Why I am Liberal Egyptian Youth Essays on Liberalism

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Title of the Book Why I am Liberal Egyptian Youth Essays on Liberalism Editors Dr. Ronald Meinardus Ahmad Nagui Publisher Al-Mahrosa for Publishing, Press Services, and Information Block 7399, Street 28 branching from Street 9, Mukkattam, Cairo, Egypt Tel/Fax: 02-25075917 E-mail: mahrosa@mahrosa.comChairman: Farid Zahran All publication rights reserved to Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Liberty (FNF) Serial Number: 2010/11551 ISBN: 978-977-316-376-7 This book was published with the support of FNF in Cairo. The ideas expressed in this book do not necessarily express the opinions or views of the Foundation but only those of the authors of the essays.

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Table of Contents Foreword 5 Introduction 7 Chapter One Attempts to Define Liberalism The Cornerstones of Liberalism 13 Because Richness is in Difference 21 Liberalism Protects Pluralism 29 For Sake of the Freedom to Choose 37 Responsible Freedom 43 The Flexibility of Liberalism is the Reason for its Continuity 47 Chapter Two Because I am a Human Being Liberalism is the Prerequisite for Human Existence 59 A Human-themed Theory 67 Liberalism is the Freedom of Choice 73 Why am I Human77 ؟ Chapter Three Egyptian Liberalism Because I Believe in Freedom 87 Liberalism: A complete System of Human Values for the Development of Society 95 Liberal Solutions for the Crises the Egyptian Society 103 He Who Differs from Me Is not against Me 113

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Chapter Four Private Experiences A Moment of Freedom 119 I Adopted Liberalism Long before Knowing the Term 125 I Was a Radical Islamist but Am Now a Liberal 131 It is My Liberalism 143 I Chose Liberalism because I Am a Woman 149 So that Mariam Loves her Country 155

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Foreword: The book you are holding in your hands contains twenty distinguished articles submitted by young Egyptians who participated in the essay writing contest on “Why I am a liberal”. This competition was the first of its kind in Egypt and co-sponsored by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Liberty (FNF) and the Egyptian Union of Liberal Youth (EULY). The competition took place in the first half of 2009 with the support of the media partners El Marsy al Youm and Radio Horyitna. All in all 76 articles were submitted and considered by a team of senior judges who ranked the quality of the presentations according to a set of defined criteria, among them the literary quality, the liberal content and message and the originality of the arguments. The team of judges consisted of the following individuals: Dr. Ali Eldin Hilal, Prof. Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University, and Former Minster of Youth Dr. Wahid Abdel Megeed, Expert in Al Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies and Vice President of the General Book Authority Dr. Gamal Abdel Gawwad, Expert in Al Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies and Lecturer of Political Science, American University in Cairo Mr. Charl Fouad Al Masry, Executive Editing Manager, El Masry al Youm Newspaper

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To secure the objectivity of the selection, the names of the writers were removed from the texts submitted to the committee of judges. Mr. Muhammad Sa’d Muhammad's article titled "The Flexibility of Liberalism is the Reason for its Continuity" ranked first in the competition. The aim of the essay writing contest and the present publication is to give an opportunity to the Egyptian youth to explain in their own language what it means to be liberal today. The organizers believe that by asking the young people themselves to express their thoughts and ideas, we are following a basic liberal principle. This book aspires to contribute to the ongoing discussion about liberal values and principles and the relevance of liberal politics in this part of the world. We invite you to join this debate. For further information go to www.librali.net.

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Introduction: By Dr. Ronald Meinardus Regional Director Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Liberty Liberalism is one of the great political mainstreams. Yet, at the same time, in the political dictionary of our times hardly another word is as controversial as the term “liberal”. For many, and surely the liberals, the term has only positive connotations. However, the many opponents of liberalism treat it as a curse. This dichotomy is also apparent notably in Egypt, as in other parts of the Arab world. A powerful coalition of conservative, fundamentalist and pseudo-progressive ideologues has joined forces in a continuous effort to demonize liberalism. The proponents of this anti-liberal campaign use all sorts of negative epithets to denigrate liberals, they call them immoral, greedy, unpatriotic, foreign-led and un-religious, even anti-religious. In order to counter these false allegations, yes insults liberals must go on the ideological offensive and convince the (silent) majority that what is said of them by their opponents is not only wrong and malicious, but at times also deceitful. One important challenge, and at the same time a significant advantage of liberalism, is that unlike other political mainstreams it rejects dogmatism. By definition, liberalism is contrary to dogmatism. Liberalism does not offer a single, ideological answer to complicated and complex problems. Liberals like to debate before they come to a conclusion, they ask questions before they give an answer. This openness to discussion and the willingness to question more or less everything should not be misunderstood as a lack of principles

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and values. On the contrary, liberals have well defined principles – and some of them are not negotiable. At the centre of these stands the freedom of the individual; to enhance freedom and protect it from encroachment is the very essence of all liberal endeavours. In a liberal order, the freedom of the individual is not conceivable without responsibility, which gives a social dimension to the liberal project. In a political philosophical sense the precedence of individual freedom leads to the great concepts of human rights, the rule of law and the equality of opportunity in society. All these great “inventions” of human civilization are the result of myriad battles and struggles throughout centuries. In these battles liberal men and women were always at the forefront. Being opposed to dogmatism, it is only natural that liberals engage in long debates regarding the interpretation of these basic principles – and what they mean in practical every day (political) life. In this context it is fair to argue that, in effect, there exists not one single liberalism that fits all societies and all countries at any given historical moment. Depending on the given political, economic, cultural, yes historic environment, liberal programs may have varying priorities and focal points. I am saying this against the background of my experiences working for a liberal Foundation in various parts of the world over the past twenty years: After associating with liberals in Greece, in South Korea, in the Philippines and in Taiwan and now in Egypt and in the Arab World, I have come to appreciate that all are confronted with fundamentally different political, social, economic and cultural challenges - and, therefore, are forced by circumstance to develop specific political answers to these local challenges. Still, in defining their programs and

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policies, liberals in all parts of the world are united by the conviction that in the end of the day the promotion of the freedom of the individual must be the ultimate focus of the political endeavour. One of the most intriguing experiences since coming to this part of the world two and a half years ago has been to discover what I like to term the dynamism of Egyptian liberalism. Egyptian liberals are by far stronger in numbers and in intellectual power than many people inside and outside the country think they are. Also, happily Egyptian liberalism is potentially much stronger than the existing organizations that claim to represent it today. This, I hasten to add, is not the sole fault of these organizations, but also a consequence of a political environment which is little supportive or – to put it bluntly – inimical to liberal political mobilization. This brings me directly to the essays in this book. They reflect the richness and the originality of liberal thought among the youth of Egypt. We at the Friedrich Naumann Foundation and the judges of the competition who analyzed the contributions with great care and the highest possible objectivity were absolutely fascinated as we read the entries submitted. In the end, it was a very tough task to choose what we deemed are the twenty most valuable contributions. As the Regional Director of the Foundation, I wish to congratulate all the writers for their participation and their contribution. I encourage everyone to read the following pages and I hope that in the end you will agree that each and every one of the essays contains a unique and intriguing contribution to the Egyptian liberal discourse. The texts provide an insight how young Egyptians define liberalism, how liberal ideas have had an impact on their lives and how – on a more general level – young Egyptians

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believe liberalism could change in a positive manner the future of their country. In my many encounters with young Egyptian liberal men and women, I have met modern Egyptian patriots with a great personal concern for the future of this great, yet problem ridden nation. My Foundation is proud to be associated with these fine young people and we are happy to provide the sponsorship of this publication so that their voices may be given a wider audience. Liberalism, this book documents, is very much alive in the minds (and the hearts) of the Egyptian youth.

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Chapter One Attempts to Define Liberalism

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The Cornerstones of Liberalism

Ahmad Sayyid Husayn Muhammad

I was born in 1983, I am currently pursuing a PhD in the Department of Political Sciences in the Faculty of Economics and Political Sciences, Cairo University. My dissertation is a comparative study of the paths of political regimes. I work in the Media and Communications Sector of the Arab League. I take part in many of the activities of civil society and youth organizations both inside Egypt and abroad. For example, I have participated in two courses organized by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation. I dream of an ideal world in which values such as justice, tolerance, equality, freedom and non-discrimination prevail; a world free of war and strife.

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The concepts and principles of liberalism emerged at a time when the world was teeming with ideas and opinions, theories and ideologies, clashing ideals and desires. Liberalism presented to the world the essence of an experience rooted in human history. This experience delineates borders in human social relationships, builds economic thought and constructs a political edifice. It rises above disparity and difference and boosts the value of the individual, simply for his or her intrinsic value as an individual, irrespective of background. When I ask myself; “Why am I a liberal”, I find the question automatically transforming itself in my head into; “How could I not be a liberal?!” The concept of liberalism – in brief – started with the political system that emerged and developed in Britain starting from the seventeenth century and whose most prominent thinkers were David Hume and Adam Smith. It was the concept of individual liberty regulated by the rule of law that affected the liberal movements of the European continent and it became the pillar on which the political traditions of the United States were based. The term “liberal” soon spread to common usage and at its inception was used to refer to the supporters of parliamentary systems, freedom of thought, free trade and private ownership. In short, it referred to a belief in the possibility of achieving world prosperity through unleashing natural forces and trusting in the ability of the individual to achieve both personal happiness and communal happiness simultaneously. In our societies, the concept of liberalism is tainted by a good degree of confusion and ambiguity. The opponents of liberalism believe that it is connected to moral lassitude, that it is an invitation to dissolution and depravity and that it is in opposition to religions. But is this truly what liberalism is about? Let us review together the most important precepts of liberalism; at least from my perspective.

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The individual: The principles and procedures of liberalism begin and end with the individual; as a human being with a separate and distinct identity. Encouraging the individual’s pursuit of aspiration to realize potential and develop abilities should be the main goal of the state. As such, it should be the ultimate political value of the state and liberalism aims at removing all obstacles that may deter the individual in his mission to improve and evolve. Ownership: The opponents of liberalism believe that one of its most significant shortcomings is the difficulty in balancing between the individual’s right to private ownership, on the one hand, and the collective right of all individuals to develop their abilities on the other. The latter is, as we mentioned above, a fundamental moral principle of liberalism and its proponents believe that the right to private ownership contributes to power politics and class barriers between individuals and this in turn detracts from the principle of the right of individuals to develop and improve their abilities. Yet private ownership, as defined by liberalism, is based on the principle of inclusion. This means that the individual’s right to private ownership should not impinge on the rights of others. Ownership, according to liberal thought, is a much wider concept than simply giving preference to private ownership over the collective rights of others. Equality: This is one of the fundamental cornerstones and basic values of liberal thought. It has a number of dimensions. Political equality is equality at the ballot boxes. Anyone who satisfies conditions of eligibility is entitled to an equal vote and is allowed to run for political office. Legal equality is the principle that all individuals are equal before the law. Equality in social mobility is the right of every individual to move up the social classes according to his abilities. Economic equality guarantees each individual a certain level of economic

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security – not equality in income between all citizens. Social equality is equality regardless of religion, race, ethnicity, gender, color or ideology - all are equal in rights and duties. Liberty: This is the most important of liberal values. Liberalism aspires to a free society and a free state. There are two conditions to “liberal” freedom; abolishing restraints and neutralizing threats that may limit the individual’s ability to exercise his right to certain practices. These practices include membership in a political party, freedom of thought, freedom of religious affiliation, freedom of faith and they are all individual liberties, the achievement of which should not be hampered by restrictions or threats. Liberalism is mainly concerned with the individual and political life and argues that politics is a craft and an art created by man. Government is not a natural order; albeit a necessary one. What is natural is human liberty and it is neither acquired nor given – all humans are created equal. One of the most famous of liberal beliefs is that the human mind alone is capable of determining the shape of the life most ideally suited for humanity. Liberalism advocates religious and moral tolerance, broad-mindedness and acceptance of difference in opinion. It is these values – all values that come naturally to humans – that make liberalism an expression of who I am. It expresses that I am a human being with rights balanced by duties. In these values I found all that I believe in: All people are equal regardless of ideology, ideas, color, race or ethnicity. Women are the pillars of society and they stand beside men at equal footing. My freedom as an individual coupled with my respect for the freedom of others, is my highest conviction. The social justice I have always wished for is the most sincere expression of what liberalism aspires to through free market forces and through its principles. All

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this brings about great benefits to the individual himself and to society as a whole. Now, let us imagine that Egyptians – through their society and government - have turned to liberalism. How would the future be? There is no doubt that a citizen who grows up in an environment of freedom and is raised to respect others, care for them, for their welfare and best interest and accept with broad-mindedness opinions opposed to his belief system is a citizen who is capable of living a sublime humane life. He will be a creative and inventive personality capable of developing his talents to their utmost limits. Furthermore, liberalism helps societies find peaceful means to rid themselves of struggles and differences. All societies have differences and liberalism legitimizes these differences and attempts to find compromises between them through dialogue and without violence by means of institutions and mechanisms of conflict resolution. Liberalism also attempts to widen the scope of political participation and protection of liberties. Moreover, it guarantees peaceful change in society because it encourages social mobility and provides equal opportunities to all to achieve higher positions as long as they have the necessary capabilities and aptitude. This protects society from social tremors that may reach the level of communal violence with undesired consequences. Liberalism will therefore help abolish all forms of corruption, favoritism and nepotism especially in employment – which is the most immediate concern for youth – and will therefore gradually resolve the most dangerous of problems facing Egyptian society, namely unemployment and the disappearance of the middle-class. It will also support the smooth transition of power and the pumping of new blood into society enhancing it with new ideas that could help it develop and prosper. It will limit the sense of estrangement and non-belonging. Finally, the

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achievement of justice will play a vital role in the future of Egyptian society. This will be due to the potential for change and development that comes with liberalism even under the shadow of laws that do not support justice. It also guarantees equality to all before the law and thus achieves justice in all its forms, whether political or social or economic or legal. This of course is in addition to the most distinctive facet of liberalism, which will be a vital factor in sketching the future, namely supporting liberties. Liberalism co-ordinates between liberties, even when they are in conflict amongst each other or with other values. This in turn leads to the realization of justice and equality and this is when democracy in its correct form – where the interests of the individual converge with those of the group – is achieved. It is therefore possible to state that liberalism is a call for dialogue, respecting intellectual difference, co-existence, tolerance of the other who may differ in opinions, attitudes, races and religions and acceptance of his right to existence, freedom and happiness. Liberalism is a form of positive non-alignment towards all religions and is not at all, as some think, antagonistic towards religion. On the contrary, it is protection for all religions. Liberalism works towards strengthening the concept of citizenship whereby members of society are equal in the eyes of the state regardless of religion, race or color. Liberalism does not seek to abolish or fight religions; it simply does not wish to involve the Sacred in games of worldly interests, for the most dangerous thing would be to exploit religious sentiment for political gain. Liberalism is human to its utmost limit and it believes that human beings are the pillars of life. It also believes that freedom of thought and responsible freedom is the fate of humanity and the basis for its advancement and growth. It builds a human being who has free will and who lives within a free society, for without this kind of free thought there will be no creativity. Liberalism rejects violence and calls for justice and humanity that sheds

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false ethnic identities. It is liberalism that gave women back their rights. It is liberalism that is a system of communal, cultural and human values that build and do not destroy. So how could I not be a liberal?

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Because Richness is in Diversity

Cynthia Farahat

I was born in 1980. I study Journalism in the Modern Science and Arts University. I was a founding member of a liberal political party between 2004 and 2007 and have participated in organizing a number of political activities related to liberalism and human rights under the auspices of both Egyptian and international civic organizations. In addition to my work experience as co-coordinator of the Network of Arab Liberals in collaboration with the Friedrich Naumann Foundation in 2008, I practice sculpting and writing as hobbies. I dream of a political environment in Egypt that is both civic and civilized and that emulates the types of political regimes that facilitate all aspects of life for its citizens and have discovered that the ideal way to achieve this is through work, political civic and liberal struggle with passion and love for this nation and for the achievement of comprehensive human rights for all citizens of Egypt, on all levels, as is the case with the citizens of the free world.

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“The only way to deal with an unfree world is to become so absolutely free that your very existence is an act of rebellion.” Albert Camus Many thinkers, scholars and philosophers have remarked that good questions incorporate their answers. From that we can deduce that good ideas hold within them the mechanisms for their successful application. This question (why am I a liberal) can be classified as one of those self-explanatory questions that answer themselves somehow, especially if we rely on observation and life experience to mould our opinions and thinking methods. We are not accustomed, in the Arab Region, to wonder about the terms that define us and that we may even be obliged to fight for. We do not stop to think about this type of question, a question that may even be considered by some as criminal for we did not choose most of the identities that define us. Most often they are Prêt-à-Porter identities. Laws exist to punish skeptics who question those ideologies they didn't choose for themselves, yet they are being used consistently to represent us. The laws that are there to protect these ideas are an indication of the critical situation we have put ourselves in and which does not speak well for our ideas and methodology. We were brought up to believe in ideologies, defend them, and sometimes die for them without being afforded the luxury of questioning them, analyzing them, or objectively testing them or doubting the degree of their relevance or applicability. We were therefore never primed to question even the most private of beliefs such as those related to religion or political orientation. Most of the definitions that represent us are drilled into us. They are an intellectual and existential reduction of who we really are and they do not even allow us the luxury of rejecting them. Political, legislative and penalizing systems against questioning and criticism and this

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in itself is sufficient proof of the inapplicability of these ideological systems. We need a lot of courage to come face to face with this realization. So why liberalism? My personal choice of liberalism to be one of the basic tenets by which I define myself is not simply a result of conviction of an idea. It is much, much more than that. Liberalism is the political, social and intellectual philosophy that I found myself being guided by as I tried to live the values of brotherhood and tolerance by putting the rights of all those around as a priority in my daily life. My ambition is to be a small seed for the solution rather than a negative factor in the problem. One of the fundamental points that makes me proud to represent myself by this term is because liberalism is capable of presenting itself through a critical question such as this and accepts that I write now in its favor or against it and in both cases allows me the same rights and privileges. This is because liberalism is a political and economic system and a way of philosophical and everyday thinking that does not involve incriminating those who doubt it, analyze it or reject it. In fact, you are choose it freely and rejected freely. Moreover, liberalism will guarantee me the right to declare and announce my disapproval and rejection of it through its very different channels! And I do not accept to represent myself by an idea unless this idea can tolerate my rejection of it should choose to do so one day. Yet this degree of tolerance would certainly make me more and more tenacious in holding on to it. Liberalism assumes that I am responsible and mentally adequate of bearing the burden of freedom, which in my opinion is more difficult than being born within a sealed system of intellectual slavery that affords us with the means to relinquish individual responsibility and throws the burden of informed choice off our shoulders. With liberalism, all options

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are available and I have to choose and decide and bear the consequences. This is responsible freedom and it is not the freedom that is endorsed by non-liberal regimes. They try to convince us that freedom is moral lassitude and crime, as if these regimes do not themselves suffer from all forms of immorality and criminal behaviors. In fact, their policies of opacity and covering up inflame the situation and provide the perfect environment for these problems to escalate. Liberalism is knowledge through the right to publish all ideas and information and to disseminate knowledge through any medium of communication. Liberalism creates an environment of freedom in which you can get to know yourself and come face to face with your true identity hidden under the veneer of big words that have been forcefully dictated and indoctrinated to you. It allows you to choose after you get to know your identity and after you become relatively informed about the nature of the outside world, not through what is said about it in the media of its enemies, but through how it has chosen to represent itself. You then bear the consequences of this newfound knowledge and accept responsibility for it because there is no merit in choosing virtue if this choice is forced upon us. In fact, choosing any human or moral value within an atmosphere of freedom is the true test of the real mettle of the truth of our core. This is the kind of space that liberalism affords us so we can see ourselves in our true light and choose and become who we want to be based on experience, trial and error and individual responsibility. This to me is liberalism. The late American Judge Potter Stewart once said, “Censorship reflects society’s lack of confidence in itself”. To withhold information and rein in ideas because we are not able to deal with them is to pre-judge that we are mentally disqualified for freedom. It is a preconception that dooms us to incompetence of thought. Withholding ideas and information through censorship makes us more enslaved to prevalent ideas that are approved by dictatorships and totalitarian regimes.

