
race. ach worker works harder and harder, but
each would preer not to. Regulation helps them
solve this coordination problem. Te authors o
this study suggest that this latter explanation is
the correct one. Tey note that uropeans seem
to be happy to work less and less.
Happiness and Life atisfaction
ltimately, at least according to one widely held
personal philosophy, what lie on the planet is
all about is happiness and satisaction with ones
lie. s set out so eloquently in the merican
eclaration o ndependence, everyone has an
unalienable right to lie, liberty, and the pur-
suit o happiness. iven the enormous diversi-
ty o individual preerences and tastes, it is hard
to imagine indicators that could measure di-
rectly whether individuals are happy and satis-
ed with their lives. However, the World Values
urvey has included questions relating to the re-
spondents perceived happiness and overall sat-
isaction with lie.
Based upon the most recent survey data, there
are no statistically signicant diferences in re-
ported happiness or lie satisaction between
high- and low-tax countries. n average, the
percentage o citizens in low-tax nglo-meri-
can countries who report they are very happy is
slightly higher than the percentage in high-tax
ordic countries (39.5% versus 34.1%), but the
number who report they are satised with their
lives is slightly lower (86.7% versus 88%). anadi-
ans report they are among the happiest citizens
o industrialized countries. lso, on these kinds
o surveys the utch (etherlanders) consistent-
ly report being the happiest people and the most
satised with their lives, and yet the etherlands
is, o course, a relatively high-tax country.
Opportunities to Participate
in Collective Decision-Making
umerous indicators might be used as meas-
ures o the vibrancy o democratic institutions
in a country. We report on two here. irst, citi-
zens are more likely to participate in collective
decision-making i they eel their government is
honest. itizens in the ordic countries, on av-
erage, eel that their countries are less corrupt
than their counterparts in the nglo-meri-
can countries, and the diference is statistical-
ly signicant.
table 14 Sel-Realization Goals: Happiness
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Happiness [1] 3. 34.1 4.2 3. 24.
Lie satisaction [2] . . .2 .
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canadian centre for policy alternatives24
nglo-merican countries score an average
o 8.4 on a perception o government corruption
scale (rom 0 [most corrupt] to 10 [least corrupt]),
whereas ordic countries score 9.3.
econd, engaged citizens in a democracy pre-
sumably deliberate about political issues with
their riends and colleagues. n nglo-mer-
ican countries, on average, about 13% o peo-
ple report they had requent discussions o pol-
itics with riends, while in ordic countries
about 18% report requent discussions o poli-
tics with riends.
Environmental Sustainability
onstructing composite environmental indica-
tors has become a growth industry, but a coun-
trys rank on them is oten determined by geog-
raphy or other characteristics beyond the control
o the countrys government, by the method used
to aggregate individual indicators, by the com-
parability o the data, and by the purpose o the
evaluation.
Te composite index in able 16 is taken rom
a anadian study that used OECD data to rank
the environmental perormance o countries. n
average, the ordic countries rank signicant-
ly higher than the nglo-merican countries:
on average, the ordic countries rank 13th (even
though orway ranks 25th, considerably pulling
down the ordic countries average rank); while
the nglo-merican countries rank 24th. e
nited tates ranks lowest among the high-in-
come industrialized countries (in 30th place).
Inter-Nation Equity
Te inequalities between individuals around the
world are staggering. e richest 5% o people
receive one-third o total global income, more
than the poorest 80%. High-income countries
should care about the development o low-in-
come countries, or a number o reasons. irst,
as a matter o their own sel-interest, in a glo-
balized world high-income countries cannot
insulate themselves rom the insecurity, public
health crises, violence, and economic volatili-
ty that constantly threaten low-income coun-
tries. econd, as a matter o basic airness, no
person should be denied the chance to live ree
o poverty and have access to services such as
health and education that are essential to hu-
table 16 Environmental Sustainability
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Environmental perormance ranking [] 24 13 2 30 1
table 17 Inter-Nation Equity
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Ocial development assistance (% GNI) [] 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.3
Commitment to development index [] .3 .1 .3 .4
table 15 Opportunities to Participate in Collective Decision-making
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Corruption perceptions index [3] .4 .3 .4 . .
Political discussion with riends [4] 13.3 1.2 11 1.3 .
