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    EducationalExpansionandSocialMobilityintheTwentiethCentury

    Abstract

    Sociologistshavelongconsideredinequalityineducationalattainmenttobeamajor

    cause of inequality between people in their chances of occupying a more

    advantageousclass position. However, there is some disputeas to whetherornot

    educational inequalityaccordingtosocialclassbackgrounddeclinedduringthe20th

    century.Whatisnotindoubtisthemarkedexpansionofeducationintheadvanced

    economies during this time, and several authors have pointed to educational

    expansionasamechanismbywhich inequalities insocialmobilitychancesmaybe

    reduced.Imeasurethemagnitudeofsuchaneffectandcompareitwiththeimpact

    ofeducationalequalizationonsocialmobilityinBritain,SwedenandGermanyduring

    the twentieth century. I find that in all three countries educational expansion has

    hadapositiveeffectinpromotinggreatersocialmobility.

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    3

    EducationalExpansionandSocialMobilityintheTwentiethCentury

    Sociologistsofstratificationand inequalityhavea longstanding interest intherole

    of theeducationalsystem inhelping todetermine theoccupations that individuals

    come to hold. The underlying assumption is that a weakening of the relationship

    between social origins and educational attainment will lead to a weakening of the

    relationship between origins and destinations. In the loglinear tradition of social

    mobilityresearchthishasoftenbeenasserted,butthelinkbetweeneducationaland

    occupationalmobilityhasneverbeenadequatelydemonstrated.Thefirstgoalofthis

    paper, therefore, is to use simulations, based on loglinear models, to gauge the

    impactof increasingeducational equalization on theorigindestination association.

    The second goal is to illustrate the impact that the expansion of education, aside

    from any equalization, may have on the relationship between social origins and

    destinations. Under certain conditions, educational expansion alone may lead to a

    weakeningofthisrelationship.Icalibratethesizeofthiseffectandcompareitwith

    theimpactofeducationalequalizationinBritain,GermanyandSweden.

    The paper begins with a review of recent research into the evolution of the

    relationships between social origins and, on the one hand educational attainment

    and, on the other, class destination. I then turn to the two mechanisms

    equalization and a compositional effect by which changes in the educational

    systembringaboutchanges in social fluidityand I illustratehow thesemightwork

    via a simple fictitious example. Using data from Britain, Sweden and Germany I

    quantify the impact of both of these mechanisms on the trend in social fluidity

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    changes in educational stratification seems to be negligible' (page 21). In other

    words, although educational attainment levels have everywhere increased, the

    relative chances of continuing to further levels of the educational system among

    peopleofdifferentsocialoriginshaveremainedgenerallyunchanged.

    ShavitandBlossfeldsresultsechoed,toalargeextent,earlierfindingsfromtheUSA,

    France,theNetherlands,Britainandelsewhere.1Inarecentreview,however,Breen

    andJonsson(2005:226)reportedthat

    SubsequentanalyseshaveclearlyshownequalizationinthecaseofGermany

    (Henz&Maas1995,Jonssonetal.1996,Mller&Haun1994),France(Vallet

    2004a), Italy (Shavit & Westerbeek 1998), and probably Norway (Lindbekk

    1998), while the results for Sweden (Jonsson & Erikson 2000) and the

    Netherlands(Siebenetal.2001)havebeencorroborated.

    As well as studies of single nations, there have been at least two comparative

    analyses of educational inequality with respect to social origins: these are Rijkens

    (1999)PhDthesis,andtherecentpapersbyBreen,Luijkx,MllerandPollak(2009a,

    2009b). These authors find a tendency for social origins to have a diminishing

    influence on educational attainment over cohorts born during the first three

    quarters of the twentieth century though, in the case of the latter papers, some

    importantcrossnationalvariationsinthistrendarefound.

    1

    For

    the

    USA,

    Featherman

    and

    Hauser

    (1978);

    for

    France,

    Garnier

    and

    Raffalovich

    (1984);

    for

    the

    Netherlands,Dronkers(1983)andforBritain,Halsey,HeathandRidge

    (1980)andHeathandClifford

    (1990).

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    It is not immediately obvious why there should be such conflicting findings about

    temporaltrends. It iscertainlytruethatdifferentstudiesusedifferentmeasuresof

    social origins (for example, measures of occupational status or prestige or

    categorical measures of social class membership and measures of parental

    education)andemploydifferentstatisticalmodels,but it isneverthelesssomewhat

    surprising that the basic pattern whatever it is is not robust to these kinds of

    variations. All studies are, however, agreed that there was a massive increase in

    formallevelsofeducationalattainmentinthecourseofthetwentiethcentury.