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My choice, as an individual, to represent myself as a liberal does not simply stem from my love of tolerance, it is also a pragmatic choice based on how I can make use of it. It therefore contains within it the seed of self-improvement and evolution that is the main trait of the planet we live in. Liberalism is the result of accumulative knowledge that comes from centuries of human struggle to improve our civilization. It is an idea that has crystallized through centuries of trial and error and forbearance with the aim of creating an environment suited to the application of political, individual and economic liberties and for the practice of sound science, art and thought under the banner of liberalism. This freedom has been one of the primary goals of the human race many eras and epochs past. Moreover, it is a political and intellectual system that is good for hundreds of years to come, and should a better idea appear, liberalism is capable of evolving with it and not obliterating it. It is a philosophy of bridges and open doors, not of ready-made walls or dictated identities. Liberalism is a thought process that has taken shape through an experimental methodology of scientific and critical thinking. Its applicability is tried and tested and its success is proven. I have adopted it and am overwhelmed by a need to apply it so as to create for myself an environment that embraces my trajectory towards self-improvement. And because I am part of this planet on this historical moment and because evolution and change are the fundamental quality of Planet Earth, it will not wait around for me to acknowledge it and it will not move backward with or without me. Yet in embracing evolution and development, I fulfill a need as an individual and as part of society to be in sync with the nature of evolution, to be at ease with the world, and to find myself a small space in which I may be creative with my life on both the individual and social level.

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Liberalism is one of the few ideologies in the world that propose criticism of self and other as one of its primary poles. This is because it is one of the results of relative human accumulative experience that discovered that freedom is the ideal ground and the true lab for trial, error, evolution, and then success. One of the main pillars on which it stands is acceptance of the others without incriminating difference or attaching negative preconceptions and labels to it. I disagree with Sartre for saying hell is other people. On the contrary, other people, other cultures, and other identities are a paradise of richness as has been proven by liberalism, which comes in tandem with pragmatism. We grew up in Egypt learning from society that difference is a sign of danger and that it should be avoided, in fact obliterated, at all cost. I then discovered that diversity is indeed a goldmine of educational, cultural, developmental and peaceful resources. The benefit that I derive, for example, from dealing with Orthodox, Catholic and Anglican Christians or Sunni, Shia, Quranic, Bahai Muslims, Jews, Atheists or Sikhs or Hindus or Buddhists is indescribable. It has enriched me with intellect, education, depth, tolerance, forbearance and logical thinking much, much more than I would have gained if I had imprisoned myself within one idea, seen the world through its eyes and prejudged it inexperienced. The liberalism that has emancipated my mind and allowed me to exist in a healthy environment is the same liberalism that is applied in western countries that offer asylum even to those who do not believe in these countries or have even attacked them ritually. Liberalism has created a social and political environment where even those who oppose and fight liberalism aspire to live. Even its opponents desire to live under its protection! Are any of the ideologies prevalent here strong enough to take a similar position? Can any of the schools of thought currently prevalent in our society provide refuge for those who oppose them as liberal societies and countries have with their opponents?

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For example, can Salman Rushdie come to us and find protection? Can we afford him complete rights although he has rejected a principle tenet of our identity the way the United Kingdom has guaranteed protection and rights to its opponents from other countries, this in spite of the fact that some, like Omar Bakry, have announced their complete and utter hatred of this country? For years, Bakry has rejected and criticized the UK, until he finally decided to wage war and incite violence against it after years of living in luxury and comfort of the money of the British taxpayers. Can we, without liberalism, reach this level of sophistication and give our opponents a chance to express themselves peacefully non violently? We do not accept those who differ from us or oppose us some of ideas and ways, and this is why non-liberal countries have problems like transition of power. We never find a scene as powerful as the one we witnessed in the United States when the white man bowed in front of the black man he had previously enslaved not very long ago and handed him the keys of the White House to rule him from. This scene that shook the world was one of the few scenes that I witnessed and made me truly grateful to witness one of the strongest moments in humanity's modern history. I was watching a scene whose protagonist was not simply the black man who triumphed over oppression and slavery. The real triumph belonged to the white man who vanquished his racism. This scene is the answer to the question, “why am I a liberal”. I am one because liberalism is a triumph over our individual bigotry before it is a triumph to whom rights are endowed.

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Abraham Lincoln once said, “As I would not be a slave, I would not be a master”, and as I would not be a victim of oppression, I would not be a silent party to its favor.

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Liberalism Protects Pluralism

Amir Ma’di

I was born in 1986, I am a sixth year medical student in the University of Tanta. I hope for a just life for all those who live on this land. I hope that each individual can enjoy full rights to freedom of thought, education, health service and a quality of life that guarantees dignity.

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In his Novel, Veronika Decides to Die, Paolo Coehlo recounts a story through one of his characters who is a patient in a mental hospital:

“A powerful wizard, who wanted to destroy an entire kingdom, placed a magic potion in the well from which all the inhabitants drank. Whoever drinks that water would go mad. The following morning, the whole population drank from the well and they all went mad, apart from the king and his family, who had a well set aside for them alone, which the magician had not managed to poison. The king was worried and tried to control the population by issuing a series of edicts governing security and public health. The policemen and inspectors, however, had also drunk the poisoned water, and they thought the king’s decisions were absurd and resolved to take no notice of them. When the inhabitants of the kingdom heard these decrees, they became convinced that the king had gone mad and was now giving nonsensical orders. They marched on the castle and called for his abdication. In despair the king prepared to step down from the throne, but the queen stopped him, saying ‘Let us go and drink from the communal well. Then we will be the same as them.‘ And that was what they did: The king and the queen drank the water of madness and immediately began talking nonsense. Their subjects repented at once; now that the king was displaying such wisdom, why not allow him to continue ruling the country? The country continued to live in peace, although its inhabitants behaved very differently from those of its neighbors. And the king was able to govern until the end of his days.”

This is what actually happened with the totalitarian Arab states that are ruled with an iron fist. Their rulers only care

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about staying in power as long as possible and the only thing they need to do to achieve that is to desensitize their people. In our homelands, our rulers do not care about the level of awareness or culture of their people. They are comfortable with the state of backwardness we have reached. In fact, they encourage it and “improve” upon it. If there is a wave of religious sentiment, they seek to ride it, and, in fact, augment it by claiming to be more faithful to religion. If voices are raised demanding rights for minorities, they will perform some acrobatic acts of placing minorities within high-profile positions, but all within existing quotas. In the simple story narrated above, we find that truth invariably has more than one version. It is not necessarily the case that what the majority agrees on is the correct version. In our totalitarian societies, the idea of individual liberty disappears and the individual becomes a cog in the wheel of a comprehensive system in which the differences between its components become blurred. All become similar ... they have the same ideas... the same feelings... they rise together in anger and also yield together without difference. This is in opposition to the simplest rules of life... the essence of life is based on difference... to the extent that I believe that should all the people- with no exception - unite under one idea, either this idea is false, or the people are tainted with a good degree of backwardness! These types of people are similar in their qualities and their psychological and mental levels. There will not be much diversity in their imagination, dreams, worries or their ability to display anger or contentment. There will be slight variations but they are weak cautious variations, ineffective and void of daring. These people are alike in their intellectual qualities and abilities to the extent that they concur in

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judgment and vision. They are highly adaptable even with what contradicts or hurts them. They see everything in the same dimensions, the same size, the same color and they do this without feeling that this is wrong. We will find that should we mix our leaders, our wise men, our litterateurs, our teachers, with our mentors, our men of letters, our writers, our thinkers, if we mix them with the masses and members of the working classes, the two groups will not differ much in their interpretation of major vital issues and in their vision. In fact, they will be undistinguishable. The language of both teams – the leaders and the masses – will certainly differ, but their ideas will not. Nor will they differ much in what they accept or reject, in their level of intelligence or stupidity. And in the same way as clothes may change the outer appearance, but they do not change the core of the human being, some of these people may use the most progressive of terms to express the most backward of meanings and ideas. There is a deadly silence – a mental silence that prevails in their intellects, their visions, their morals, and their feelings about matters and events. They do not fight or clash or differ with anything or any new happening, not in thought, or in views... they are simply a dumping ground for matters and events... they are not activists or fighters or adversaries or rivals .. they co-exist with the market and with current affairs. All of this makes them polite, humble, forgiving, and very generous in their understanding, their opinions and their

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pain. They are never angry and they never revolt for a better life... they do not even know the value of life. They are frozen in time at a certain historical moment at a certain level of misery, ignorance and backwardness... and they are mentally, morally, socially and intellectually conditioned to be frozen. They do not reject their condition or deny it or try to bypass it. If it were possible to leave it behind, they would not be able to do so... humans progress because they cannot stand being behind... they progress because they cannot stand being silent! You may ask the question, what does all of the above have to do with liberalism? The answer will inevitably be about me. Why am I a liberal? How do I see liberalism? I explained before that the default is difference and variation, and that this is the issue of humanity and its freedom to think and own and decide. Liberalism protects difference... it gives each individual the right to practice his freedom without infringing on the rights of others. It protects him from religious and political dominance. The individual is the foundation on which laws are built, and these laws have to protect the right of each individual to religion, thought, sex, education and to vote. Liberalism supports the rights of the individual vis-à-vis laws, habits and customs that limit personal freedom and also against the interference of the state in personal life. Liberalism supports a myriad of cultural liberties in literature, arts and creativity.

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Liberalism also supports economic freedom because it advocates limited or no market control. According to liberal thought, the market should be left to control its rise and fall through supply and demand and other variables without interference from the state, whether in the form of protectionism or limits to rise or fall. It considers that the value of goods should be determined by the choices of the individuals. Liberalism grants the individual freedom of expression, privacy, worship, just trials, emancipation from slavery, and the right to protest. This is why when we talk about the future of liberalism in Egypt, it is doubtless that to achieve a successful effective form of liberalism, we have to have democracy. But we do not have democracy and if we did, it would not be sustained without freedom, which is the backbone of liberalism. Liberalism cannot be applied without the complete and equal protection of the civic rights of all members of society. If democracy exists in Egypt, it is only practiced in form because it is a far remove from the actual practices of free elections and freedom of expression and the freedom to form political parties. If these liberties do not exist, there will be no liberalism, because if freedom is usurped, there is no basis for liberalism. I would now like to make an important point and it is that liberalism is much broader and more comprehensive than democracy, but how?

1. There may be democracy in Egypt someday, but that does not necessarily mean that it will protect freedom of expression or publishing for instance, or minority rights. This is because this will be a government of the majority and they may rule as they please because

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they will have the necessary votes and laws backing them. On the other hand, in the case of the adoption of liberal thought, all these rights will be guaranteed and there will be no fear of what the majority government might do. This is because the three authorities – legislative, executive and judiciary– will be separated because the ruling principle will be that one person cannot hold more than one authority. For example, no legislation can be passed without the approval of the executive elected authority – the parliament.

2. The state will not be dominated by the religion or belief code that the ruling majority follows. This will guarantee that the minorities’ rights are not lost. And because authority will stem from the voters who come from different religious and intellectual backgrounds, the minorities will be represented, if only in a limited manner and this in turn leads to their interests being defended.

3. Opposition will not be sharp or violent. It will be calm because the loss the opposition has suffered at a given time is only temporary and it is only political. It does not come with loss of rights because rights are guaranteed by liberalism.

4. The tradition of respecting the other and respecting human rights will be truly practiced in society on a daily basis at home and at work, at schools and in the street. It will not simply fodder for the ballots come election time.

5. Choosing the ministers of the government will not only be in the hands of the president, but will be under parliamentary discretion.

For all of the above reasons, I believe that liberalism could protect these unaware peoples and help them rise from under the ruins of backwardness and slavery.

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For Sake of the Freedom to Choose

Muhammad Zaki ‘Abd al-Tawwab

I was born in October 1980, I graduated in 2003 with a BSc in engineering from the University of Helwan (Degree: Good). I also hold a diploma in electrical power systems from Cairo University (2005). I am a maintenance engineer in the Central Bank of Egypt, and since 2004 have been a founding member of al-Ghad political party. I have been a member of al-Ghad’s Committee for Training and Political Awareness since 2005and its deputy since 2006. I am also a founding member of the Dream of Democracy Foundation since 2006. I have participated in a course on effective political parties that was held in Jordan in March 2009 under the auspices of the International Republican Institute. I have also participated in the establishment of web-based groups and internet sites that support liberalism and secular state. I dream of propagating true liberal culture among the citizens of Egypt so that it may become modern, liberal, democratic and secular.

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Humanity in its original state is free. It has since become shackled by dominance and tyranny, but it continues to struggle to regain its original state of freedom from all bondage it has been chained to against its will. This is why I have chosen to side with humanity in its “natural state”, in its free state. I have chosen to side with the liberal man. I have chosen to be a liberal.

If free man were asked to choose between being the master of his own decisions and between delegating others to decide for him, he will undoubtedly choose the first option. He will choose his freedom, his independence, his dignity and he will reject every totalitarian authority that is forced upon him under the pretext of his best interest. Free man is more aware of his interests and his options and of his desires and of what all of humanity aspires to. For that reason, and because I am free, I am a liberal. Personal freedom is by default followed by independence of thought, the kind of independence that allows you to think unfettered by limits or borders and that emancipates you from the bondage of reproduction and memorizing, from the herd mentality, and transfers you to broadmindedness and creativity. And because man was born to create, building on the experiences of his predecessors, and not to regurgitate experiences generation after generation, and because I am not a record that can be switched on with the click of a button, but a thought process, I am a liberal. And because independent thought leads to independent opinions that represent the thinker in each stage of his life and because they lead to intellectual and critical development, and because it is with independent thought and not memorizing set sections of prose or poetry that nations are built and because I am an independent thinker, I am a liberal.

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Independent thought leads to free will and freedom to choose what to believe in and it is difference and multiplicity in political and religious beliefs that produce civilized dialogue and the ethics of debate. It is difference that raises the collective level of culture. And because I believe that when man is free to believe as he wishes all reasons for conflict between humans disappear, and because I hate bigotry and factionalism and tyranny in the name of public interest in all its forms, I am a liberal. Freedom to choose and make decisions is the main gateway to responsibility. And because each decision made by a human being by his choice alone can only be altered or corrected or cancelled by him alone, he is accountable and willingly responsible for it without fear or oppression or coercion. And because one cannot succeed unless one constantly refines ones attitudes and has the courage and daring to accept responsibility, and because I am accustomed to being accountable for what I am responsible for, I am a liberal. And because the sense of responsibility whereby individuals decide for themselves and hold themselves accountable is the basis of democracy, and because the principle of accountability and the theories of rights and duties will only flourish in a society in which each and every individual realizes that he is completely free and responsible for his choices, then starts to debate public issues and participate thereby rendering democracy real, and not some farce of a B-movie, and because I am democratic, I am a liberal. Democracy is the locomotive that pushes and develops ideas of equality and abolishes discrimination based on religion, gender, color, ethnicity or nationality. It stands as a barricade against totalitarianism and despotism and discrimination and fascism in all their forms, whether based on nationalism or religion or even class, thereby rendering members of society equal in

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rights and duties. And because I believe in complete equality and hate discrimination of all forms, I am a liberal. A human being’s belief that he is equal to others and that they are completely equal to him is what opens the door to the collapse of racism and to true cultural exchange between the peoples of the world. We are all human and we should all be treated as humans. This cultural and civilizing exchange propels us into a wider and more comprehensive understanding of the different peoples and cultures of the world and leads us into a world that is refined and civilized, a world of cultural fusion and peace instead of one of wars, barbarism and ethnic strife. And because openness onto the world and not isolationism is the key to true civilization, and because I am open onto the world, I am a liberal. And because being inclusive supports trade between peoples which in turn strengthens the ties between them on the solid basis of common trade interests, and because trade has historically been a bright spot in the dealings between nations as opposed to the darkness of war, and because trade is the key to renaissance and because I support relations between nations on the basis of common trade interests, I am a liberal. Free trade between nations lessens the people’s dependence on the state and prevents bureaucratic and state control over life’s details, thereby limiting the role of the state and reducing it to its optimum size. This is a size that allows it to do what is necessary and indispensable and rids it of the role of censor and watchdog, of benefactor and prohibitory, thereby allowing it to revert to its original role as an administrative body carrying out prescribed duties. And because I am an enemy of bureaucracy, I am a liberal. The eradication of red tape and reducing state bureaucracy to its optimum size is the only way to achieve transparency and

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facilitate supervision of the different state bodies. Transparency allows access to information, its exchange, transfer and discussion. This in turn facilitates the work of the media and the press and grounds the intellectual and media environment in facts rather than in rumors and innuendo. And because I am a supporter of truth, I am a liberal. And because transparency is the way to fight the corruption that is rampant in many aspects of the state administration, and because corruption shatters any potential accomplishment, and because I am against corruption, I am a liberal. Combating corruption unleashes the force of equal opportunity and frees it from all forms of nepotism, favoritism, bribery and monopoly and re-instates work ethics as a value that is sorely needed now. It opens the door to social mobility and advancement without discrimination or bias, but on the basis of pure competence and hard work. And because I love to work hard, I am a liberal. Serious work restores the ethics of true competition and revives its subjective and pragmatic foundations. Competition brings about real protection to both consumer and producer, thereby allowing us to effectively compete in the world, and because I embrace challenges, I am a liberal. Because rising to challenges creates the individual initiative necessary for effecting significant change and development in civilization, culture and science through history, and because initiative whatever its motive is always the locomotive for progress, and because I love change and hate apathy, I am a liberal. I am a liberal because this apathy is based on theories of a fantasy utopia that is the biggest annihilator of creativity and cultural and artistic mobility and also the biggest enemy of

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rationality. It inevitably leads to tyranny and oppression in the name of yielding to society. And because society has to be kept alive, mobile and creative, I categorically refuse any form of state totalitarianism or oppression of the individual that he would not normally accept of his own accord. I am a liberal because individual choices will vary between one person and the other as will personal convictions and points of view. Therefore, the regime has to be completely impartial where individual beliefs and issues are concerned. It should keep personal faith, which each individual is allowed to embrace and practice, separate from the state system. It should not interfere, censor or mediate individual action or belief. I am a liberal because all the other trends of thought have elements of prejudice in them, whether based on nationality, religion, class, color or race. I also believe in equality for all humanity to be applied comprehensively and indiscriminately on all citizens within a certain nation without marginalizing or privileging some on the basis of race, language or religion. I am a liberal because I believe in the liberty to hold and join political gatherings for religious groups, syndicates, professionals and workers without threats or interference or repression or state direction. And finally, I am a liberal because I learn from the experiences of others and experience is the most conclusive proof that liberalism has absorbed the basic needs of human beings and that other theories have failed and are now in discord with normal human nature.