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 2
man development. ird, high-income coun-
tries should promote the same social and eco-
nomic values they pursue in their own nations,
such as human dignity and basic levels o mate-
rial well-being, throughout the world. For these
and other reasons, citizens o wealthy countries
have recognized a responsibility to assist those
in poor countries.
e most straightorward index o a coun-
trys development efort is its total oreign aid as
a percentage o the donor countrys GDP. oun-
tries with higher taxes are presumably better
able to provide assistance to low-income coun-
tries. ne might also suppose that more caring
countries domestically are likely to be more car-
ing globally. e evidence bears out these intu-
itions. n average, high-tax ordic countries
provide more oreign aid than low-tax nglo-
merican countries. Te nglo-merican coun-
tries give on average only 0.28% o their gross
national income (GNI) or ocial development
assistance; the ordic countries give an aver-
age 0.71% o their GNI , more than double that o
the nglo-merican countries. the high-in-
come industrialized countries, the nited tates
gave the least development assistance as a per-
cent o its GNI .
much more sophisticated measure o a
countrys commitment to development would
take account o its oreign aid as well as the ull
range o its policies towards low-income coun-
tries: including trade, investment, migration, en-
vironment, security, and technology. e en-
tre or lobal evelopment ranks the 21 richest
nations or each o these policy areas and then
combines the results into a ommitment to e-
velopment ndex. ven on this index, the or-
dic countries score signicantly higher than the
nglo-merican countries (an average o 6.1
versus an average o 5.2). anada scores high-
er than the .. and is in line with inland. n
the 2005 index, enmark tops all countries with
a score o 6.7.
Economic Goals
Equity versus Efciency
ne o the undamental tenets o classical eco-
nomics is that there is a trade-of between equity
and eciency. e pursuit o social goals must
come, to some extent, at the expense o eco-
nomic goals. lthough some studies purport to
show that government spending hampers eco-
nomic growth, in recent years a growing body
o literature has concluded that there is no nec-
essary trade-of to be made between economic
eciency and equity.
olicies urthering social justice are like-
ly to contribute to eciency and growth, or a
number o reasons: spending on education and
health care contributes to a better educated and
healthier work orce; the increased economic
security o workers enhances their capacity to
adjust to change, bear more risk, acquire more
specialized skil ls, and pursue investment oppor-
tunities; social justice policies can channel and
mitigate industrial conict in periods o struc-
tural adjustment and oster political stability and
social cohesion; a smaller range o wage disper-
sion encourages structural change and thus pro-
ductivity growth; and a more equal society bears
ewer o the costs o social stratication such as
increased health costs, crime control costs, and
the cost o inner city decay.
e above review o social indicators sug-
gests that high-tax countries have been better
able to achieve their social objectives than low-
tax countries. Te ollowing review o economic
indicators suggests that high-tax ordic coun-
tries have not sufered any signicant econom-
ic costs in the pursuit o a more just and equi-
table society.
High Standard o Material Living
e most common way o measuring the mate-
rial well-being o citizens o a country is simply
by dividing the countrys gross domestic prod-
uct (GDP) by its population. ountries can then
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canadian centre for policy alternatives2
be compared by converting their GDP per cap-
ita to .. dollars on the basis o their purchas-
ing power parity.
By this measure, uxembourg is the wealth-
iest country in the world with an astonishing
2004 GDP per capita o US$57,500. t is worth
noting that the wealthiest country in the world,
by ar, also has a tax level much higher than the
OECD average. axes in uxembourg are about
42% o GDP.
lthough the diference is not statistically
signicant, the high-tax ordic countries have
a higher GDP per capita than the low-tax nglo-
merican countries. n the ordic countries, the
GDP per capita is $32,825; in nglo-merican
countries it is slightly less at $32,083.
ext to uxembourg, the nited tates is the
wealthiest country in the world; its GDP per cap-
ita is $39,700. anadas GDP per capita is $31,500,
marginally below the ordic and even the n-
glo-merican average. lthough the nited
tates is both a low-tax and wealthy country, it
is important to note that across the high-income
OECD countries there is no association between
tax levels and material well-being.
lthough GDP per capita is the most re-
quently used measure o well-being, there are
many problems with this measure.
First, GDP measures the market values o ac-
tivities carried on in the country without regard
to whether they contribute to material well-be-
ing. n the nited tates, or example, to the ex-
tent its GDP is measuring the value o activities
such as the cost o incarcerating prisoners, o
police and private security guards, and o ine-
ciently delivered health care services, it is not
necessarily a good measure o the material well-
being o mericans.
econd, a countrys GDP is a unction not
only o the productivity o workers, but also o
how many hours they work. Workers in ordic
countries have been able to produce goods and
services per capita that slightly exceed the value
o the goods and services per capita produced by
workers in nglo-merican countries, yet this
seriously understates how much better of they
are since they are able to produce these goods
and services while working over 200 hours less
a year. s mentioned earlier, on average mer-
ican workers work 274 more hours a year than
workers in ordic countries.
Tird, and most importantly, the simple meas-
ure o GDP per capita reveals nothing about how
income in the country is distributed, and there-
ore who is beneting rom the wealth produced
in the economy. t is an average gure that is
arrived at simply by taking the total wealth o
the country and dividing it by the total popu-
lation. t would remain the same whether all o
the wealth in a country was distributed to one
person or equally across all persons. resuma-
bly, in judging the economic success o a coun-
try, what matters is the material wealth o the
typical or median amily (a real amily), not the
average amily (a statistical construct). ne rea-
son why the average GDP per capita is so high
in the .. is that the .. has a relatively small
number o extremely high-income individuals.
us the .. GDP per capita is an unreliable
measure o the material well-being o the typi-
cal (median) merican amily.
High Rates o Economic Growth
ver the past 15 years, the merican economy
has grown aster than most others (as measured
by GDP per capita). Yet it has not been the astest
table 18 Material Standard o Living
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
GDP per capita (US$) [] 32,03 32,2 31,00 3,00 30,00
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 2
growing economy in the world; that honour goes
to another nglo-merican country, reland.
rom 1990 to 2004, the rish economy has
grown at a staggering rate o 6.6% a year. reland
has always been a relatively low-tax country, but
rom 1994 to 2003 its tax level declined even ur-
ther, rom about 35% to about 30% o GDP. re-
lands low general tax level, along with its low
corporate tax rate o 10% on the manuacturing
prots o oreign multinationals, has led tax-cut-
ters in nglo-merican countries to urge their
governments to ollow the rish tax model.
However, there is little reason to suppose
that tax cuts had much to do with the rish eco-
nomic miracle. reland reaped the advantages
o huge uropean nion subsidies, particularly
in the late 1970s and in the 1980s (reaching 6%
o GDP), and even in the early 1990s. reland in-
vested those subsidies in inrastructure, includ-
ing ree higher education. t had an nglish-
speaking, well-educated, under-utilized labour
orce. t aggressively courted oreign investment
through industrial development agencies. t was
perectly poised to take advantage o the mer-
ican boom in inormation technology at a time
when merican multinationals were looking or
places to invest overseas or export to the uro-
pean market. nce it had attracted a number o
inormation technology rms, there was a well-
known agglomeration efect o industrial con-
centrations that contributed to spin-of growths
and attracted more rms.
Furthermore, reland is not really a good ex-
emplar o the nglo-merican model. n the late
1980s and throughout the 1990s, it had high lev-
els o employment protection and a highly coor-
dinated system o wage-setting that kept wages
down. t seems reasonably clear that the rish
miracle is due to a unique set o circumstanc-
es that cannot be duplicated in other countries
simply by trying to imitate its beggar-thy-neigh-
bour corporate tax rate strategy. ven i such a
strategy worked, it would only work or a very
small number o other countries.
From 1990 to 2004, the average annual growth
rate o GDP per capita was 3.6% in nglo-mer-
ican countries and only 2.3% in the ordic coun-
tries. Tis is one o the most requently reerred-
to acts in arguing that uropean countries are
going to have to adopt the nglo-merican eco-
nomic model i they hope to increase the pros-
perity o their nations. e act that the ..
growth rate over this period has been 3.1% and
anadas has only been 2.8% is also requently
reerred to in urging that anada must reduce
its tax level to .. levels. Yet there is a lack o
evidence linking lower taxes in nglo-merican
countries to higher rates o economic growth.
n act, there are many reasons why these com-
parisons do not lead to the conclusion that high-
tax countries should ollow the example o low-
tax countries in order to oster higher rates o
economic growth.
irst, the diference in economic growth
rates over this period between ordic and n-
glo-merican countries is not statistically sig-
nicant: it is likely to be a chance occurrence.
n addition, the association between higher eco-
nomic growth and lower tax levels is weak.
table 19 Rate o Economic and Productivity Growth
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Average growth rate 12004 [0] 4.1 2. 3.4 3.4 3.