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Responsible Freedom

Inji Abbas Abu’l-Izz

I was born in 1882. I graduated in 2005 with a degree in Media Studies and am now enrolled in the Department of Radio and Television in the Faculty of Media Studies, Cairo University and am working on my Master’s degree. I work as a teaching assistant in the Faculty of Media Studies, Modern University of Technology and Information. I have many activities in the field of media and public and civic work, the most important of which is my participation in the seminar that was organized by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation in 2007. I dream of a democratic corruption-free Egypt and of a free civilized society.

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The logical answer to the question, “Why am I a liberal?” is that I am a liberal because I believe in freedom and equality. Yet, what are the limits of attainable freedom? Is it the freedom of the individual, or of society, or of the nation, or of the establishment? And what exactly is equality? Freedom has a variety of expressions, it may mean peace or love or co-operation or justice. Yet, the liberal conception of freedom is often misunderstood as some define it as prioritization of the freedom of the individual over the freedom of others! This in spite of the fact that the freedom every liberal believes in is “responsible freedom”, or in other words, freedom that is countered by responsibility. Every liberal believes in the saying, “My freedom to swing my hands stops at my neighbor’s nose”. Liberalism therefore takes into account the best interest of individuals within a system or a state. Therefore, it is the duty of every individual within the nation to be totally aware of his rights and duties and the establishment should also absorb this. This will bring about a balance in this reciprocal interactive and intertwined relationship. Liberalism therefore works to propagate a democratic atmosphere that is free and progressive. It creates a healthy environment within which individuals can easily reach out and communicate with others in a constructive manner. The saying, “My freedom to swing my hands stops at my neighbor’s nose” is not simply abstract words or prose, it is a saying that holds within it deeply significant insight about freedom from a liberal perspective. You are free as long as you do no harm, and without going into the details of the concepts of liberalism and its many principles, it is enough for me personally as a liberal that liberalism protects my personal freedom as it does the freedom of others. Liberalism is often attacked because its defense of personal liberties is perceived as a threat to the best interests of society.

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The response to this accusation is innate in the very concept of liberalism. Liberalism defends my personal freedom, but this is responsible freedom that does not infringe on the rights of others, that does not harm others. If it is within my rights to breathe fresh air, it is the right of smokers to have smoking zones far away from me. If it is within my rights to elect someone to represent me in parliament, it is the duty of the state to guarantee to everyone the right to run for office, and provide them all with the security and safety to do so. The same goes for the freedom to establish political parties, and so forth. As a moderate liberal, I am not partial to extremism within any school of thought and I believe that the future of this nation and of the youth of this nation is to follow the path of liberalism in a responsible manner and to know what is due to them and what they owe without hiding behind the saying, “I’m free”, unless they follow it by saying, “but I am also responsible”. About the principle of equality, which I have referred to earlier, the liberal understanding of it is that it is fundamental equality in rights and duties between individuals without discrimination based on gender, affiliation, faith, color, and so forth. No one is above the law and no one is to be persecuted for his color or race, for being Muslim or Christian and there will be no discrimination between men and women. All are equal before the law. When the principle of equality is realized, justice follows, as does individual liberty for all. Although I have not sufficiently dealt with all the aspects of liberalism, I believe that it is a school of thought that holds within it many valuable principles the most important of which are the principles of liberty and equality and these two principles are a sufficient response to the title of this book. This is why I am a liberal.

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The Flexibility of Liberalism is the Reason for its Continuity

Muhammad Sa’d Muhammad

I was born in January 1977, I hold a degree in sociology from the Faculty of Arts, the University of Alexandria (1999) and a postgraduate diploma in tour guiding, also from the University of Alexandria (2003). I started political work as an underage member of the Wafd Party in 1993 and I joined the Ghad Party in 2005. I participated in the presidential elections and was elected member of the executive bureau of Alexandria in 2007. I have participated in a number of events organized by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, the most important of which was a trip to Germany with a number of youths from Arab liberal political parties to study political and economic youth organizations in Germany. When I dream for Egypt, I dream of a nation that refuses discrimination on any basis whether religion or gender or race. When I dream for Egypt, I dream of a nation that is void of oppression and corruption, a true nation for all its people. I dream of a nation where dreams come true.

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I think I am of a generation that reached maturity and developed awareness at a time of great transformations – or great disintegrations – in the world. The collapse of the great wall of Berlin was not simply the demolition of a wall that separated the two Germanies, it was the demolition of a line of demarcation between two ideas that governed two different worlds. The first was a world where humans are the objective and the goal is their wellbeing and prosperity. The second was a world where humans become a tool to achieve objectives that transcend them, pass them over (and in all cases are never achieved). The demolition of the Berlin Wall in 1989 was not simply the demolition of a wall of stone blocks and mortar, it was the demolition of the stones of ideology or the ideologies of the stone age that regarded individuals as inferior and transformed humans into a cog in the wheel of a machine that is supposedly bound for paradise but never arrives at its destination. The collapse of the wall was like a mercy bullet to what used to be known as the Soviet Union – the empire that ruled the communist bloc for seven decades. And the Soviet Union fell when its mighty military machine and its terrible machine of internal oppression and its vast propaganda machine were no longer able to prop it up. They could no longer prevent the collapse because it came from within the individual for whose sake the Bolshevist revolution claims to have arisen. Man was no longer able to achieve the higher goals of the group and the state and in parallel, the group was no longer able to secure man’s rights and reinforce his liberties. The collapse of the Soviet Union had more than one meaning, the most significant of which was that the state lasts and survives as long as it maintains individual liberties not military machines and tools of oppression.

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This scene shaped the universal awareness of a generation of Egyptian liberal youths. This is the generation that was born at the end of the seventies and the beginning of the eighties, a period that witnessed a series of regional and local transformations that affected Egyptian society and attracted it to liberalism. The most significant of these transformations were as follows:

1. The phenomenon of Gulf money and the migration of many of the members of the Egyptian middle classes to these countries and their return influenced by a culture that is more conservative and less liberal.

2. The reinforcement of religious forces that combat liberal ideas and put them in a forced and unreal position of opposition to religion.

3. Despite signs that the political scene might clear up especially after the re-establishment of political parties, these signs did not achieve the expected results and liberal thinkers were clamped down on both by the state and by the religious movements to the extent that some thinkers (Farag Fouda for example) paid for there enlightened stances with their lives.

4. Western support of Israel at the expense of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians resulted in a state of apprehension and rejection of all that is Western. This included the rejection of progressive and enlightened values and was due to the confusion between civilized values of a universal humane nature and the political choices of the West.

5. Although Egypt had a liberal heritage that developed from the nineteenth century to 1952, the liberal forces that appeared later were unable to regain their former strength. This was due to changes in the historical and political circumstances and to the administrative weakness of these new movements.

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6. The ruling party carried out economic policies that did not gain popular approval such as the badly planned liquidation of the public sector and the random sale of these assets at prices less than market value. All this was overshadowed by increasing accusations of corruption and was carried out under the banner of liberalism, a fact that led to a state of confusion about the meaning of the term.

All of the above led to the appearance of a new generation of Egyptian liberals. This generation was burdened by the accumulated problems of the past years yet armed with the fruits of an information revolution – the biggest in history – that allowed it to find out more about the progression of the human race towards values of liberty, co-existence, tolerance, acceptance of others, equality in rights and duties, and many other liberal values that Egyptian society was in dire need of. This was especially vital after the political and social arteries of the nation had became clogged, what with the state of isolation propelled by religion that has manifested itself lately. The idea of liberalism first appeared at the end of the Middle Ages under circumstances very similar to those Egypt is now going through at the beginning of the third millennium. Control of the heavens was in the hands of a religious establishment and control of earth was the monopoly of political tyrannical forces and in both cases, it was the people who paid the price. Liberties were repressed first in the name of religion, then in the name of the group, then in the name of the state. Religious and political oppression was what the whole world had in common. In the East, caliphs used scholars of jurisprudence to get rid of their opposition and oppress all those who dared not to agree with them (examples range from al-Husayn to ‘Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr to al-Ja’d ibn

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Adham to Abu Hanifa to Ibn Hanbal to Ibn Rushd). In the West, the Church allied itself with kings and feudal princes who ruled in the name of religion and were regarded as God’s hand on earth. Anyone who opposed or disagreed or thought differently paid the price (examples start with the inquisition courts and do not end with Galileo). Historical happenstance favored the European West and its civilizational curve was on the rise while unfortunately, the East started to regress. In Europe, ideas started to surface rejecting the concept of the divine right to rule and denying the notion that God had delegated one person out of many to rule His subjects in His name. Theories surfaced that argue that the political conception of government is that it is a consenting contract between two parties both of free will. It is a variable human contract not a sacred Godly one. It can therefore be changed, altered and developed. This is known as the theories of the social contract. Even more important than the concept of the social contract is the idea that John Locke put forth, namely that of natural rights. This is the idea that I, you, and all humanity whether they are ruling or being ruled were born with equal rights and that no one is above others whatever the religious, ethnic, gender, or class differences between them. And no religious or earthly power is allowed to strip these individuals of their rights, which are as follows:

1. The right to life 2. The right to have faith and to express this faith freely. 3. The right to private property. Property used to be a

monopoly of the feudal classes and this enabled them to monopolize wealth and power. Monopoly, whether political or economic, is absolutely rejected by liberal thought.

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I do not deny that a good part of these ideas has roots in our culture. Human civilization is a continuous chain of ideas, one adding to the other. As we have benefited from concepts that have appeared in the West, the West has made use of ideas that are rooted in our culture. The major contribution of western thinkers was to formulate these ideas and arrive at a clear concept of individual liberty that does not allow any power, whether religious or political, to penetrate or defile it. Based on the concept of natural rights, came what can be called the system of liberal values, i.e. the principles indispensable to the realization of liberalism. To my mind, the most important of these values is the value of diversity or difference. According to liberalism, people are by nature different whether in ideas or in religious, cultural, ethnic or social background. Moreover, it argues that this diversity is the best of human qualities because it leads to creativity, competition and development. A further set of basic values related to this basic value of difference appeared. They were acceptance of the other (he who differs with you), tolerance (accepting that the other has a different view and has the right to express it in any manner as long as it is peaceful), co-existence (that different ideas can exist together without attempts by any side to alienate or eliminate the other sides), the relativity of truth (no opinion has a monopoly over absolute truth, truth is relative and it differs from one to the other according to point of view and way of thinking). Then comes the inception of another set of values that are related to liberal political views. They argue that all humans have the same natural rights and this is why liberalism believes in a state governed by laws that consider all

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individuals, whether rulers or ruled, as equal. Liberalism also believes in the accountability and responsibility of the ruler. In other words, it believes that the ruler has reached a position of power through the free consent of the people, or by contract from the individuals he has come to rule. He thus rules by proxy in return for responsibility and is therefore always in a position of accountability and is answerable to his people. The people are allowed to review the level of his commitment to the terms of the contract or to the constitution. They can, by common consent, call him to account, even remove him if he does not abide by the terms of the contract. And since liberalism is against monopoly, it believes in the peaceful exchange of power through a political competition between different ideas (through free elections in which individuals choose a person to represent them in the administration of public affairs or legislation of laws or monitoring the government, i.e. in the parliament). Economic liberalism is founded on the idea of freedom to own coupled with freedom to compete in the market. This only happens through the prevention of monopoly and encouragement of competition. Liberalism argues that competition in economics, as in politics, will raise the efficiency of both services and goods. Probably the thing that surprises me most about liberalism is its amazing ability to self-critique and correct its mistakes. While many ideas have fallen prey to rigidity, ideological apathy and intellectual narrow-mindedness, liberalism developed its economic performance. When the idea of letting the market work without state interference according to its own mechanism failed, a new liberal school of thought appeared and called for the intervention of the state to regulate the market and prevent monopoly, exploitation of workers and

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protect the rights of the individual, whether producer or consumer. A set of laws appeared in liberal countries that outlawed monopoly, dictated the number of working hours, regulated wages, holidays, days off, specified quality control for goods and set up a wide network of social security that insured against unemployment, disability, sickness and old age. It provided many of the privileges that the states that claim to have arisen for the rights of workers could not sustain. This economic flexibility comes hand in hand with political flexibility whereby the applications of liberalism differ from one country to the other and from one political current to the other. These differences enrich the concept of liberalism without undermining it. I was even more amazed by the respect liberalism has for the cultural specificity of the peoples of the world. As we mentioned, it is not against diversity, in fact it co-exists with difference and interacts with it. Nor is it against religion, as some people have portrayed it to be. It was always a call for religious and cultural tolerance. It assured every individual the right to adopt whatever suits his beliefs without coercion or interference in his religious faith and without this faith being the reason for any form of discrimination or persecution. This is why liberal tolerance of religious and sectarian difference is the only guarantee and the ideal solution for societies with diverse religious doctrines. This precludes the elimination or isolation of the followers of a certain sect or religion. One should therefore not wonder when one finds out that liberalism is one of the oldest ideas that appeared in the Modern Egyptian state at the beginning of the nineteenth

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century. Liberalism and Egyptian character blended and took on a new shape that was purely Egyptian. It was first introduced to us by turbaned men of religion (and not foreigners in hats). The inception of the Egyptian liberal tradition came with the ideas of the Azhari Sheikh Hasan al-‘Attar and his call to make use of what suits us of western civilization. He was followed by another Azhari, Rifa’a al-Tahtawi, who translated the French constitution and was awestruck by the law that equates between all citizens, whether rulers or subjects. Despite his reservations about some of the aspects of European civilization, he did not hide his admiration of the tradition of European liberties. He was then followed by a third sheikh, originally from Syria, ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi who exposed what he called the ‘traits of oppression’ in Arab political thought and paid for this with his life. And finally, we should not forget the great reformer, Sheikh Muhammad ‘Abduh and his enlightened views on reforming religious apathy that had hindered progress for centuries. The ‘sheikhs of the Egyptian renaissance’ or the founding fathers of Egyptian liberalism continued to appear and their efforts were crowned by one of the greatest of all Egyptian revolutions, the revolt of the people of Egypt in 1919 in demand of independence and of a constitution. This is the revolution that produced the 1923 constitution in which came the admission, for the first time in Egyptian history, that the nation is the source of all power. This constitution shaped what came to be known as the period of liberalism. It had its flaws and they included the palace overthrowing constitutional legitimacy and the constant interference of the British occupation. Yet it also witnessed the peaceful exchange of power between the different political parties (in spite of the palace stepping in against the will of the people), the flourishing of academic liberties and of literature and art. During this period, Egypt produced giants

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in the world of literature, poetry, art, science and politics and they were living proof that the experience was growing in spite of certain negative aspects. Yet instead of building on this great tradition, it was completely destroyed and overturned after July 1952, the revolution that started a new era with its own pros and cons. And the most negative of these cons was the fact that it turned against the great liberal tradition. I think that this project is able to unleash human abilities and talents that had broken down and rigidified under the yoke of tyranny and political and social oppression. This is why … I am a liberal.

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Chapter Two Because I am a Human Being

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Liberalism: A Prerequisite for Human Existence

Belal Abdullah Saber Abdul Moneim

Born in 1987, a Senior Student of the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Commerce, Helwan University. I participated in a training course held by Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, and a training session about civil society in the American University in Cairo in 2008. I have also attended a workshop about liberalism organized by FNF in 2009. I dream of seeing a strategic elite leading the society and the state in Egypt according to liberal methodology and principles; I dream of a people on a high level of openness that enables it to achieve a successful democratic transition in Egypt, heeding as well the uniqueness of the Egyptian milieu.

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In one of the workshops, I participated in lately, each of the participants was asked at the very beginning to introduce himself/herself in one sentence expressing his/her ideas, objectives, or beliefs – in short, a statement expressive of that person. At the time I introduced myself as follows: “I try to exist.” May be this sentence summarizes my reply to the question: Why am I a liberal? However, speaking as such might be ambiguous, which necessitates clarifying every meaning of existence, then the meaning of liberalism, and finally the relationship between both. Allow me to start first with existence. What I mean here is not the superficial and direct sense, nor the material tangible sense, which means that something is placed in a certain place in a manner that is perceptible. My understanding of existence, however, is that I am able to survive and to have myself achieved in the way I desire and believe appropriate for me. No real existence can ever happen without a free will. Therefore, freedom is the foundation of any true existence. Without the availability of this freedom, the prerequisite for existence, we cannot speak about a true human existence, because it will rather be illusory, and a form of nihility. Given that we have deemed freedom the first prerequisite for the achievement of the human existence, this freedom is only one side of the coin. The second side, however, is represented by subjectivity. The individual – any individual – cannot achieve the existence of somebody else. Therefore, the personal aspect is also important for existence to be achieved in the full sense. To combine both the meaning of freedom and that of subjectivity in one word, the outcome would be “individualism.” Individualism is the free individual will of the person through which s/he can express his/her self. In other words, we can say that individualism and human

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existence in its true sense are two sides of the same coin – or at least this is how I see them. Thus far we talked about existence, what about liberalism then? Without going into much theoretical detail about the term liberalism, we can briefly say that the conceptual environment of this term revolves around the word freedom and the other terms branching from it, especially the freedom of the individual. However, that does not by extension mean self-centeredness, nor neglecting the importance and the role of the community. On the contrary, the freedom of the individual here is indispensable for the best interest of the society at large – an issue that we will revisit shortly. However, I would like first to mention that losing one of the aforementioned components of human existence – freedom and subjectivity – directly leads to steering away from liberalism. It could be said that canceling the existence of the individual could be done in one of two ways: either vertically or horizontally. This happens vertically when the freedom of the individual is taken away from him/her by and for the interests of a higher power; in that case we are swerving towards authoritarianism or totalitarianism. This could happen horizontally, as well, through losing the second component of existence, namely subjectivity. This is only done to serve the interests of other certain individuals in the society. In that case we turn from liberalism to socialism. In other words, in the first case the existence of the individual is crushed and swallowed by the image of a higher existence; whereas, in the second case, the existence of the individual is dissolved in a larger state of existence. In both cases, existence cannot be sensed independently.

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When there is no freedom, one cannot talk about responsibility. The non-free individual cannot be asked to be responsible. The individual is as responsible as the amount of freedom allowed to him/her. When responsibility is achieved to all members of the society, there will be self order and discipline of that society. Nonetheless, when this order and discipline are imposed by coercion, then anarchy, collapse, or explosion, will be the ultimate fate of this society, or this dysfunctional system. In fact, some of the communist and totalitarian regimes, and of course the former Soviet Union, serve us a good example. Also, to the meaning of freedom, the concept of respecting private property is connected. It is noteworthy in this respect to point to a truism that some might not pay attention to: the right to private property differs from respecting private property. The right to ownership could exist in some of the illiberal regimes, but sometimes there would not be sufficient protection for this right, and the threat of confiscation or nationalization remains to be pertinent. Moreover, we could look at the concept of respecting private property from an angle slightly different from the traditional and stereotypical understanding of private property without steering absolutely away from the meaning of freedom. Private property is not only connected to the material objects that an individual could own , because in that case that right would be denied to the poor. Therefore, it could be indeed applicable to the ownership of the self in full by the individual, at least those of sound mind. As such, we find that even the poorest of the poor uphold this right. Respect to private property necessitates at least respecting the freedom of action, and the personal freedom of any individual. It is well known that the right to respect of private property in even that simple sense is violated in many forms and on different levels. This starts with the interference in the affairs of others, and up

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to trafficking in human beings. It is well known that personal freedoms and respecting private property represent one of the fundamentals of liberalism as a doctrine or as a system for the individual and the society. In the heart of personal freedom lies the freedom of creed, inasmuch as the freedom of practicing religious rites lies in the heart of public freedoms. The question, therefore, is: what is the guarantee for spreading this general atmosphere of respect for religious freedoms? The answer is indeed spreading a state of tolerance in the society that enables each individual to respect difference and creative diversity in any society. Given the fact that tolerance is abstract in the first place, then guaranteeing its currency in any society takes us to talking about the civil city, which protects against the dominance of extremism that could be practiced by any of the powerful groups in the society over other groups. Despite the lack of the term civil state in the history of political thought, and despite the relative recentness of the term, still this term and its connotations could be simply understood through its antonym, i.e. the religion-based state. Any religion-based state is founded on and has as major pillars religion-based visions, claims, beliefs, and judgments of a given predominant group. The civil state, on the other hand, is the state of its citizens; this is why it is a democratic state. However its democracy and civility are manifest only in the government, and its style in dealing with the various affairs of rule, but also this democracy is manifest in all the elements constituting the state, in a manner that allows for preserving the civil nature of the state, even in the case of the democratic arrival of a political current with religious orientations to power. The civil state, from a liberal perspective, takes a neutral stance from all religions. Somebody could say in this regard that communist regimes also took a unbiased stance vis-à-vis all religions. However, this necessitates then that we

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distinguish positive from negative neutrality with respect to religions. Negative neutrality, characterizing communist regimes means that they take a hostile position with respect to religious freedoms, or all religions indiscriminately. Liberalism, on the other hand – and of course the comparison here is categorically theoretical – takes a stance supportive of religious freedoms, and in an unbiased manner towards all religions. Thus, religious minorities could live and survive under a liberal state without any discrimination. In fact, not only religious minorities enjoy equality under the civil state, but minorities at large, and of course this is contrary to what happens in non-civic states. In connection to individual freedom, on the one hand, and the civil nature of the liberal doctrine, on the other, comes the concept of civil society as a basic for liberalism. The civil society in its simplest sense is a social level that liaisons between the citizen and the government. It is capable of undertaking what the ordinary individual is unable to. At the same time it does not make the individual in dire need all the time to resort to the government. Thus, the civil society, raises the capacity of the citizen to act, through the practice of freedom and social action. At the same time, it increases the independence of the citizen vis-à-vis the government, which ultimately leads to expanding the individual’s freedom, on the one hand, and the efficiency of the society, on the other. This freedom and dynamicity characterize both the liberal individual and society, which give rise to what is dubbed as the concept of competitiveness. Free competitiveness here is the natural product of this liberal society. Thanks to competitiveness, the society can perform its function and fulfill its capacity to sort and elect for the best interest – i.e.

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election in its general sense. This is what places society in a continuous state of renewal and self-development, which protects the society from stagnation immobility, the charge that is generally leveled against the capitalist and liberal society by the Marxist theory. If Marxism claims the dialectic and conflictual nature of society under capitalism, and given that capitalism is the counterpart of liberalism, liberalism under the predominance of the principles of transparency, market economy, the respect of public freedoms and the right to private property, and of course the rule of law, can preserve the stability of the society, and not its rigidity. This is achieved through opening better opportunities, so that every talented person is able to use and exploit its capacities for his/her best interest and the interest of the society. Therefore, the chance is always there for progress and social movement, which guarantees the vitality and development of the society. Therefore, the liberal society could protect itself from the threat of revolutions and social uprisings. Also, probably through talking about what is called the third alternative, we are able to see enough illustration of the capacity of liberalism to renew itself continually. This third road is an intermediate way, or a compromise between liberalism and socialism, however, with a closer affinity to liberalism. It was conceived and born from the womb of liberal countries, in the first place. These states in particular have been Clinton’s America, Chirac’s France, and Schröder’s Germany. As such, this wave started in the nineties of the past century, i.e. after the collapse of most socialist regimes worldwide. The objective of these third alternative policies was to overcome the problems of poverty, and class gaps. The concept of social justice was taken from the socialist countries and applied in liberal states, which made these countries shoulder a larger social responsibility vis-à-vis its citizens.

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Of course, there are other concepts and meanings related to liberal understanding, such as a lifestyle for the individual and the society, and a methodology of thinking. However, this brief and speedy review meant to explain some of the basic concepts connected to liberalism. One of these is the fact that liberalism is almost the optimum manifestation of the true and elevated meaning of human existence with its reverence to freedom, especially that of the individual as a prerequisite of freedom at large, and indeed for the health and safety of any human society. I hope that through this review I managed to answer clearly the question, “Why am I a liberal?”

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A human-themed Theory

Mohamed Magdy Mohamed Ahmed Abu Zeid

I was born in August 1985. I am a holder of Bachelor of Arts in history, Alexandria University 2006. Being an active member of the Egyptian El Ghad Party since January 2006, I served as the ex-secretary of Al Agami Committee and currently I am the chair of the Training and Education Committee of the Party in Alexandria. I also attended an IRI (International Republican Institute) –organized course on activation of political parties and another course on preparing young cadres and leaders in the Egyptian political parties, organized by the Egyptian Association for Legal Awareness. I took part in a workshop entitled "Towards a new electoral law" organized by Al Orouba Human Rights Association. I dream of a sound liberal trend inside the Egyptian society; one that stands up against extremism currently penetrating the society to warn of the ensuing potential dangers and grave consequences. I also dream of a strong and proper political life where a real and peaceful rotation of power exists without monopoly, hegemony or troubles caused by authoritarian regimes.

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When you ask me "why are you liberal?" my answer would simply be: "Because I am a human being." Then you will wonder: "But what is the link?" I would say that the essence of a human being is freedom; and liberalism is the blunt expression of freedom. For it is deduced from the natural law or 'jus naturale' conveying the basic, non negotiable needs and requirements of human kind. Jus naturale, in other words, is an expression of 'instinct' or rather it is in itself the instinct human beings were endowed with. Who on earth dislikes to live freely away from others' interventions? Who dislikes to publicize own opinion without being subject to confiscation, banning or prosecution? Who on earth dislikes to be accepted as is with his/her pros and cons the way he/she accepts people? Who dislikes having his/her own private property, or even who accepts to have his/her own everyday matters run without having a say in them? I fully understand all reasons that can be set forth by any counter argument, perhaps to object or out of despair, in this respect: talks about restrictions, pressures, problems, troubles …etc are endless. I may even share this opinion or agree with the counter argument in many or few of the points put forward, however, I would like to redraw your attention to the significance of the content of the questions I posed earlier: isn't it true that the like of individual freedom, of publicizing opinions, private property and of participation in the running of public matters are all dear concerns to human beings? They fundamentally serve to underline respective individualism and exclusiveness and certainly their humanism (the importance of existence).

So, liberalism evolved from the natural law which is the instinct in the human being. Consequently, it acts against everything that restricts those rights; it is anti despotism, anti exclusion, anti intellectual terrorism – and against

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transformation of human beings into means to reach ends. On the contrary, liberalism preaches that a human being is the ultimate end, "liberal thinking develops from the imperativeness of recognizing the individual and his/her own province where he/she is independent and can display innovative capacity."1 To elucidate my statements-perhaps I may be asked to do so- I would say that liberalism is based upon essential values namely tolerance, individual freedom and the right of ownership. Those, in my viewpoint, are too reasonable to be rejected by a sane or a fair person. Tolerance stems from the fact that human beings are different in gender, religion, belief, color and language; therefore any attempt to forge a consensus among them is certainly an illusion, an impractical or rather an impossible matter, for those differences suggest two options: the first is to reject one another, become engaged in rivalries, boycotts and consequently in conflicts and wars. Examples of this first option were the religious wars which broke out in Europe in the middle Ages among various Christian sects, and the Crusades between Europe (symbolizing Christianity) and the East (symbolizing Islam) which can be dubbed 'Absolute Wars' 2. Here it becomes very dangerous when the absolute particularly switches to ideologies. The second option is not only to accept one another with own differences but to always remember that we all share a common paramount factor, humanism, and so the sublime goal should be to work on its progress and well being or else destruction will prevail. "In cultural affairs, diversity is a prerequisite of development."3 1 El Beblawy, Hazem. The Role of the State in the Economy, pp.173 2 The idea is taken from a book entitled "Owners of the Absolute Reality"

by Murad Wahba 3.Russel, Bertrand: The Authority and the Individual. Translated by: Dr.

Lotfia Ashour

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Being the most valuable of properties, individual freedom reflects the exclusiveness of human beings who like to be distinct. Hence, every human being has his/her own realm, own values and own perspective of life. To deny human beings their individual freedom is a denial of their basic existence, is a kind of serving them a civil death judgment – and what a harsh judgment this is! As for the freedom of belief embodied in individual freedom, it should be established that faith dwells in the heart and scientists have not, and will never, invent a device that can reveal one's real beliefs, for personal beliefs can never be known but by the person oneself. Thus it follows that under no circumstances should any discrimination be imposed on a human being just because his/her beliefs are different from ours or from the majority's. Individual freedom further encompasses everything perceived by a human being as serving his/her own welfare so long as it does not harm or infringe upon the rights of others nor spoils others' freedoms and lives. Individual freedom also requires that no impediment should exist for individuals to exercise their intellectual freedom in whatever manner, even if their ideas seem to be dangerous to the society or to counter the prevailing trend. Perhaps one day those having the counter ideas may prove to be right, take for example "practices of human carnivore, human offerings, and human hunting vanished as a result of moral objections to the conventional social norm."4 Pertaining to the right of ownership, it is a product of individual freedom as "freedom requires diversity of

4 Ibid.

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ownerships",5 whereby private property is nature's reward to human beings – each according to own capacity, effort and intelligence, for their efforts to rectify and develop it. This situation is likely to create competition among people, which, despite the problems it entails is good in all cases since it catalyzes the efforts, and encourages innovation. The right of ownership is the foundation upon which capitalism has been established. Despite the multiple setbacks and crises it has passed through, capitalism every time returns anew rectified and stronger than before only to prove its flexibility and adaptability to all conditions and circumstances. To summarize, liberalism has two components: the economic component, that is the market and the political component, i.e. democracy. But how is democracy related to liberalism? "The only democracy that is compatible with liberal thinking is the constitutional democracy; this means the one that puts limits on every authority controlling a particular sphere so as to guard individuals' funds and freedoms." "Liberalism is a human-themed theory that draws from the natural law. By definition it is the absence of outside restrictions, controls on or threats against whatever action is desired to be made. This is based on condition that individual freedom has to be exercised within the framework of respecting others' freedoms as well."6 As a frame that hosts the maximum positive interaction possible among all differences, liberalism requires at least

5 El Beblawy, Hazem. The Role of the State in the Economy, pp.173 6 El Beblawy, Hazem, op. cit.

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agreement among all parties on the minimum. Being such it rejects fanaticism and advocates dialogue till the last possible dead end. In this regards it is sufficient to say that liberalism is "a call for freedom and human rights", it is "a call for peace. This is because history has never recorded any wars that broke out among liberal states; liberal regimes make dialogue and competition, not coercion or wars, their rationale".7

7 Ibid.

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Liberalism is the Freedom of Choice

Nany Mohamed

I was born in 1985 and I am a holder of a B.Sc. in Business Administration, 2006. I am a press reporter at the Culture and Arts Division of El-Maleh newspaper. I took part in the conference on" Democratic Media Personnel" and the "Maj School" organized by the Egyptian Union of Liberal Youth. I also participated in some UNICEF projects. I dream of Egypt liberated from slavery which, in my opinion, is still influencing many people. I dream that people would understand that we will never change unless we want to.

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I believe I was a liberal even before I came to realize what liberalism is or how it is applied. Ever since I was a child, I have always been convinced that every person is entitled to freedom of thought and of choice. The idea that only one person has the upper hand and is in control of all cards of the game serves nothing but to screen and control development and innovation. Young as I was, I used to listen and benefit as much as possible from whatever is going on around me. I never imagined that I would be always successful or that I would never encounter any obstacles or impediments in my course of life. Rather, I was always expecting failure before success, yet, I was certain that failure is only a step along strides of the great success. My parents were trying to instill their experiences into my mind lest I should fall into mistakes that might shake off my emotions or shatter my own aspirations. However, I insisted to have my own unique experiences because I believe that I would definitely learn form them even if I failed to deal with them. I came to the conviction that I am entitled to think, love, dream and live the way I want to; I am entitled to learn what I prefer and to discard what I hate; to go on safe in my course of life without being threatened. Why should I be scared because I am a girl? Is there any difference, other than the biological ones we were created with, between a girl and a boy? I believe there are more mental differences between a person and another and not between a male and a female. As such, I started to heed that everyone else, exactly as is the case with myself, should be entitled to everything. Therefore, if I embrace and believe in a particular canon and freely practice its rituals, why should I reject that there are others who are also entitled to embrace the canon

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contradictory with mine and that they also have to practice all the rituals related to that one? After my mind used to accept only the three heavenly religions known, by time, I came to also accept the existence of other religious beliefs that are completely different from the customary norms in the Egyptian society that represents me. Having realized the essence of reality as such, I had to accept whatever is going on around me. In this respect, I have to affirm that the diversity of religions and beliefs does not jeopardize peace among people. Even the wars and fights about religion as well as the forms of religion contempt displayed daily around us can not be attributed to diversity. Those are rather caused by attempts of a person to control others' minds by indoctrinating respective dogma until such person becomes a leader. And although the leader cites own reasons for revolting against or suppressing a particular group, the real aim behind such action remains a secret. The secret might be known by many people, yet it is customary not to be mentioned. When I was overwhelmed by a desire to have all my thoughts named under a clear title, I found "liberalism" satisfying this desire. Therefore I became eager to understand it properly and to know the reasons that led to the emergence of this system which transformed entire states. Liberalism, as the findings of my study showed, is the absolute freedom of an individual in all aspects of life; it is the freedom in whatever relates to the individual, to own thoughts, wishes and desires. It is the core around which the individual life revolves, as is the case with the Planet Earth, where there is no outside intervention and everybody is responsible for oneself. It is a system that secures for everybody freedom of choice, love, social and political participation, freedom of

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expression and freedom of opinion away from any restricted imposed by some on others. Liberalism is the path I chose to pursue ever since I was a child without realizing or being aware that that is liberalism; it is the freedom to choose without having my beliefs, life styles or ideologies influenced by another. And this is how I became liberal.

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Why am I Human?

Moataz Mohammed Abd-al-HamidMahmoud Al-Masry

I was born in Zagazig in 1988. I study architectural engineering in the Faculty of Engineering, Zagazig University. I have participated in many of the activities of the International foundation of iEARN in the fields of pedagogical projects involving the rights of children and women. This was in collaboration with the Ministry of Education in the period between 2002 – 2005. I have also participated in the seventh Youth Summit of iEARN held in Japan in July 2003. I was on the organizing committee of the First Youth Summit held in Egypt under the auspices of Mrs. Suzanne Mubarak in August 2004. My dreams focus on a better future for Egypt, which in my opinion can only be achieved with the return of the vote of trust between the authority and the people, which I believe is the principal axis of all problems in Egypt.

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"I do not comprehend why you object to what I am saying!” "That's it! I have said what I wanted to say. You will not go to them and that is final." "This is none of your concern! I am (free)." This is sound logic. This man is definitely free. But the other man does not believe so… and maybe does not even know so. More than 14 years ago, when I heard these words, with which I opened my article, my perceptions had not yet been formulated and I did not discern the idea of the existence of authoritative powers that govern the individual. Nevertheless, I realized from that particular moment that one of the two men has authority over the other due to the presence of some kind of strife. This was even more clarified to me when I perceived a cynical smile on the face of one of them when he heard the words "I am free." The recurrence of similar situations on the personal level had a noticeable influence on my realization of the imperativeness to be free. This was a personal desire. When I used to find myself overwhelmed and was obligated to succumb to pressures, regardless of their reasons or sources, I inevitably felt that there was something wrong. This is a normal feeling that would dominate every one as we all aspire for freedom, for different reasons and by treading different paths. If we re-run the previous scene and review the seconds following the cynical smile of the authoritarian side, we would find a desperate look on the face of him who sought for freedom. At this moment, he realized that he could not be free. End of scene!

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This was the beginning and with the accumulation of events and scenes and situations, I realized that such issues are not that simple. Why can't each one of us obtain one's freedom? Why can't we freely aspire for what we want whenever we desire? Slowly, and unintentionally I formulated an abstract perspective of what was taking place. There are individuals who search for values, which may be eventually rooted in their actions, and there are hegemonic authorities and there is strife, and at times, there may be accord as a consequence of a contract between two parties! The previous scene seemed to me as if the representative of authority possessed the power of decision without any prior agreement... and therefore there evolved a strife. Nevertheless, I reiterate and say: Why do many repudiate a value like freedom sometimes in exchange for the value of feeling secure? Do you know why? Because they do not realize that the security they aspire for is feeble and frail! And because our values are perceived with the premise of the inverted pyramid. I have been trying to assimilate these complicated relationships for 15 years. Does freedom precede security or does security precede freedom? Or does freedom precede ethical maxims! Each one of us is searching for a value and we all have our contracts. Friendship is a form of contract and so is work. Marriage, proxy and religion are also contracts. All the previous contracts lead to reciprocal authorities. In the midst of all this, we search for values and we do not know if the right path is to hold on to freedom or security or, or, or !! I will not reveal the answers to you now, as we may disagree on that matter. Let us solve a small riddle first

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"You are an ordinary employee in a giant company and you discover that there is some wangling in important financial transactions, for example." Tell me, what will you choose to do. -You will report to the concerned authorities and risk loosing your job and you may not find another job in the near future. Your family matters will definitely be affected because of the financial problems that will ensue. -You will prefer to remain silent despite your realization of the mistake you are committing. You will find this stance to be more secure and established. You will be totally dissociated from this issue, as you will be receiving your monthly salary regardless of the company's fraud action! If you opt for the first choice, then you belong to the kind of people who search for ethical control. You believe in the correctness of your action regardless of the ensued results. If you choose the second option then you favor the value of security and believe that stability is more valuable than anything else. Some perceive that freedom as a value is deeply rooted in both and that in both cases you are searching for your freedom and aspiring for your salvation. I, however, see matters from a different angle! Freedom is neither latent nor aspired for. Freedom is the elementary value by which you achieve other values and not vice versa. In other words, if you want to feel secure, you have to be free first and if you want to be reach your ethical standards you have to undergo the process of freedom initially and not vice versa.