GDP per hour worked [2] 3.2 44.1 3.2 4.3 3.2
Growth in GDP per hour worked, 12004 [3] 2. 2.1 1. 2. 2.3
Growth in multi-actor productivity, 12002 [4] 1. 1.2 1.2 1.4 2.2
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canadian centre for policy alternatives2
econd, the diferences are highly dependent
upon what base year is used or the purpose o
drawing the comparison. For example, in a more
recent period, rom 1995 to 2004, the growth rate
in GDP per capita in both anada and the nit-
ed tates was the same: 3.4%. nd over this pe-
riod, high-tax inland outgrew both countries,
with a rate o growth o 3.7%.
ird, the past 50 years have demonstrat-
ed that periods o economic growth tend to be
highly cyclical. or example, only 20 years ago
many economists were predicting that erma-
ny and then Japan should be the economic mod-
els to ollow.
Finally, almost all o the wealth created in the
nited tates over the past 20 years has benet-
ed the very rich. e real income o the typical
worker has hardly changed at all.
High Rates o Productivity Growth
Te wealth that a nation produces is determined
not only by how many hours workers work, but
also by how productive they are when they are
working. s noted above, merican and nglo-
merican workers generally work many more
hours than uropean workers. However, uro-
pean workers are generally more productive than
nglo-merican workers.
e average ordic country worker is sub-
stantially more productive than the average n-
glo-merican worker, although the diference
is not statistically signicant. n average, or-
dic country workers produce goods and servic-
es valued at $44.1 an hour, while nglo-mer-
ican workers only produce goods and services
valued at $38.2 an hour.
merican workers tend to be very productive,
on average producing goods and services worth
$46.3 per hour. However, it might be noted that
they are not nearly as productive as workers in
orway, who produce goods and services worth
$56.6 per hour, or even French workers who pro-
duce goods and services worth $47.7 per hour.
With the strong pick-up in economic growth
in the nited tates, particularly since the mid-
1990s, ater 50 years o catching up to the nit-
ed tates, uropean countries now nd them-
selves alling behind. n the nited tates, rom
1995 to 2004, the average annual growth in GDP
per hour worked was 2.5%. ndeed, this was the
average o the nglo-merican countries. ver
the same period, the annual average growth in
GDP per hour worked in ontinental urope-
an countries was only 1.5%. learly, i this di-
erence persists over a number o years, it will
make a large diference in living standards. How-
ever, it is odd to attribute the lack o productivi-
ty growth in urope to high tax levels, as many
business commentators do. or one thing, we-
den, the country with the highest tax levels in
the world, experienced productivity growth over
this period at almost the same level as the nit-
ed tates (an annual rate o 2.4% versus 2.5%).
Moreover, although the average growth in GDP
per hour worked rom 1995 to 2004 was lower
in the ordic countries than in the average n-
glo-merican countries (2.5% versus 2.1%), the
diference is not statistically signicant; it could
have been due to chance.
Price Stability
Tere are good reasons or believing that higher
taxes might enhance economic stability. First, the
higher levels o government spending that result
rom higher taxation tend to act as an automat-
ic stabilizer, reducing the impact on production
and employment o uctuations in other elements
o demand. econd, i the tax system is progres-
sive, this might act to dampen uctuations. i-
nally, it may be expected that, i the distribution
o personal income is more equal because o high
taxes and a generous transer system, personal
consumption will uctuate less over the business
cycle. ower-income amilies are more likely to
consistently spend their income, and thus con-
tribute to stable aggregate demand, than higher-
income amilies who might veer between bouts
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 2
o cautionary savings and credit-nanced con-
sumption binges.
lthough not a particularly good measure o
economic stability, it is noteworthy that, in the
most recent year or which there are comparable
data, the ination rate in the average nglo-mer-
ican country was 2.8%, while it was only 0.8% in
ordic countries. e ination rate was 3.3% in
the nited tates in this period, and only 0.4%
in Finland. Te diference is statistically signi-
cant. n addition, the association between lower
ination and higher tax level is strong.