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In both choices, we have to rephrase our behavior on the foundation that man is free because whichever of the two choices he adopts, is ultimately reduced to his freedom. But, let us see … within the framework of freedom, we have to evaluate the irrevocable contracts such as marriage and which was, in the first place, conducted at our own free will. Hence, there should not be any conflict … but we should take into consideration that marriage is one of the determinants of sheer freedom. Others will hastily choose the second solution! Wrong, since – from my point of view – security does not precede freedom but vice versa as the kind of security in the second choice is fake. You might end up with a sudden dismissal from the company or they might even want to get rid of you by an act of murder because of the inside information you stumbled upon. My freedom guarantees a more credible kind of security! If we obtain freedom that is conditioned by the regulations of correct contracts and that is based on the foundations of freedom, then it is mandatory to consult the spouse on the decision of reporting to the authorities and simultaneously to begin a search for a new job. Security without freedom is fake! Ethical controls – which vary from one region to the other – cannot be deemed as an absolute foundation as they may destroy some of the contracts that are established on (freedom). But if freedom is the basis then it would lead us to sound solutions and you have the (freedom) to accept an opinion or refute it

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Our freedom is the basis, not fake security or absolute values. Thus, why don’t we have community freedom and not individual freedom? Because every individual has a unique character. We are not ready-made moulds and that is why ready-made moulds have failed. We all have our individual merits and that is what we call integration. The community is a group of individuals who shares a number of contracts that can co-exist. Indeed, the contracts are the ones capable of co-existence because they are the foundation of the establishment of communities and states. Even democracy began with freedom too! That is why I am a liberal: because I do not perceive liberalism as a doctrine or as a pre-fabricated mould but as something authentic in human nature even if we do not realize it, even if we deny it on ourselves and on others. We are free and we want freedom and we deal with each other with freedom. Do you know why I want liberalism? For the desperate farmer's voice to be heard after loosing all his harvest because of the bad pesticides! For the impoverished worker's voice to be heard after being fired from the factory for no reason! For the employee's voice to be heard after working for ten hours for a monthly salary of 200 pounds! For the young man's voice who can not secure a job and does not know if he will ever get married or not!

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For the father's voice whose son died in the death ferries or in the rubber dinghies for illegal immigration! For the student's voice who sits with five others on one school bench, only one bench! For the voice of all those who aspire for an honorable and dignified homeland. For these governing authorities to rule with contracts not with injustice and tyranny! If they believe that they are free to do so, sorry, we have a contract, and we will show them our freedom! Our generation possesses energy more than any other generation that had survived in the shadow of fake values of security, in the shadow of fake values of religion and of state. Our generation respects freedom, senses freedom and knows that it exists but they have concealed it from us. Liberalism is your freedom as an individual and is intrinsic in you. Nobody is going to give it to you. Do not expect it from anybody. Freedom is not imprisoned; it is hidden in oblivion and in the ashes of the fire of the past. It is liberalism that enabled me to write this article and that persuaded you to have the desire to read it. And it is your freedom that will enable you to like what you have read or not. Do you know why I changed the title of the article? Because when I sat by myself to discern why I am a liberal, I did not find a clear reason, I found out that I am a liberal without any reasons.

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I found that I am all what I am because I am a liberal and because I had the freedom to choose every conduct and every step in my life. That is why the question was altered to "Why am I a human being "؟ Liberalism is not to be proved. Liberalism is an example to be followed.

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Chapter Three Egyptian Liberalism

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Ismail Al-Naggar

I was born in 1985. I graduated from the Department of English Language, the Faculty of Alsun, Ain Shams University in 2007. I am currently working as a translator in the United Arab Emirates. I used to be a member of one of the Egyptian political parties. I created a blog where I used to publish my liberal and political writings but am currently publishing my viewpoints on the Facebook. I dream that Egypt becomes a developed civil state whose citizens enjoy freedom, welfare and peace.

Because I Believe in Freedom

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I am a liberal because I believe in the freedom and centrality of the individual. All are born free and are masters of themselves without guardianship or control or oppression or compulsion enforced by any form of authority, be it paternal, political, religious, intellectual, cultural, societal, or by virtue of conservative social and religious traditions. I am a liberal because I believe in the forceful spirit of the individual, in taking the initiative, in the autonomy and dignity of the individual, in freedom of expression, creativity, convictions, legitimate profit, and unrestricted ownership and in any other rights that establish the individual as the driving force that moves society forward. I am a liberal because I believe in mutual respect of freedom; the freedom of others' ends at the threshold of my freedom and reciprocally my freedom comes to a standstill with the initiation of the freedom of others without any form of abuse, restriction, oppression, repression, coercion or obligation. I am a liberal because I believe in individual, civic, political, economic, and religious freedom as well as in human rights. I perceive all these rights as crucial for each individual and not as a grant that is bestowed by someone. I am a liberal because I believe in freedom of expression, creativity, change, innovation and rebellion on the statuesque. I believe in freedom of the individuals, media, journalism, blogs and all other forms of expressing viewpoints, consciousness, convictions, ideology, culture, art and literature. I am a liberal because I reject restrictions as well as all forms of repression, oppression, compulsion and freedom constraints under the pretext of maintaining security,

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stability and social peace or due to the claim of confronting external threats. Moreover, I refuse fascist ideologies which ostracize women or entire social classes or minorities on the basis of religion, nationalism, ethnicity, language or culture. I am a liberal because I believe in freedom of creativity, innovation and expression and I object to the interference of political and security authorities and religious bodies in processes of creativity, art, literature or ideas. I refuse the confiscation of creative art works with the pretense that they tarnish the reputation of a country or touch upon certain figures or religions or social values. I am a liberal because I refuse the manner in which journalists, bloggers, artists, and thinkers are suppressed and dragged to courts and incarcerated and fined and their awards taken back from them due to the interference of religious as well as political authorities that speak for security, Islam, Christianity and conservative currents. I am a liberal because I refuse that Egypt would retrograde after the progress it had achieved as a modern civil state for the sake of obsolete notions and concepts that have long been outdated. Such a recession would be deemed grave as the Egyptian society had already made great headway, decades ago, because of the efforts of enlightenment carried out by the pioneers of enlightenment and innovation during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. I am a liberal because I believe in a modern civil state that is established on the basis of citizenship, thereby rendering all citizens equal in their rights and duties in front of the state, the constitution and the law, regardless of religion, race, gender, social classes, and geographical region. This should be applicable to all issues, be they personal or public. Equal opportunities should also prevail by virtue of applying

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objective criteria of justice and equality in handling all citizens whereby everyone would enjoy equal civil and political rights. I am a liberal because I refuse the various injustices that afflict women in the Egyptian society such as marginalization, objectification, discrimination in legislations, laws, social practices which are exercised against them like harassment, circumcision, early marriage and enforced marriage. Other practices include deprivation of education and work and other harmful practices under the pretext of religion, traditions, customs, women protection from herself and from others. I am a liberal because I agonize for the sufferings of religious minorities such as the persecution of the Bahaiis in Egypt and their deprivation of all their civic, political, social and service rights to the extent of being hampered in the issuance of their national identity cards, their birth and death certificates, their military papers and their bank credentials. Such encumbrances have paralyzed their lives and have doubled their distresses. I am a liberal because I refuse the prejudice that Christians suffer from when assigned public posts as well as the discrimination that befalls them in legislations and legal proceedings in addition to the restrictions in the construction of churches. I also refuse the fact that the Shiites, the Quran followers, the atheists and the non-believers are being persecuted by authorities of politics, security and legislation as well as by religious currents and all the individuals of the society. I am a liberal because I believe in the total separation between religious beliefs and the state with regards to legislations and regulations. I refuse the interference of the men of religion, legislation and economics except in their

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capacity as ordinary citizens who enjoy no special merits and are not distinguished from other citizens. I am a liberal who believes in the necessity of the existence of a liberal system to run the state affairs, a system which guarantees the non-monopolization of authority, which guards democracy and political multiplicity under the umbrella of a constitutional regime that allows peaceful exchange of power among various civil parties competing in transparent and honest parliament and presidential elections. I am a liberal because I believe in the constitution which restricts the authorities of the government, curbs its interference in the lives of the individuals, balances between authorities, protects the autonomy of law, defends individual, civil, political and economic liberties, preserves human rights, aspires to achieve basic legal equality among one and all without discrimination on the basis of religion, gender or social class. I am a liberal because I believe in intellectual pluralism and in the diversity of political, intellectual and civil currents. I also believe in the rights of all political, intellectual and civil rights (non-religious, non-sectarian, non-military, non-discriminatory, non-violent) to set up parties, co-operatives, groups, civil organizations without any political or bureaucratic restrictions. I am a liberal because I refuse monopoly of authority on the part of a particular party. I refuse forgery, bureaucracy, nepotism as well as political and administrative corruption. I believe in reformation, change and the establishment of the principles of questioning, transparency, governance, and the sound management of financial, economic and natural resources.

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I am a liberal because I refuse the emergency law which stifles liberties as well as political and partisan life in Egypt. Moreover, I refuse the fact that human rights are violated in police stations and prisons. I refuse manipulation of the constitution and the law and customization of laws which violate and restrict liberties so as to hinder the proper practice of the law and to discriminate against protestors and minorities. I am a liberal because I believe in the right to participate in demonstrations, strikes, sit-ins, civil seditions, assembly, and protests without breaching security, the system or public and private property. I believe in all other forms of expression of opinion within the framework of collaborating with concerned organizing bodies. I am a liberal because I believe that equal opportunities should be available for all individuals to enjoy social, economic and political escalation, each according to one's abilities, skills and experience regardless of any subjective criteria. This could be realized when everybody is equal before the law and no one enjoys any privileges according to class, ethnicity, sect or kind. I am a liberal because I believe that a civil society with its organizations and movements should have a vital and effectual role in society and should guide society towards change, development of concepts, values and notions, awareness of human rights, enhancement of human resources, spread of education and culture, attentiveness to the value of reason, creativity and innovation, individual initiative and assistance of marginalized groups that are deprived of privileges. I am a liberal because I believe in economic freedom in the light of new economies. I also believe in the necessity to conclude economic reformations in Egypt with transparency.

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It is also obligatory to pass new economic and administrative legislations to transform Egypt into a state that attracts national, Arab and foreign investments as well as provide a healthy environment for investments. Furthermore, I also believe that we should benefit from other success stories which have managed to subvert administrative corruption and have overcome bureaucracy and other policies and practices that drive back investors from the Egyptian market. I am a liberal because liberalism has surpassed all other totalitarian ideologies which focused on group rights and on sanctifying the role of the state and its intervention in the life of the individual for the benefit of the community to realize economic egalitarianism. Under the pretext of establishing such a false and enforced equality, individual, political, civil and economic rights of the individual were pulverized and have hence proved incapable of reforming the lives of human beings. I am a liberal because the principles, notions and features of liberalism are capable of leading the world due to its relative flexibility as it is not a rigid prescription of specific doses and strict ratios which can neither be increased nor decreased. Liberalism can adapt to all societies by means of concentrating on reform and development. I am a liberal because liberalism is a collection of principles, ideas and concepts that are characterized by tolerance and that do not take a prejudiced stance from other ideologies, notions or persons. This is contrary to other ideologies which assume a hostile position to other systems. An example of such ideologies would be capitalism whereby complete social classes such as the rich, entrepreneurs, religious people, non-religious people, in addition to religious ethnic and cultural minorities were deemed ideological adversaries.

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I am a liberal because I believe in national values and in the Egyptian national state that comprises all Egyptians who belong to various geographical settings, religions, trends, ideological convictions, dialects, social classes without any subjective discrimination among all Egyptians. Hence, equal opportunities of empowerment would prevail as well as social, economic, and political escalation without any form of discrimination, ostracism or marginalization.

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Liberalism: A Complete System of Human Values for the Development of Society

Diana Ahmad Fouad Yussuf

Born in August 1985, a graduate of the Faculty of Law, English Section, Alexandria University. An attorney-at-law, a member of the Liberal Lawyers Union and Secretary of the Woman’s Committee in the Union. Participated in a training seminar held by FNF in Germany, titled “The Role of Government Organizations and Political Parties in Politics and the Civil Society.” I hope that the liberal current in Egypt reaches a high level of development and progress, both politically and on the level of human beings, to be enabled of becoming the only logical alternative to the current regime in Egypt.

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I have frequently asked myself about this question, and usually I would end up with posing the question: Why am I liberal? The reason is that I have never thought before about the meaning of being liberal, or to be a believer in liberal thought. I grew up in a liberal family. All the values, concepts, and ideas posed by liberals in Egypt, were doomed to turn into controversies. These to me are undeniable facts. I was truly motivated to search for the advantages of believing in liberalism due to one of the questions posed by a friend affiliated to the Muslim Brotherhood. He asked simply, “you say that liberalism calls for democracy and human rights; so what? All other liberal currents promote democracy and human rights; liberalism is not really special, except that it is a western name fitted to describe a national problem.” Out of the aforementioned comment, I started my search for the objective of liberalism. Is it merely a solution to the political and social crisis experienced by the Egyptian society at the time being, i.e. only a reaction; or is the issue in essence deeper than that? Liberalism in essence is a lifestyle for the individual, a continuity of the society, and cherishes the value of freedom as a major cause for development. Liberalism is not just an idea that developed to face a certain crisis then, be it political, economic, or social, only to provide Utopian solutions to bring the society out of its crisis. Indeed, it is a means for building and establishing society on a foundation of respect for freedom, and of belief in the value thereof, in order to take individuals to a stage where they are able to deal with all sorts of crises and to reach logical solutions springing from the unique nature and needs of that specific society. Liberalism is a means for creating a society capable of setting creative solutions to the problems thereof enabling it to overcome these problems, and not an ideology that seeks to have

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preconceived solutions for problems not yet created only to make the solution part of the problem. The issue of liberalism in the first place is not about forcing citizens to go to the polling stations, nor to introduce them to exhausted ideas about the importance of human rights or the benefits of market freedom. The major issue of liberalism is the creation of a free human being, really aware of his/her political rights in the state, his/her importance as an individual in the society, and of the ability of his/her vote to achieve change. The citizen in that will not be coerced to vote, but will rather vote out of his/her own volition, giving the vote to the person deserving it, irrespective of difference in ethnicity, religion, or color. Liberalism, in spreading the awareness of the importance of freedom, opens the way before the emergence of the principle of equal opportunity. All the citizens are equal human beings before the law, with the same rights and duties, and who have access to the path of democracy based on their complete and full awareness thereof. The question is not about introducing the citizen to democracy, but about creating a democratic citizen essentially seeking democracy. Liberalism as an idea with a political dimension seeks to manage the society through the creation of a democratic climate that aims at the circulation of power as a means for running the country. In that it is different from other political currents, with very simple, but very powerful and profound, terms, “accepting the other.” The difference of the other has an advantage that can be accepted and dealt with, and even utilized. In fact, liberalism is not an ideology that has certain specifications for accepting its believers, which leads it into being molded into a hard cast. It rather elevates itself above the level of ideologies, I can even say that it is good as a means for managing ideologies given the superiority it affiliates to the principle of freedom and the value it attaches to the “other.” As such, it could be said that in dealing with

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liberalism from that perspective, it would be freed from the captivity if comparison with other currents present in the Egyptian society. It is a value before being a political slogan. However, it is reduction to an ideology competing with other ideologies in the Egyptian society, or to a political slogan of a party or an organization, precluded it from having its natural right in prominence. In fact, to a great extent it has become an overused term, and may be even a sarcastic term by the Egyptian populace. As for the relationship between liberalism and human rights, liberalism advocates human rights based on the concept of the freedom of the individual and the equality of all citizens before the law, without any difference because of religion, color, or race. All the citizens are human beings with rights and duties, and all are members of a society that was created to provide them with contentment and order in return for their social responsibility vis-à-vis one another and the society. Liberalism in its call for human rights does not limit such rights to a group and not the other, on the basis that one is more qualified to enjoy such rights and not the other. Liberalism does not give the honorable citizen the right to the safety of his/her body from aggression and torture, while depriving the thief from that right, only because s/he was driven by certain circumstances to become delinquent, and is punished accordingly. Moreover, liberalism, and on the basis of freedom and equality does not deprive any citizen from joining any job because of religion, ethnicity, or color. It guarantees the right of the weakest or the poorest to having access to the full rights thereof, simply because poverty or vulnerability is not a logical justification for isolating any citizen in the community. Furthermore, liberalism in its call for human rights does not basically call for bridging a gap that has been created inadvertently in the values and concepts of society, thus

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leading to an unprecedented state of a lack of moral and human rights-oriented values. Contrarily, it aims, through its reformist message, to create a social awareness of the true nature of human rights through the bringing up of an individual believing in human rights as indisputable, and capable of defending these rights, given that the stripping thereof severely violates his/ her very human nature. Liberalism does not acknowledge the rights of the majority at the expense of depriving the minorities such rights, be they religious or ethnic minorities. It acknowledges the rights of all within a framework of equality before law and God. In that liberalism preserves the community from disintegration, armed conflicts, and civil rights, which all end up in the violation of the rights of a group at the expense of others. It also differs from other political currents, and other reform movements in the Egyptian society, because it rejects any exclusion: the Muslim is not different than the Christian, Jew, or Bahaai. All are entitled to the same rights within the community of the rule of law. Moreover, there is no advantage to the inhabitants of Upper or Lower Egypt over the inhabitants of Nubia with their dark skin, or the inhabitants of Sinai with their Arab origin; they are all Egyptian citizens and human beings with equal rights and duties. Given the aforementioned picture, it becomes clear that liberalism, with the superiority it accords to the value of individual and the value of his/her freedom and humanity, contributes in a positive manner to the reform of the communities that suffer the aggravation of social problems, including Egypt, which is currently witnessing an unprecedented state of deterioration in the area of human rights. Liberalism, as such, does not offer a limited solution, but rather a complete system of human values that helps develop the society, and salvage it from the swamp of racism and ferocity. Liberalism in educating the citizen with his/her human rights

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allows for building a community on solid basis that can stand even the toughest circumstances. In preparing this distinguished human being, liberalism paves the way towards preparing a human being with the capacity of working in politics to manage his/her society, and capable of working in economics to manage his/her life. As for the economic dimension of liberalism, it is the one part that raises many attacks and that brought about much criticism, because it demands the freedom of the market, which is thought by some to mean “let the rich become richer, and leave the poor to face their destiny8.” But is liberalism really a ferocious economic system that aims at expanding the wealth of the rich and seizing the livelihoods of the poor? Is the main cause of the harsh economic problems that we are facing in the Egyptian society rooted in the policies of liberating the market? It is noteworthy that this pegging of all the continued economic crises faced in the Egyptian society on liberal thought is a misconception of the economic liberalism that arose from the mistaken application of liberal policies in economics. Liberalism in principle seeks to have an open market where competition takes place based on the principle of equal opportunity, which calls for just competition, and the relegation of monopolistic policies that lead to diverting the path of wealth, and the destruction of the hopes and ambitions of many projects. It is observed that that the economic liberal problem is manifest due to the mechanisms of application,

8 Dr. Rifaat Lakkousha, Liberalism and the Egyptian Society: The Crisis

and the Guide, p.10,11.

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which have a negative effect on the people’s impressions about economic liberalism. Liberalism totally respects the right of individuals to property, and in that it does not distinguish between rich and poor. On the contrary, the preservation of the property of the poor is one of the main tenets of economic liberalism, and in that it contributes to increasing the incomes of the poor through increasing the rhythm of growth at high rates9. Liberalism in its call for the market freedom admits the right of all individuals to integration into the new economic system. In that it rejects exclusion, and preserves its continued principle of accepting the other different person. This different other is entitled to enter the market, legitimate competition, and increasing the wealth thereof, as long as s/he deserves such. The most important thing at the moment is not introducing the society to economic liberal policies, but the method of applying such policies. The freedom of the market, the right of individuals to equal opportunity, and legitimate competition do not happen under a system of corruption that is very strong and powerful extending to the ruling regime itself. Moreover, corruption cannot be overcome except through independent judiciary that is very strong and neutral. It is noteworthy that all such conditions are not part of the current Egyptian society. Thus, ultimately the crisis of liberalism in the economy arises by and large from the mechanisms of application, and not from the nature of the liberal system Given the aforementioned I tried to explain the main cause that made me adopt liberal thought, and believe in it as an appropriate solution to all the complex problems facing the 9 Ibid.

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Egyptian society, be it on the political, economic, or social levels. On the political level liberalism believes in the inevitability of creating a democratic system based on the circulation of power through a multiple party system. On the social level liberalism believes in the importance of creating a society that holds dearly human rights. On the economic level, liberalism calls for reforming the economy through the freedom of the market in a framework of transparency and under the umbrella of the law. I hope I was successful in giving a sound and objective interpretation of such concepts. I also hope that this article managed to transfer the true concept of liberal thought to the Egyptian citizen, and that this article becomes a step, though simple, towards doing justice to the liberalism unfairly misjudged and underappreciated in and by the Egyptian society.

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Liberal Solutions for the Crises of the Egyptian Society

Shady Mohamed Hussein Al-Rakhawy

I was born in 1987. I graduated from the Faculty of Engineering, al-Mansoura University. I am a member in the Democratic Front Party. I enrolled in the training course which was organized by the Youth Organization of the Democratic Front Party sponsored by Friedrich Naumann Foundation in al-Mansoura in December 2007. I also joined a cultural seminar on "Political Liberalism and the Concept of the Civil State" under the sponsorship of Friedrich Naumann Foundation in al-Mansoura in June 2008. I wish I would have an effective presence towards the Egyptian political forces, which will positively influence the process of the democratic transition and which will ultimately serve the best interests of the public.

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My early preparatory education was in a private school funded and managed by a group of the Leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood. For their educational policy, the administrators of this school adopted two concepts:

First: The rote learning of the Holy Quran without any interpretation. Second: The reliance on conspiracy theory while analyzing the political and social phenomena, to prove that they are the only defenders of religion and the guards of the gate of salvation. Their ancestors –who were professional at politicizing religion- aimed at misrepresenting the idea of the civil state claiming that liberalism as a concept rejects any religious authority. They also spread the idea asserting that those who call for the separation between the religious authority and the civil one are actually rejecting religion and are against Islam which is regarded as both a state and a religion. Consequently, and in addition to the decline of the liberal currents on the cultural and political levels, the word liberal is often regarded by many as unusual. This is because they believed that rejecting such a divine system and replacing it with another man-made system is bizarre. They thought that this man-made system will not be able to elevate its laws to the level of the religious entity, whether that substitution is under the name of liberalism or any other name. In fact, the definition of liberalism as "the necessity of identifying the pattern of the relationship between the individual, the society and the state, which helps secure the inner balance of an individual as a human being, and the outer balance as an effective member of society” necessitates the separation between the religious and civil authorities. This springs from the desire to protect religion from the influence of the state, given that religion is considered as the main moral

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reformer which guarantees the mental and spiritual stability of an individual. This definition also longs for protecting the public from the officials who hide their crises and unsound choices under the garbs of religion. History links the idea of politicizing religion to major humanitarian tragedies. For example, Papal Europe witnessed inspection courts and Catholic-Protestant wars. The Islamic East had also seen wars between the keepers of the Holy Quran and those who followed profit hood. One may see men who superficially adhere to the laws of Shari’a without knowing its real essence; they allege a false religious authority in order to gain other powers. Another group also appeared calling for the illegitimacy of rebelling against the ruler, and that liberalism is infidelity. There are also those who seek to stigmatize others with being infidel to prove their divine right of determining the fate of the nation. They believe that the Islamic Sharia is the principal constitution of humanity, in other words, those who don't believe in Islam are considered out-laws. This concept formed the intellectual basis of irresponsible processes of sectarian agitation. Hence, since that for every action there must be a reaction, such processes had an effect on the Coptic, the thing that consequently led to the chronicle Muslim-Coptic crisis. They also resulted in converting the idea of citizenship from being one of the main features of the Egyptian personality to being a controversial issue. A third group started trading with simple people's faiths under the slogan of 'Islam is the Solution'. Since that Islam may be explained in various ways according to the interpreter, thus those people use Islam as per their needs. I, as an Egyptian think that the separation between liberalism and other authorities guarantees the integrity of political life which depends on transparency and the refusal of misleading.

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For me, liberalism is not an ideology, in other words it is not established on firm bases. In fact liberalism regulates the relationships between the individual, the society and the state within the frame of the natural laws of things. The role of liberals emerges in the process of revealing these laws and reforming the updates made by the society within its frame. Therefore, a liberal society believes in the natural development of the systems, individuals and institutions, and it rejects revolutionary violence which usually exceeds the actual reality and tries to impose ready-made ideologies. As a result, the society moves back to pre-start stage, and the revolutionary violence may lead to the dissolution of the internal front because it does not always divide authority according to law. So, revolutionary systems usually glorify the individual leader regarding him as the man of fates, resulting in destroying the democratic life and threatening the freedom of individuals. Why do I believe that liberalism is a beneficial idea for my future and for the futures of Egyptian youths? I met two Coptic friends, and while talking with one of them, I noticed that he had some issues towards the word 'Allahu Akbar' (Allah is the greatest), he even refused the fact that it is written on the Egyptian flag in some films. His explanation was 'Egypt is not only for Muslims'. On the other hand, I overheard my other friend singing 'Allahu Akbar' without any conservation. That difference between their interpretation of the ideas of freedom and belonging grabbed my attention. The first one is naturally an introvert and believes that his affiliation should be only to the church. The other is open-minded and tolerant, wishing for Egypt to be a civil state. By analyzing the crisis, I found that it was the ultimate outcome of political, social, economical, and cultural conditions which had all accumulated because official leaderships abandoned

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the idea of civil state, and due to the absence of liberal values, top among which is: freedom, tolerance, equality and the rule of law. Liberal freedom guarantees the inner balance of the individual as a human being, admitting that every individual has his own vital area in which he can practice his choices and rights, making him responsible for his role in society and considering public affairs as his own private affairs. Therefore, he would be willing to exert a part of his effort to serve public affairs. So, the individual call is not a selfish one which imposes isolationism on the people leading to their separation away from the society and the state. On the contrary, it rejects social marginalization and it encourages the individual to be more flexible, and to work on developing his skills and learning how to express them. This will create pluralism in the different fields of life. One may notice that the public opinion favors electing the best for the benefit of the public. On the other hand, on the political level, individualism is considered as a means of creating political pluralism. This is one of the pillars of the democratic life, and it paves the way for the circulation of power. The comprehensive concept of the State –comprising institutions and individuals – regards the individual freedom as the basis of the sovereignty of the state as the individual is the one who protects the earth and the institutions. There were many people who built palaces, but couldn't defend them, and they were well-recognized by history. The role of the state (the state of institutions) and the civil society organizations revolves mainly around developing the skills of an individual through the educational and media systems, enabling him/her to practice rights and duties without anarchy and passiveness.

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This takes us to the issue of the rule of law. Law is the framework within which the relationships between individuals are regulated in the way that one's freedom does not overwhelm others' freedom. Since the nation is the source of powers, therefore law gains its power from the fact that it expresses the will of the nation, We are all aware of the means used by the Egyptian constitution to assure that the Islamic Sharia is the source of legislation which is the total opposite of reality, For example, law does not apply the provisions of flagellation and hand amputation. We also recognize that the executive power represented by the senior statesmen longs for having control on judiciary through the ministries and the councils that oppose the real essence of liberal thinking which is based on the separation of powers. We can also remember the way the last constitutional amendments had passed with the negligence of the citizens and of the political forces. All what was said previously and more made the idea of the rule of law merely ink on paper. I reiterate the necessity of the independence of the judiciary away from the executive power as that will provide guaranteed monitoring in order to protect the state and its control. It also guards individual rights from the outstripping of the executive officials, it keenly defines the responsibilities of individuals, and it achieves equality not on the terms of social and financial levels (this is practically impossible due to the difference between the relative advantages of individuals). The principle of equity is represented in the chances and the rights of self-determination since that this system does not include advantages that make some individuals and categories more prominent than the other. On the contrary, opportunities must be granted to everyone, and the standard of distinction should be measured according to the individual exquisiteness. This is all offered by the independent judiciary and the controlling law.

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• The Egyptian identity and the concept of civil state: I previously dealt with the role of the political Islamization in deforming the idea of affiliation. Actually, the entity of the state was driven by government leaderships away from its citizens; hence, those citizens started searching for an alternative entity where neither the security of the state nor the emergency laws exist. Because the state with its police-like intervention precluded the practice of politics in its legitimate places (parties, unions, and legislative bodies…) politics moved to illegitimate places (mosques and churches). So, we were surprised with a Muslim citizen claiming that Islam does not include patriotism, and another Coptic one who feels that he only and mainly belongs to the church. • The Circulation of Power:

Experience proved that circulation of power is deemed one of the fundamental guarantees for the smooth progress of the democratic process because it motivates political leaders, regardless of their political identities, to enhance their skills. It also allows them to form parliamentary blocs which, via their public work, would endeavor to secure a majority of votes to enable them to assume the seat of power. In addition, any kind of change within the milieu of the ruling elite would generate the energy of creativity which would in turn work towards the enhancement of the political process. On the other hand, a laid back lax authority surrounds itself with a number of corrupt officials whose sole concern is to keep their authorial positions. In addition, they also need to fill the gap that is created by the non-legitimateness; hence, they resort to police coercion which is thereby an aggression on individual freedom. It also intensifies institutional corruption which in

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turn aggravates poverty and social marginalization as the ruling elite favors their supporters at the account of the others. Finally, institutional corruption engulfs the sovereignty of the state which results in diminishing the role of the civil society whose liability is to preserve state sovereignty. Consequently, the role of individual is equally diminished, hence prevails a culture of passiveness and vulgarity. An active role of Human Rights Organizations, Civil Society Organizations, Opposition Parties and the Independent Press: Egyptian law warrants a monitoring system on ministries, governmental institutions, and top officials, via the mandates granted to the Members of Parliament (Early Day Motions and Cross-Examinations), and through specialized bodies, such as the Central Authority for Auditing, and the Administrative Control Organization. However, this does not rule out the role played by the Civil Society, the independent press, and the political parties (that do not stand in opposition only for the sake of opposition, but out of its rejection of corruption and passivity) in guarding the sovereignty of the state. The flabby authority could indeed impose its hegemony over these bodies, under the protection of the top officials. This makes the control only formal and purposeless. Moreover, the government seeks to make the people’s control marginal. This is done by forming a supportive parliamentary majority. The responsible leaderships might take arbitrary measures against the mischievous members who are able to make it to the Parliament. At this stage the aforementioned bodies, as well as the independent judiciary, formulate an independent free framework that protects the sovereignty of the state, on the one hand, and on the other invests the individual powers positively.

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• Market Economies: Private ownership is deemed the biggest incentive to motivate the mechanism of the market within a competitive framework which eventually leads to increase in production. The right of ownership is considered an intrinsic guarantee for freedom because it assures the distribution of wealth on the basis of self capabilities. It also opens the door to competition amongst individuals which is considered a fundamental motivator for creativity. On the contrary, concentration of wealth in the hands of the public sector, which is responsible for the running of the government, is a gateway to repression of liberties and a decrease in the level of incomes because it slows down the wheel of production and does not warrant equitable distribution. Such a situation would practically lead to what is termed as "state capitalism" or in other words, wealth is concentrated in the hands of high handed authority. At this stage, legislations do not present a sufficient guarantee for social justice because authority, wealth and legislations are all issues that are in the grip of a despotic government whilst, legislations, within the framework of a free market, are considered a pivotal mechanism in justice as wealth is in the hands of those who believe in the authority of the state. Dr. Refaat Lakousha highlights the following points with regards to the role of the state: • Providing subsidization to the poor to alleviate their

burdens and to apply the principle of social equality. When the state offers discounted land lots to encourage investment or when it removes taxes on imported goods to support factory owners, it is equally responsible to support the poor in the same manner that it has supported the others.

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• Fighting monopolization and concentration of wealth which eventually lead to bankruptcy of small investors, shrinkage of the market and raising of prices beyond the limitations of honest competitions.

• Organizing co-existence between various patterns of production which would support the notion of competitiveness. For example, imposing laws for supermarkets to close at a certain time with the exemption small shop owners to encourage them to compete and develop.

With the above mentioned criteria the society can be able to self-amend its crises. If this is to be applied to the crisis of citizenship, the essentials of a civil state are capable of subverting the fundamentals which initiated the crisis such as politicicizing religion and social marginalization. Market economies can offer a solution to poverty and unemployment and such other issues that have degraded the Egyptians to inhumane standards of impoverishment and emptiness. This has consequently created a negative atmosphere in the Egyptian society, an atmosphere that could very easily self ignite. Finally, we are liberals because Egypt deserves to be on equal footing with the developed nations.

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He Who Differs from Me Is not against Me

Mariam Murad ‘Ali

I was born in 1987, I am in my finalyear in Faculty of Pharmacology, Cairo University. I have been a member of the Democratic Front Party since July 2007. I am also a member of the Central Bureau of the Youth Organization and of the Supreme Council of the party. I have attended a number of cultural days sponsored by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation. I wish that liberalism may change from words discussed on paper to acts that are accomplished and spread in the Egyptian street, a street that I feel is now ready to accept a strong liberal current. Therefore we liberals have to be effectively present in the field and bring our ideas to the man of the street who has been exploited by the religious current. We can now build, with our liberal movement, another Egypt, the Egypt we all wish for.

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I am a liberal because I am a free person and long to live in a free nation. But wait a minute. We should have no problem with the word freedom. We should not have to confront taboos every time the word liberty is mentioned. I am a liberal. This means I am in search of freedom in its positive sense. For me, to be free is to express, to object, to choose who rules me, to say no. To be free is for my voice to be represented without falsification. My freedom is in my identity as a girl who is legally competent, not half a human. This is the liberty God gave me and that society wants to take away from me. My liberty is in generally being free to choose. I am a liberal because I believe in freedom of faith and I am convinced that it is not within my rights to interfere in others’ faith or force them to adopt mine. This is a right God has granted every human being, even before we started to claim it. I am a liberal because I believe in a civic state founded on equality regardless of gender, color or religion. I believe that the law should be applied to everyone indiscriminately. I am a liberal because I do not care to ask everyone I deal with about their religion and on that basis decide how I will treat them. I am a liberal because I believe that religion is for God and it is not for me to place myself in His place and judge people according to their beliefs. I am a liberal because I do not hate someone because he is in some way different from me. I believe that, in life, difference is the norm. People cannot be carbon copies of each other. I am a liberal because I dream of a better future for my country and it is my conviction that liberalism is a very suitable means of achieving it. Nevertheless I am not against other ideas, even if they are in opposition to

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liberalism because to be liberal is to accept others, even if they do not always accept this. I am a liberal because I like to think without restrictions and because I believe that no nation ever progressed by memorizing by heart or copying without thinking. On the contrary, cramming and copying put us on the path to regression and ignorance. This is why freedom of thought always leads to creativity and through history, all geniuses had a different way of thinking. They were free thinkers and created through rebelling against prevalent thought. I am a liberal because liberalism does not compel me to think in a certain manner or seek to forcefully convince me of a certain idea with the threat that if I do not embrace it I will no longer be a liberal. On the contrary, liberalism helps me construct the idea and believe in it, not the other way round. I think before I am convinced and the path to conviction is through my brain and my brain alone. I am a liberal because liberalism has taught me that he who differs from me is not against me and that the other, however he is, should not be an outcast. I am a liberal because liberalism prevents others from being judgmental about my ideas and does not allow me to be judgmental either, however shocking other peoples ideas are to me. Because liberalism taught me that thinking rectifies thoughts and if my ideas are not correct today, rational thinking will contribute to correcting them tomorrow. Threats and intimidation will not change ideas. I am a liberal because ideas are free. They have wings and no one can prevent them from reaching people. I am a liberal because liberalism has taught me to accept opposing views that differ from my own. I am a liberal because liberalism is a way of life and by adopting it I am a better

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person. This is why I hope to see Egypt become a liberal nation, to witness a society that is able to accept all its children in all their hues.

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Chapter Four Private Experiences

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A Moment of Freedom

Hany Al-Khayyat

I was born in 1978, and I graduated as a civil engineer. I participated in many courses and conferences held by various organizations of civil society working in the field of democracy and human rights. I am a former assistant secretary of the political education secretariat of the Ghad Party, and then I worked as a general secretary for youth in the Democratic Front Party. My primary focus is no longer on politics, as I am now more oriented towards civil society activities. I am currently director of the Egyptian Vision Center. I hope that Egypt becomes a liberal state.