Sustainable Debt Levels
n average, nglo-merican countries had a
surplus o 0.1% o GDP in 2004, but the ordic
countries had a much larger average surplus o
4.1% o GDP. e higher ordic percentage is
partly attributed to the 11.4% surplus o orway.
till, other ordic countries also outperormed
most o the nglo-merican countries, as in-
land had a surplus o 1.9% o GDP, enmark had
a surplus o 1.7% o GDP, and weden had a sur-
plus o 1.4% o GDP. mong the nglo-meri-
can countries, ew Zealand, reland, ustral-
ia, and anada were the countries in the black,
with a surplus o 5.5%, 1.4%, 1% and 0.7% o GDP,
respectively. But the .. and the .K. were in
the red, with a decit o 4.7% and 3.2% o GDP,
respectively.
lthough the ordic countries, on average,
carry a higher debt level than the nglo-mer-
ican countries, inland carries a lower debt lev-
el than the .. and anada. Te data show that
ustralia, ew Zealand, and reland each has a
much smaller national debt than anada, the
.. and the .K., with ustralias accounting or
about 18% o 2004 GDP and the other two coun-
tries totalling 29% each. n contrast, the ordic
countries debt levels are more even.
Viable International Balance o Payments
urrent account balance reects a countrys
transactions with other countries. n average,
the ordic countries had a current account sur-
plus o 7.4% o GDP in 2004, compared to the
3.2% decit o nglo-merican countries. e
diference is statistically signicant. Te associ-
ation between current account surplus and tax
level is moderate. anada had a surplus o 2.3%
o GDP in 2004, compared to a 5.7% decit o the
.. and a 5.1% surplus o inland.
table 21 Budget Surplus or Defcit
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Surplus or decit as percent o GDP [] 0.1 4.1 0. -4. 1.
Debt as percent o GDP [] 42. 4. 2.2 4 2.
table 20 Stable Prices
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Infation, 200304 [] 2. 0. 2.1 3 .3 0.4
table 22 Balance o Payments
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Surplus or decit as percent o GDP [] -3.2 .4 2.3 -. .1
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canadian centre for policy alternatives30
High and Stable Rates o Employment Growth
e one economic measure on which the n-
glo-merican countries have signicantly out-
perormed the ordic countries is employment
growth. n 20042005, they had an employment
growth rate o 2.5%, compared to the ordic
countries where the employment growth rate
was only 0.9%.
e unemployment rate in nglo-meri-
can countries in 2004 was lower than that o
the ordic countries (5.2% versus 6.4%), but not
signicantly lower. mong the unemployed, on
average, about 18%20% are unemployed or a
year or more in the ordic and nglo-meri-
can countries.
Te labour orce participation rate in ordic
countries was higher than in nglo-merican
countries (77.8% versus 75.4%). e labour par-
ticipation rate o men was marginally higher in
nglo-merican countries (82.4% versus 80.6%),
but the labour participation rate o women was
signicantly higher in ordic countries (75.9%
versus 68.6%).
High Rates o Savings and Investment
Te rate o household saving in the ordic coun-
tries is higher than that in the nglo-merican
countries. n ordic countries, households save
on average 6.1% o their disposable income, while
in nglo-merican countries they save only 2.9%
o their disposable income. et national savings
rates are also higher in ordic countries than in
nglo-merican countries (11.6% versus 5.9%).
n addition, the act that the ordic countries,
on average, have a higher national savings rate
table
24
Unemployment Rateanglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Unemployment rate [1] .0 .2 . .1 .
Long-term rate [2] 1. 1. . 11. 24.
table 23 Employment Growth
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Growth [0] 2. 0. 1.4 1. 1.
table 25 Labour Force Participation Rate
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Total participation rates [3] .4 . . .4 4.3
Male participation rates [4] 2.4 0. 2. 1. .
Female participation rates [] . .0 3.1 .2 2.
table 26 Rates o Saving
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Household saving [] 2. .1 1.4 1. 2.
Net national saving [] . 11. . 1.3 .4
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 31
than the nglo-merican countries is statisti-
cally signicant.
e percentage change in real total gross
xed capital ormation is higher in nglo-mer-
ican countries than in ordic countries (8.2%
versus 5.6%).
nglo-merican countries have been able to
attract a greater amount o oreign investment
than ordic countries. oreign investment was
3.7% o 2004 GDP in nglo-merican countries,
but only 0.9% in ordic countries. lthough an-
adas inward oreign direct investment accounted
or only 0.6% o GDP in 2004 and is lower than
the 0.9% o the .., inlands 2.5% is sharply
higher than that o the .. Measured by the
inward FDI perormance index, o which over 1
means that a country attracts more inow o in-
vestment than its size warrants, nglo-meri-
can countries on average attract more investment
than ordic countries. eir average score was
2.3 compared to only 0.8 or the ordic coun-
tries. anadas score is higher than that o the
.., but lower than that o inland.
Innovation
nnovation is a main driving orce o long-term
economic growth. s indicated in able 29, as
innovators the high-tax ordic countries out-
perormed the low-tax nglo-merican coun-
tries.
e UNCTA D nnovation apability ndex
consists o the unweighted averages o two in-
dexes. ne is the echnological ctivity ndex,
which is made up o research and development
personnel per million people, .. patents grant-
ed per million people, and scientic publications
per mill ion people. nother is the Human ap-
ital ndex, which is made up o the literacy rate
as a percent o population, secondary school
enrolment as percent o age group, and tertiary
enrolment as percent o age group. n average,
the ordic countries scored 0.951, higher than
the 0.892 o the nglo-merican countries. Te
diference is statistically signicant. Te associ-
ation between the index and tax level is modest.
anada scored lower than the .., but inland
scored higher than the ..
table 29 Innovation
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
UNCTAD innovation capability index [1] 0.2 0.1 0.0 0.2 0.
table 27 Investment
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Annual change in xed capital ormation [] .2 . . .4 4.
table
28
Foreign Direct Investmentanglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Inward oreign direct investment [] 3. 0. 0. 0. 2.
Inward FDI perormance [0] 2.3 0. 0. 0.4 1.
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canadian centre for policy alternatives32
Research and Development
High-tax countries appear well placed to capital-
ize on opportunities or uture economic growth
and productivity. e average ordic country
spends signicantly more than the average n-
glo-merican country on research and develop-
ment (3.4% o GDP versus 1.7%), and has signi-
icantly more researchers per 10,000 o workers
(11.6% versus 7.3%).
Utilization o Inormation Technology
Te level o ability to make good use o inorma-
tion technology is another proxy or uture eco-
nomic growth and productivity. n average, the
ordic countries appear to be more prepared or
the normation ge than the nglo-merican
countries, as measured by both the etwork Read-
iness ndex and broadband subscription.
eveloped by the World conomic orum,
the etwork Readiness ndex measures the de-
gree o preparation o a nation or community to
participate in and benet rom inormation and
communication technology developments. e
index is composed o three component index-
es that assess the environment or inormation
and communication technology ofered by a giv-
en country or community, the readiness o the
communitys individuals, business and govern-
ments, and the usage o inormation and commu-
nication technology among these stakeholders.
e ordic countries rate higher than the
nglo-merican countries on both the et-
work Readiness ndex (1.61 vs 1.43), and have
signicantly more broadband subscribers per
100 inhabitants (15.8 vs 9.5). e .. appears to
be more network ready than inland and an-
ada, as shown in the latest etwork Readiness
ndex, but anada had more broadband sub-
scribers per 100 inhabitants in 2004 than in-
land and the ..
Competitive Economy
Te business press routinely bemoans the alleged
lack o competitiveness o the anadian econo-
my, again usually by comparison to the nited
tates economy. t is unclear whether the con-
cept o competitiveness has any sensible meaning
when applied to national economies; certainly
table 30 Research and Development
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
R&D as % o GDP [3] 1. 3.4 2 2. 3.4
R&D researchers per 10,000 [4] .3 11. .2 .3 1.
table 31 Inormation Technology Development
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Network readiness index [] 1.43 1.1 1.4 2.02 1.2
Broadband subscribers [] . 1. 1. 13 1
table 32 Competitiveness Indexes
anglo-
american nordic canada u.s. finland
Growth competitiveness index [] .3 . .3 .1 .
World competitiveness scoreboard [] 2.3 .3 2.2 100 2.2
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the social benefits and economic costs of taxation 33
countries are not competing with one anoth-
er in the same way that private rms compete;
nevertheless, a cottage industry has sprung up
measuring the competitiveness o national econ-
omies. Basically, what is usually being measured
is the extent to which a country is implement-
ing policies that are likely to encourage econom-
ic growth. ere is, o course, a vast literature
and considerable disagreement over what caus-
es economic growth; thereore, these measures
necessarily embody contested ideas about what
makes countries prosperous. o a great extent
they likely reect economic policies that the con-
structors o the index avour. evertheless, they
are routinely reerred to in debates over whether
anada is achieving its economic goals.
very all, the World conomic Forum, a busi-
ness-dominated, eneva-based, private organ-
ization, releases its Global ompetitiveness Re-
port. Te report contains a comprehensive index
that measures the competitiveness o countries
based upon around 150 variables, including each
countrys macroeconomic perormance, the qual-
ity o its public institutions, and the level