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Why am I a liberal? Dear reader, I think that you are expecting me to narrate the reasons which made me a liberal, and to talk about the advantages of liberalism and so forth. Instead, let me first take you on an interesting and exciting journey, let me tell you the story of a distinguished young Egyptian man, then we will continue our discussion about liberalism. He was like any other ordinary Egyptian boy who had just finished a school day. Although this day was boring, he managed to have some innocent fun with his school mates. Going back home and as he was going up the stairs he was expecting the same scenario and reactions of everyday. He will find his mother receiving him with a big warm hug, and he, as always, will squirm out of her arms and run to the kitchen to have a taste of the food that his mother has made. She will chide him. Then he will wait for his father to return from work. These were all traditions and customs that he had been grown accustomed to. But this particular day was different from all other days; as he was getting closer to his home he felt a strange sudden grip that squeezed his heart telling him that something bad had happened. That feeling was ascertained when he went up the stairs to find his neighbors receiving him with a sad compassionate look, and his mother waiting for him with a pale face and eyes filled with tears. Then someone told him that his father had passed away. He received the news in silent shock and showed no reaction. He felt as if his soul had been ripped from his body turning him into a person devoid of passions and feelings. After a few days of mourning, he felt deep inside that nothing was the same anymore. After tasting the bitterness of grief at such an early age, he was no longer like any other child. He had become alone in life, and he now had to find his way by himself. He began to develop a different perspective of life

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with the hope that this would distinguish him from others. Because when someone decides to be different, this 'someone' has to choose either to be distinguished or to be a nobody. When he was asked the common question "What do you want to be when you grow up?" he spontaneously answered "a businessman or a scientist". This would shock the asker who was expecting to hear the traditional answer which was a doctor or an engineer. His innocent self told him that being a scientist or a businessman is not enough, hence, he found what he desired and aimed for in the tales of the prophets and the memoirs of great politicians who changed the course of human life for the better. He knew deep inside that he was a distinguished person who wasn't born to be a member of a herd. He did not accept the ready-made cliches of life and of the meaning of things. He wanted to find his own definitions of everything around him, and he managed to reach that through exploring his father's library where he found hundreds of books. He excitingly read most of the books there, and every time he finished a book, he discussed and argued its issues with those older than him. He didn't approve of any information without searching for its origin, thereby improving his ability to understand life through critical thinking, and raising within him the sense of self-criticism. Years passed and the young child turned into a young man. Because of his frequent and continuous reading habit, he managed to have access to a wider and more different world. He knew that the world was much wider than the limited world of friends and family. He wanted to explore this interesting world, so he decided to bring it to him by getting to know more of the foreigners who lived in his neighborhood. They were many and of different nationalities. The closer he came in contact to their lives, the more he found that this world was full of a variety of cultures and beliefs. From them

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he learned that no matter how much he disagrees with someone, he has to take this 'someone' the way he is, and not to oblige the other to follow his own beliefs. Because eventually we are all human beings, we all have the right to disagree, and we cannot all be the same carbon copy, or else the world will be a very boring place. A sense of responsibility was born within him, both towards himself and his society. Although he was proud of being a free individual, he knew that he did not live in an isolated island, and he was very well acquainted with his role towards his family and his homeland. He engaged himself extensively in public work, not aiming for fame or money, but aiming for contributing to reform as much as he could. Joining the Liberal Party was not surprising, since the principles of liberalism were the closest to his own life and principles. In the party, he learned that fighting for freedom did not mean fighting for his own freedom only, but for the freedom of his country and its people. He came to hold within the folds of his heart his own dream; the dream of living in a democratic country where the people can choose their officials freely, and that those officials are monitored and held accountable if they commit any errors. He dreamt of country that does not differentiate between its sons and daughters – where all Egyptians are equal before the law and the constitution and the government. Christians, Muslims, Nubians, Upper Egyptians or Sinai Bedouins are all the same. There is no difference between them. He dreamt of a country in which each and every individual can honestly and clearly express his opinion through free media. He dreamt of citizens constructing their own future and their country's future. This would be done through science, planning and hard work, and not through apathy and superstition. He dreamt many dreams and worked hard to make them come true. Dreams are made to be achieved

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and experienced in reality, not to live and die in our imagination. Did you like the story? I know that the end was unexpected, even the hero of this story still does not know its end; only God knows it. The hero is now sitting in his office to write this article in order to express his opinion and to reveal a part of his life. Let us resume our talk about liberalism and continue writing the article. As you have seen, liberalism is not just a concept that we call for in seminars and forums - or in articles. Liberalism as I see it is in the morals and personal traits that we exhibit in our daily life. It is our own perspective of life. However, do not be astounded to see someone calling for liberalism while he himself is far from being one. You may also see someone hailing for respecting women and at the same time this 'someone' exploits women (sexually, financially, or emotionally). There is also he who calls for democracy while he is an extreme dictator in all aspects of life; in his work and with his family. You may also notice that when someone finds that you are disagreeing with him, he will exert a lot of effort to restrain you because he believes that he and only he has the monopoly over 'absolute truth' and any other opinion must be silenced. This is all because of the fact that his ideas about liberalism are imprisoned in his mind and have not had the chance to penetrate to his heart and soul in order to form a harmonic mix. We now get to the part where we ask ourselves, when will liberalism start constructing the future of Egypt and other countries of the region so that our world is more developed, peaceful, refined and more consistent with the civilized world?

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I Adopted Liberalism Long before Knowing the Term

Doaa Atif Al-Attar

I was born in May 1989, in Kafr El-Zayat in El-Gharbiyya Governorate. I am currently studying media in the Faculty of Arts. I created the blog "kalimaty" (my word) and the blog "awqatna el-helwa" (Our nice times) and have also participated in the campaign of "Arousa min gheir shabka" (a bride without a wedding gold gift) on the Facebook which calls for the repeal of exaggerated marriage costs. Because I have adopted a liberal direction, I do not feel the need to belong to a specific party or to specific ideas.

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I did not know the meaning of liberalism, or what does it mean to be liberal except after I had joined college. Astonishingly enough, I came to realize that I had been a liberal without being aware of it. In other words, my thoughts and principles were liberal and I did not know that this is the so-called liberalism. When I became familiar with the concept of liberalism and its ideas and principles, I discovered that they matched my ideas and principles, and since then and I have been telling every body that I am a liberal. The question now is: What are the ideas which I had adopted and which made me become a liberal? To answer this question, we should initially ask ourselves: Why did God give me the faculty of reason? God gave me the faculty of reason to distinguish between what is harmful and what is beneficial and what is good and what is evil and then you have to choose. You alone have the ability to discern and nobody else. You have the responsibility to choose not somebody else. God did not confine reason to a particular person but it was a gift to one and all. Therefore each of us will be held accountable for one's behavior and it is not deemed right that someone would think for me or to decide what I should be. I am responsible for my mind therefore, I am accountable for my behavior, hence I should endure the consequences. Out of such a conviction, I did not want any one to make my decisions for me and that is why in Thanawiyya 'amma (high school) I decided which college I wanted to join. I fervently wished to enroll in the Faculty of Arts, the department of Media and Mass Communication and I did. However, I had to endure a lot of pressures to join colleges

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which stipulated higher grades and were thus deemed better such as the faculties of Education and Science and others. I always contemplated the following queries: Who is going to join the faculty, me or them? Who is going to fail, me or them? As long as I will not be harming anyone by the realization of my wish, it is thereby nobody's right to dictate his desire upon me. This was my principle. Since you possess a mind of your own, then you have to think, choose, decide. Do not let anyone make your decisions. The same applies to religion. I have always believed that there is no compulsion in religion: these are our teachings. In secondary school I had a friend named Mary. Mary was a true friend. Mary was gifted with some noble qualities which I had not encountered in some Muslims. We never ever discussed religion as I was convinced that this was personal freedom. I wouldn't like to impose my religion on her nor would I like her to do so to me. I incessantly enjoyed our conversations and I never felt that I should draw away from her or shun her on grounds of her Christian faith. This had been my perspective long before realizing that these were the selfsame principles of liberalism. When I joined college, and got to know the connotation of liberalism, I discovered that it signifies freedom of the individual and liberalization of the three hegemonic shackles (politics, economy and culture). In addition, liberalism acclimatizes to the values of each society as it differs from a conservative Eastern society to an open-minded Western one. Hence, liberalism is not a blind emulation of the West but it is freedom that is compatible with the principles and values of the society. What I also got to know was that the principle tenet of liberal philosophy focuses

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on the individual and that liberalism revolves around the philosophy of life as a whole. This is liberalism; if this is applied to Egypt, various problems will emerge. Our problem in Egypt is that success is personified. We are always in need of a leader to follow and not a leader whom we choose, whom we share decisions with. If the leader disappears, the whole society collapses. If the President is not present, the institution is destroyed and if the head of state dies, defeat will befall us and the enemies will triumph. We all think with the mind of one person or to be more precise, we cease to think and we let him think for us. The problem in Egypt is that liberalism, democracy and freedom are mere formalities and are devoid of any substance. Each leader wants to be in complete control, leaving no room for discussion or argument; no space to choose what is more befitting. The real calamity lies in the fact that the people are indifferent. The people are pleased not to take over the responsibility and they search for a leader to bear their burdens and then to point the finger of blame at instead of blaming themselves. This, of course, is the secret of our underdevelopment as opposed to the developed countries. A good example of this is Obama who couldn't have come into power in a country that does not recognize democracy. If you scrutinize the principles of liberalism you will realize that it withholds the solution to many of our problems. You will decide who will rule you and you will be contributing to the process of decision making. At the end of the day, you will find that you are actually ruling yourself. As a result, a generation that is capable of thinking, choosing, assuming responsibility will be born. Away from hegemony, dictatorship and discrimination, individuals will project their own ideas and

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simultaneously there will respect each other. In my opinion, liberalism in short is:

- Think and do not let someone else think for you. - Make your decisions and do not let someone else

decide for you. - Endure the outcomes of your mistakes and do not

blame others. - Since you will think and decide and endure the

outcomes of your mistakes, do not coerce any one and do not think or decide for any one as at the end of the day every one is accountable for one's self and actions.

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I Was a Radical Islamist but Am Now a Liberal

Walid Zamil Za’ir Lilu

I was born in 1987, I hold a degree in law from the University of Baghdad (2001-2). I am the head of the Unit for Legal Affairs and Political Entities in the Independent High Delegation for Elections.

I participated in the session held by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for some of the members of National Transitional Association from the 7th to the 11th of October, 2005 on the topic of Iraqi constitutional settlement in the Jordanian capital. I also participated in the session held by the Foundation for a number of members of the Iraqi Parliament on options for diversity and types of federal systems from the 20th to the 24th of July, 2006 in the Jordanian capital. I participated in the training course held by the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs in co-operation with the International Foundation for Electoral Systems about political entities, dealing with them, registration procedure and ratification in the period between 12 and 17 January in Irbil, Kurdistan, Iraq.

I aspire to establish a political party with a wide popular base that seeks to spread liberal concepts and establish a state of law in Iraq, my country, a country that has a diversity of ethnicities, factions and religions. I also wish to hold workshops for Iraqi youth for the propagation and reinforcement of liberal thought.

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In recent times, calls have increased for the restriction of the interference of religion in the running of the state and for reducing the influence of men of religion in the decision-making process and in legislation of laws that govern the lives of humans. These calls came in response to the dire results of involving men of religion in the administration of the state and elevating them to positions of power that facilitated the control of religious traditions over politics. Consequently, limitations to the freedom of individuals to practice their everyday rights increased. I refer here to religious extremism and not to tolerant religious practice that is void of constraints of bigotry. I refer to a religion that is closer to the pre-Islamic traditions of Jahiliyya that limited individual rights to the extent of denying women the right to live as can be seen in the pre-Islamic practice of burying girls alive. On the other hand, the Islam that is tolerant and open-minded and void of bigotry has the same aims that liberals of the world call for because unlimited freedom is chaos and the springboard for this discussion is the idea that responsible liberty should be practiced with awareness and discipline within the framework of the law. We can therefore start with putting forth a definition for liberalism, and it is as follows: Liberalism is to respect a state based on justice and laws and to limit the power of the state and to free humans from enslavement to fellow humans and to encourage free markets. So how could I, as a Muslim, not be a liberal? As for the concept and properties of liberty as they appear in the reference books, they can be summarized as follows; Concept and Properties: The word liberalism comes from the Latin liber meaning free. Current liberalism is a belief system or a movement of social and political awareness within society that aims to free

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humans as individuals and as a group from authoritative limitations in politics, economics and culture. Liberalism varies according to the manners and values of the society that adopts it. It is therefore different in Western societies than in Eastern societies that are more conservative. Furthermore, liberalism is both a political and economic doctrine. This means that it is a philosophy based on the independence of the individual and on a commitment to personal liberties and the protection of political and civic liberties and supporting democratic parliamentary systems and social reforms. Liberal philosophy is based on the idea of the individual as tangible being. Steering clear of theorizing and abstraction, it formulates a philosophy of life that revolves around this individual and from values that define thought and behavior together. A human being is born to this life as a free individual with the right to live. And from the right to life and liberty come a series of related rights such as the right to choose, or to live the life that he desires, not that others desire for him, and the right to express himself in different ways, and the right to search for the meaning of life according to his convictions not according to convictions dictated upon him. In short, liberalism is no more and no less that the right of the individual – the human being – to live free in this world with the free will to choose. The afterlife is left to a higher power. Liberty and freedom are the cornerstones of liberal thought and it is the one concept that all liberal theorists, such as Hobbes or Locke or Bentham agree on, even if they then diverge in results. For example, Hobbes was politically inclined to authoritarianism but his social philosophy (even his political authoritarianism) was based on the right to liberty and to choice. Bentham was prone to utilitarianism but this too stemmed from a reading of the primary motives for human individual behavior. The ultimate result was always freedom and free choice. Concerning the relationship between liberalism and morals or liberalism and religion, liberalism is

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not concerned with human behavior as long as it does not overstep the individual bounds of private rights and liberties but it becomes extremely strict beyond these bounds. Moral lassitude is your private business but harming others with your immorality – getting drunk and driving a car or accosting a girl in the street for example, is no longer your private affair. Whether you are religious or an atheist, this too is your affair. Properties of Liberalism: Liberalism is the opposite of radicalism and as such it has no sacred liberal reference that is untouchable. This is because should it sanctify any of its symbols to the extent that he become its mouthpiece or one of its books so that it becomes its one and only reference, it will no longer be liberalism. It will be one of those isolationist self-referential schools of thought. The reference of liberalism is in the vast open space where human based values reside; values such as the liberty, dignity and individuality of the human being. Liberalism multiplies with the multiplication of liberals and each is his own reference to his own brand of liberalism. The history of liberalism is charged with a variety of liberal experiences and cultural products that revolve around liberal values. All of these are liberal references but not one of them is a binding reference. And if one of them becomes, or tries to become, binding, it is dropped from the corpus of liberalism. Liberalism is based on a belief in individuality based on freedom of thought, tolerance, respect for human dignity, acknowledgement of man’s right to live, and consideration that equality is the basis of co-operation and respect between individuals. Equality guarantees liberty and the state should play no role in social relations or economic activities unless it

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needs to correct a misbalance in the interests of the individual or of society. Liberalism is also based on the consecration of the rule of the people through public vote which is an expression of the will of the people. It also believes in ridding society of corruption, separation of legislative, legal and executive powers, and constantly revising these three authorities to guarantee individual liberties and to restrict special privileges. Finally, it believes in the practice of sovereignty outside these bodies of authority so that they are truly representative of the will of the people. Conclusion: The above arguments and evidence have been put forth to explain the concept of liberalism, its qualities and advantages. I would now like to explain the reasons that converted me from religious radicalism to liberal theory as a basis for governance, why I became a liberal after I was an ardent enthusiast for the religious theory of governance and the idea of religion as a basis for rule. I believed that religion should be a reference for all issues of life in all its fields. I now do not absolutely reject religion as a theory for government but I use liberal theory of government to spring from my religious affiliation and belief system and convert it to a paradigm to aspire to. This is due to the following reasons: 1. State of Righteousness and Law The concept of liberalism is nothing new. One of its fundamental tenets is based in Jewish belief and Ancient Greek thought. This is the belief that there is a ‘supreme law’ to which all, including the ruler, is accountable. Islam preserved and consolidated this idea within the belief system

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of the group by reiterating that rulers are not the supreme source of authority and that they too yield to the rule of law. Liberalism does not mean the absence of rules and laws. It is a call for all to be equally subject to the same rules and regulations so that no one is above the law. A state based on righteousness and law determines the difference between democracy and dictatorship. A society that does not consecrate righteousness and law and allows the ruling elite to make a mockery of the law for their personal gain and impose a certain way of life on their people is a society closer to communism and fascism and has nothing to do with Islam. 2. The Limited Role of the State The state of righteousness and law calls for equality between the ruler and those he rules. And since rulers are in command of potential tools of subjugation (legislation of laws, control over the army and police forces), it is necessary that their authority is limited. If those who govern are granted limitless powers this opens the doors wide for rulers to exploit the institutions of the state for their personal interests. The state, as represented by its rulers, is an institution through which citizens delegate power to their ruler. Its legitimacy and powers are derived from the people. And because the state is a powerful institution that possesses tools of intimidation, the real danger lies in its reins being handed over to the wrong people, who will then convert these tools of intimidation into weapons directed against the people not utilized for their best interest. To prevent the absolute domination of the state, its powers have to be limited. Normally, this is only possible by means of an effective constitution that clearly delineates the duties of the rulers and restricts their executive power through monitoring and accountability to other powers (legislative and legal).

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Furthermore, Islam as a religion never recognized the concept of a central religious authority. On the contrary, believers are free to make their own decisions based on the knowledge they possess. What we can learn from Islam is that he who is in power must let the people be free in making their decisions and not force them to abide by the whims of the minority should they happen to head the state. 3. Individual Freedom

The limited role of the state means that the individuals are free to act in whichever way they see appropriate with the stipulation that they do not aggress on the freedom of the other. The freedom of the individual ends with the initiation of the freedom of others. In this context, liberal thought deems the individual as the main constituent and nucleus of the society. A society is simply a group of individuals exerting efforts to achieve their interests and accomplish their needs. Since an individual is free to join any social entity or be affiliated to any cause, he must also be free to separate from this entity or forfeit that cause whenever he pleases. An individual must never be coerced to belong to any social entity or to yield to the will of any group. Such thought conforms to the principles of Islam which liberated humans from slavery and to surrender to God Almighty only. Therefore, depriving an individual of the freedom to choose contradicts with the spirit of Islam as in turn it contradicts with the will of the creator. Therefore, every individual should care for the dignity of the other regardless of his origin, religion or gender. In other words, differences among individuals must be respected. Every individual has duties and rights such as his duty to respect the other and the duty of the other to show mutual respect. What is more important is that the principle of respecting individual freedom dictates the non-intervention of

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the state in the private lives of the individuals so long as they do not overstep on the freedom of the other. 4. Free Market It is well known that the liberals protect the free market system. Nevertheless, the reasons for their position is often misunderstood. Some people accuse liberals of their indifference towards the discrepancy between the poor and the rich. These are of course false accusations. Liberals support the free market system because it is the only economic system that respects the dignity of the individuals. Deprivation of the individual from his right to choose, even in the field of economy, is a denial of the individual's dignity and self determination. Some support the idea that the state is responsible for ensuring equality in the society. By assuming so, they commit an ethical as well as a practical mistake. As a Muslim, I believe that God created us equal. Even if the notion of enforcing economic equality is ethically attractive, experiments have proved that the intervention of the state to impose equality has actually widened the economic gap between individuals. I wonder how politicians assume that the answer to the failure of the state to establish economic equality is more intervention under the pretext of the role of the sponsor state. Is it appropriate to think of a concept by the name of 'special' Iraqi liberalism? Four years have passed since the exchange of power in Iraq. This experience can be characterized by being a 'special' kind of democracy; one which differs from many democracies in the world. Therefore, a national researcher should initially research the various types of democracy

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that are practiced in the world then explain the special Iraqi democracy. Democracy and liberalism are often confused with each other despite the fact that there are many types of liberalisms that are being practiced in the world especially in Western Europe and the States. It should also be noted that liberalism and rightist thinking are also intermixed. I also pose these questions with the intention of identifying these terms in a manner which would facilitate the process of awareness for the Iraqi people. Logical assumptions postulate that contradictions are mutually exclusive. This connotes that the judgments of Islam are fixed and non-negotiable. Hence, if someone tries to modify a term of a Latin origin to Arabic and suggests the term democracy for the Arabic word Shura (consultation, advice), it is deemed incorrect. Shura is not democracy. But this is an area which needs further investigation and could be discussed in another research. There might be some common ground between Islam as an integrated doctrine of life and democracy as a method of government. The similarities can be illustrated in the fact that Islam concurs with the principles of Human Rights that are agreed upon internationally. Nevertheless, there are many points of differences as well. Where are the discrepancies between Islam and democracy? Yes. Democracy is based on elections whereby a group is selected to rule and run a whole society according to the rules and laws that are agreed upon. Democracy is also guided by the items of the constitution that have been approved of by all the individuals of the nation. But the verses of the Holy Quran cannot be voted upon as they are constant and invariable and cannot be interpreted by a politician who is not well-versed in possessory arts and studies as well as in Arabic language, history, Hadith (Prophet Muhammad's sayings), biographies and other linguistic nuances and religious details that only

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specialists would be aware of. In Islam, if a problem arises, regardless of the fact whether it is an everyday problem or a jurisprudential one, they resort to the religious authority to air his views and take a decision without voting or discussion. This opinion could be amended or altered but only at the hands of another more learned scientist or after the demise of the authority who issued the fatwa (opinion). Democracy plays another game as a decision that is taken by an elected government can be disputed even though the governing body has the right to make that decision. When the people decide that the decision does not conform to their will, they engage in demonstrations to enforce a change in the decision. After pressure, and by the means of proper democratic methods, approved by the constitution, the government may withdraw its decision. In case the government insists on its decision, despite the will of the people, the people do not forget and attempt to change the government in the next elections by voting for another government. On the other hand, it is impossible to demonstrate against a fatwa. This is unheard of in the history of Islam. Some might claim that the fatwa was unanimously approved when it was passed and that is accepted by one and all. Yes, this is true because the common man does not have the right to protest as the only means to protest is for him to become another religious authority. This is a simple example of contradictions. And there are many other examples that may be more dangerous as they may define the security of a whole nation and may lead to the destruction or the satisfaction of the people. In a nutshell, in the case of democracy, the society has the right to intervene in the issues of everyday life more than in the case of Islamic rule whereby the most significant issues

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are in the control of religious authorities and the role of the individual, as an individual and as part of a group, is denied. The Iraqi people are looking for liberalism that would guarantee them justice and security because they have suffered from the political parties that had governed the country the four previous years. The Iraqi people also fear Western terms that would subject them to the accusation of being affiliated to the West. They also fear certain concepts that seem contradictory to patriotism if judged within the parameters of received and enforced upbringing that prevailed during the age of 'no-system' that is now dead and buried. These concepts include colonialism, treason, atheist West and so forth. Such issues place them in the deadlock of accepting new changes, even though the Iraqi people are desperate for change after the suffering and affliction they have underwent. Iraqi liberalism will address the individuals and the essentiality of living a life of dignity without being exploited by the parties and the government. The people are waiting and sacrificing and are receiving nothing but hunger and thirst and slow and sudden deaths. The reason is the disputes over power and authority for the sake of material, glutted gain. But apparently, they who have tasted authority and who were bent on usurping the resources of their country are never satiated but always covet for more. Liberalism is a Western European concept that caters for the needs of the individual in every sense of the word. It also targets to liberalize the individual from all forms of exploitation. Liberalism does not differentiate between one nation and the other, between one religion and the other, between a doctrine and another. Liberalism is indifferent to any personal conviction of an individual. On the contrary, liberalism supports individuals to choose the religion of their choice and the nationalism of their preference. Liberal

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thinking aims to minimize government authority. It cares for economy to enhance individuals regardless of their particular denominations or affiliations.

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It is my Liberalism

Mohammed Maher

I was born in Cairo in 1983. Graduated from the Faculty of Commerce in 2004. I changed my career to the field of journalism and media after completing the training program set up by the newspaper "Watany" (My homeland) to train journalists and prepare public opinion leaders. I am currently a journalist in "al-Mal" newspaper and am responsible for the section of ethnic and religious minorities (Political Reform Page) . Together with a group of friends, we are working on the establishment of an organization entitled "The Dream of Democracy" (A liberal Egyptian dream). I am a member of the Egyptian Union of Liberal Youth (EULY) I have participated in a number of civil community activities such as a workshop organized in October 2008 in Ismailia by the Egyptian Union of Youth in collaboration with Friedrich Naumann Foundation entitled "How to develop liberalism in the Egyptian community". I also participated in a workshop launched by the International Republican Institute to re-enforce potentials of political parties in Jordan . I dream that Egypt regains its liberal position to assume its natural position as an illuminating, liberating and democratic force in the region.

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What does liberalism mean to me? How did I become a liberal? Why am I a liberal in the first place? Many questions came to my mind as I was attempting to answer the principal question of the competition (Why am I a liberal?). The many answers and various ideas which saturated my mind for a short while made me resolve not to participate in the competition mainly because time was tight despite my eagerness to participate since I was informed of the competition . Nevertheless, I got enthusiastic and I took a sip of some dark tea and went down memory lane to recollect some ideas to put them on paper. In order to recall my memories chronologically I first posed the question (Since when did I become a liberal?). I chose to believe that I am still a novice in the field of liberalism and that my liberalism was formed on the basis of a variety of accumulated experiences and diverse readings in addition to being more inclined ideologically towards the right and not towards the left. Moreover, from a general perspective, I was more biased towards individual freedom, which did not, nevertheless, mature enough except after liberal ideology was more established in my mind as I myself got more mature . My twenty-six year old mind underwent some relatively limited experiences in the ideological swamps of Islamic politics as I had been more inclined towards this ideological path. Being a greenhorn in the world of politics, I was attracted to the idea of poetic justice which Islam aspires to realize. I had no doubt, then, that Islamic Utopia is a dream that could be achieved if specific circumstances would prevail. I was influenced by certain Islamic writings that were flavored with Arabdom. Gradually, my intellectual inclinations began to sway with the occurrence of successive events. With the

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collapse of the two World Trade Towers in New York in September 2001, I was no longer convinced with the validity of the solutions presented by proponents of religious theories. My deeply rooted conviction was that all radical forces were simply fertile land for breeding forces of extremism and tyranny and that the tree of religion only bears fruits of violence, killing and even slaughtering in some cases. I, then, underwent a complete metamorphosis with regards to my intellectual denomination as I crossed over from the heaven of idealism to the hell of realism. With realism, only harsh, materialistic, ruthless and pragmatic solutions would be feasible. The whole issue then becomes straightforward as it does not require intellectual complications of any kind. Interests become the yardstick whereby if they swerve to the right, commitment to that wing becomes a mandatory obligation and free markets become a desirable practice. In case, the needle is more inclined to the left, the role of the state in economy becomes more enhanced to the point of being a sacred duty. Nevertheless, with the passage of time, I have not yet assimilated the notion that the rules of the game would be limited to such narrow pragmatic dimensions. At that time, I had not been quite familiar with liberalism. I had only heard that it was a notorious term that was incessantly used a synonym to decadence and chaos in most of the speeches and media messages. The Western liberal model was presented as a heretic, dissolute and debauched example that is not governed by customs or traditions or even religious ethics. That was what I had heard then. However, the natural and vehement inclination towards a belief in individual freedom and all its attributions of freedom of thought, of religious denomination, of beliefs, of the right to receive information, of the right to physical integrity etc. played a pivotal role in formulating my liberal stance later on;

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I was always committed to individual interests as opposed to what was termed as interests of the community or the people. This was based on the simplest liberal precept, as I later realized, that instinctive freedom cannot be usurped or screened under any circumstances or in any context and that the value of freedom transcends all other values hence it was prioritized on my agenda of ideological concerns. Why am I a liberal? • Since a very tender age, I was convinced that my only

point of reference should be my mind and that the value of freedom of choice is the sanctum sanctorum that could not be desecrated under any pretext. I then realized that my notions conform to those of liberalism as liberalism does not impose a rigid strict intellectual pattern that is engrossed by theories and thereby overrides the basic human value of choice. On the contrary, liberalism endeavors to formulate and develop awareness of the individual without being committed to immutable ideological frameworks. I later read a quote of Keynes which supported my perspective in which he maintains that he is a liberal in the context that he is open to all thoughts and does not abide by specific preconceived intellectual methodologies.

• I believe in pluralism which is advocated and preserved by liberalism. I have always wondered about the reasons for which we were created different. I was overwhelmed by this question and was engulfed into deep philosophical levels until I became ascertained that difference in ideologies and beliefs and all other kinds of differences are basically an affluence of human wealth that must be preserved and enhanced. I have always envisioned that a garden which withholds a variety of flowers with different colors and fragrances is noticeably more exquisite than one with one kind of flower. In my opinion, pluralism is

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the foremost fort of liberalism and that is all the reason more why I am a liberal.

• I do not deny that I was awed by the history of the Wafd Party which represented a cornerstone in crystallizing my liberal character. I was more convinced that Egypt was better off under the sweeping popularity of the Wafd Party before the Free Officers assumed the seat of power and Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser, along with a group of venturesome others, usurped authority. The liberal experiment in Egypt collapsed interminably (or at least until the moment). My abhorrence of the system that was set up by Nasser increased and his troops still reign until the very day.

• In addition to what has been stated, I have always had rebellious predilections to step out of the circles of taboos that are imposed by society. These taboos, which may be political, ethical or religious, are based on a number of stereotypical notions, which prevail in the society. In reality, liberalism and liberal ideas are my only protective shield, which I use in my attempt to penetrate these circles to refute their allegations with the aid of logical proofs and rational substantiations. Liberalism is against stereotypes and repression of individual freedom under the pretext of these mentioned taboos.

I have resolved to be a liberal as long as I live. I apologize for my generalization and absolutism which do not conform with the notions of liberalism, therefore, my liberalism enforces me to say that I will be a liberal until other ideas and concepts emerge which deserve to be followed. Aِnd that is why I am a liberal.

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I Chose Liberalism because I am a Woman.

Hend Hassan

I was born in 1979. I obtained a Diploma in Advanced Industries in 1998 and I am currently studying Mass Communication in Cairo University. I am a journalist in an independent newspaper called "Sawaysiyya" published in the Governorate of Suez. I also write scripts. I hope that in the future, the Egyptian people would appreciate the value of freedom and would completely realize that progress is intricately related to political, intellectual, religious and economic freedom. I do not believe that that would occur without the presence of media organizations and strong liberal parties that would support and propagate liberal ideology amongst the different sectors of the nation. Hence, I dream of the existence of such parties and organizations that would patiently toil and exert great effort because the mission of changing mistaken ideologies that have long been embedded in minds is one of the hardest missions ever.

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I have always known, ever since I was a young girl, that when human beings die, they end up in one of two places; either heaven or hell and that one's deeds determine one's eternal destination. In other words, a human being is free and is capable of choice. He enjoys the utmost liberty to do whatever he desires without coercion, in any manner he pleases, or else how will God assess our doings had we been enforced to commit them against our own will. Later on, the concept of freedom began to crystallize in my mind and gradually its characteristics started to get more defined. I discovered the existence of the other, he who opposes me in my beliefs, my religion, my political inclinations, my habits, ideologies and perspectives. As a matter of fact, despite being my antithesis, I am expected to respect his religious, ideological and political preferences in the same manner that I would expect him to respect my religious, ideological and political preferences. However wide the gap of differences is, it should not affect the mutual relationship of amiability, friendship and respect that we both share. However, accepting the other with open-mindedness is not a trait of many people. Unfortunately, it is a trait that only a few are blessed with. Otherwise, the vast majority is governed by exaggerated extremism and fanaticism, which ranges from fanaticism in religious and ideological convictions on one hand to extremism in customs and traditions on the other. In fact, being a fanatic does not end at demeaning and ignoring the other but it has reached the limit of accusing him of blasphemy and of killing him.

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In the eyes of those people, one is enslaved by one's religion, ideology or even traditions, even if those convictions are awkward and worn out. They are also convinced that their inherited cultural and religious lore are non-negotiable invariables which man must accept without debating or discussing or refuting or reconsidering. If religious and intellectual fanaticism continues its hegemony over society, we will all become cattle that will only be led by the truncheon; be it the truncheon of religion or that of political despotism, the outcome is the same: Man's liberty will be violated and his freewill and ability of choice will be held back. For these reasons, I opted for liberalism where a human being remains capable of choice, where ideas are not dictated upon you. I chose liberalism whereby no one could judge me or my religion and then accuse me of blasphemy and sentence me to death. I chose liberalism because I believe in freedom of thought and that the ability to imagine is our sole path to creativity. We cannot be creative on paper nor in laboratories so long as our minds are manacled by what society calls taboos or wrongs. We can never be inspired if we are always confronted by the turbaned sheikhs who constantly accuse us of defying the Omnipotent despite the fact that there isn't any common ground between God's will and power and the humble attempts of man to comprehend the world and to develop his life. I chose liberalism because I am a woman: I am a woman who has been fated to live within Arab communities, which only recognize a woman as a creature born out of the womb of Satan, the child of the devil. She is

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the path to sin. She represents sensuality, temptation, distress and suffering which afflict the father who has to endure with patience until another man who is doomed to take over the burden arrives, namely a husband. Hence, such a woman should be hid and should be concealed under a black robe with a tape on her mouth and a blindfold on her eyes. She should be buried in her house so that the society avoids her evilness. As if women are not free creatures created by God with the right to determine their will and to make their decisions! I chose liberalism because I am a woman who lives in a society laden with guardians, be they fathers or brothers or husbands or sons. Men, and only men, in this society, specify how much liberty is to be granted to women; a society where every Tom, Dick and Harry project their views regarding women who only have to succumb and obey. We live in a society where men enjoy the liberty of committing mistakes whilst women do not have the leisure to choose between two correct alternatives. I chose liberalism because I am a human being with a female gender. I chose liberalism because I believe in a civil state where the sanctity of religion is preserved in the mosques and churches and temples while civil rights and citizenship are preserved by laws that are set by the state; constant laws that are clear and unambiguous thereby leaving no room for personal clarifications rendered by turbaned sheikhs or bearded men, laws that view all citizens as equal without any discrimination and that protect all their rights.

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I chose liberalism because I fear that one day I would wake up to find that those bearded fanatics who call themselves the 'Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice' have crossed the sea to invade our country and to drive us with the whip and cudgel.

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So that Mariam Loves her Country

Shihab Abd Al-Magid Wagih

I was born in February 1984, I graduated in May 2008 with a BSc in engineering from the University of Helwan. I am an electro-mechanic engineer in Degla Group for Real-Estate Investment. I am a founding member of al-Gabha Party and am the head of the Free Youth Front, the youth wing of the party. I am a member of the executive bureau of the party and a liberal activist. I would like to thank everyone who taught me to accept the other and understand him. I dream of a world in which everyone accepts each other and dream of a world where everyone accepts each other and know the fact that they differ and compete enriches them and builds them a better future.

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I did not know her but the innocence and sweetness that lit up her features were unmistakable. I was in one of these endlessly argumentative debate circles about the Camp David treaty and about peace, and to be honest, like many others, I was not paying much attention to the subject under discussion until it was her turn to speak. Her accent was obvious Palestinian, and this was in keeping with the Arab features of her face. “My name is Mariam. I am a Christian Palestinian from Gaza”. This is how she started her comment. She did not join the ongoing competition for ‘most powerful empty slogan”. Instead, she told her story with the utmost honesty and love. She, like all the people of Gaza, had suffered under Israeli occupation. She was persecuted for no reason other than the fact that she was an Arab Christian living under the shadow of an occupation that had usurped her freedom and her land. And when a new hope shone thanks to her struggle and the struggle of her brethren, a new system of self-rule came as a result of a democratic process. It was a government that represented the dictatorship of the majority and it wished to force her to wear the hijab, a choice she respected but did not embrace, and it wished to prevent her from listening publicly to the hymns she loved, and if they were sung out loud, the police of the majority could attack her. Just one example of the many infractions of liberty that are committed in the name of democracy. Mariam was the victim of a democracy that was not liberal. My dear reader, before you start to insult and curse Mariam and the writer of these words, and start saying that before the freedom of the individual comes the liberation of the land, and that for the sake of the nation sacrifices should be made willingly, and that Mariam’s right to practice her faith freely is nothing compared to the quest for a nation that is whole not fractured, I ask you to imagine with me Mariam’s future within the current conditions.

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Do you think that Mariam, as part of the minority, will love a nation that does not love her? Do you think she will hold on to her sense of belonging to a nation that rejects her and does not acknowledge her rights? Will she resist the temptation of the monies of the invader and his promises of freedom? Will a weak and crumbling nation campaigning abroad for its freedom be able to stand firm when its minority is persecuted within? Let us apply this example to Egypt. Egypt is a nation whose true majority is a large group of ethnic, sectarian and ideological minorities. Imagine with me what would happen if the majority of one faction took control and forced its beliefs on everyone and privileged its race over all others, will the sense of belonging survive? Will peace survive? Will the nation survive? This is why I am a liberal. I am a liberal because I believe that the state was not established so that it may force its views on the inhabitants of the country. It was established to respect their rights and their liberties. I am a liberal because I do not believe in a state that feeds you, teaches you, employs you according to its whim and within the limitations of a capacity which will stay limited because of a deficiency in enthusiasm and passion for work. How could we expect a person to be enthusiastic for work when he sees that those who work and those who do not are equally rewarded? I am a liberal because I believe in a ruling majority that respects the rights of the minority. I am a liberal because I believe that competition is the only way to a better life as long as it is governed by law. Political competition brings the best candidate to power and economic competition brings the cheapest best quality product to the citizen.

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I am a liberal because I refuse monopoly over power, economics or truth. I am a liberal because I believe in a state based on law, not on a state founded on one person or one idea. I am a liberal because I believe in a world that develops and does not stop at one rigid ideology whatever its name and liberalism by nature is the opposite of rigid ideology. I am a liberal because I believe in the integration of the world and in its co-operation through free trade and cultural links. I am a liberal because I believe that only the rule of law can provide citizens with a good life and that only equal opportunity can achieve the best results. I am a liberal because I want Mariam to love her homeland and to build it hand in hand with her brethren of different religions and ideas.