    SocialFluidity

    A common approach to the study of social reproduction is to examine the

    relationship between the social class position held by an individual and the social

    classthathisorherparentsoccupiedwhentherespondentwasgrowingup.There

    are various ways that this relationship could be modeled, but much emphasis has

    beengiven to theratioof theodds,amongrespondentsborn intooneclassorigin

    compared with those born into another, of coming to occupy one social class

    destinationratherthananother.Oddsratiosformedinthiswayaresometimessaid

    to capture relative mobility chances or social fluidity. For analysts of social

    mobility, education is one of the major channels through which intergenerational

    class reproduction occurs (Ishida, Mller and Ridge 1995) and so educational

    inequality is chiefly important because of how it might affect inequalities in social

    mobility chances, or, in other words, how social fluidity might be driven by

    educationalfluidity.

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    Perhaps unsurprisingly, disagreements about temporal trends in social fluidity

    parallel those about educational inequality. For example, Erikson and Goldthorpe

    (1992:367)arguedforahighdegreeoftemporalstabilityinsocialfluidity,yettheir

    analyseswerebasedontheproxyingofbirthcohortsbytheuseofagegroupsdrawn

    fromasinglesurveypercountry.Indeed,fewstudieshaveanalyzedtrendsinfluidity

    using a series of mobility tables collected over time (when a series is defined as

    consistingofmorethantwoovertimeobservations),2andeven fewerhavedrawn

    comparisons of trends between countries. The best known exceptions to this are

    Ganzeboom,LuijkxandTreiman(1989:47)whoclaimedtodemonstratesubstantial

    crossnationalandcrosstemporaldifferences in the extentof mobility,andBreen

    and Luijkx (2004) who document significant variation in social fluidity among the

    countriesofEuropeandafairlywidespreadtemporaltrendtowardsgreaterfluidity

    intheclosingdecadesofthe20th

    century.

    Mosttemporalcomparisonshaveadoptedaperiodperspective,butasmallnumber

    ofsinglecountrystudieshavedrawncomparisonsoverbirthcohorts:these include

    Hout (1988, USA) and, more recently, Vallet (2004a, France), Mller and Pollak

    (2004, Germany), and Breen and Jonsson (2007, Sweden). In all these cases,

    repeated crosssectional surveys are used, so allowing for the possibility of

    comparing period and cohort change in a way that cannot be done with a single

    2ExceptionsareHout's(1988)workontheGeneralSocialSurvey(seealsoDiPreteandGrusky1990;

    Hauser

    and

    Huang

    1997),

    the

    work

    of

    Luijkx

    and

    Ganzeboom

    (1989)

    on

    Dutch

    data,

    Jonssons

    and

    Mills(1993)analysisofSwedishandEnglishdata,andVallets(1999)comparisonsusingtheFrench

    FQPsurveys.

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    survey. These cohort based analyses show a gradual decline in the association

    betweenclassoriginsanddestinationsduringthetwentiethcentury.3

    Howeducationmightinfluencesocialmobility:(1)anexample

    Following Breen and Jonsson (2007), there are two ways through which education

    might cause social fluidity to change. The first, equalization, is a decline in the

    association between class origins and educational attainment: this is what has

    mainlyconcernedanalystsofsocialmobility.Thesecondprocess iscompositional:

    if the origindestination association is weaker at higher levels of education, and if

    educational expansion results in increasing shares of each cohort reaching higher

    educational levels, then this compositional change will lead to a reduction in the

    grossassociationbetweenoriginsanddestinations.Itisclearthatthecompositional

    effect requires both educational expansion and the correct sort of threeway

    interactionbetweenclassorigins,educationalqualificationsandclassdestinations.I

    shallusethetermdifferentialassociationtorefertothecaseinwhichtheorigin

    destination association tends to be weaker at higher levels of education. Such

    differentialassociationmaybepresentwhen,forexample,higherqualificationsare

    apowerfulsignalforemployersthatleaveslittleleewayforsocialnetworkeffects,or

    whenthejobmarketsinwhichdegreeholdersoperateareparticularlymeritocratic.

    Hout (1988) was the first to draw attention to this phenomenon and its possible

    impact on fluidity and, subsequently, a weaker origindestination association at

    3Therearegoodreasonsforsupposingthatchange influidity isbettercapturedasacohortthana

    periodphenomen.Formostpeople,educationalattainmentisthemostimportantsingledeterminant

    oftheirclassposition,andeducationisattainedduringchildhood,youthandearlyadulthood(or,as

    Mller

    and

    Pollak

    2004:

    110

    succinctly

    state,

    Educational

    participation

    and

    class

    inequality

    in

    education is a cohort phenomenon). Thus, changes in the distribution of educational attainment

    affectspecificbirthcohortsandnottheentirepopulation(BreenandLuijkx2007).

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    higher levels of education has been reported for France (Vallet 2004b), Sweden

    (Erikson and Jonsson 1998) and Germany (Breen and Luijkx 2007). It is therefore

    possiblethat,inthesecountries,anexpansionofhighereducationacrosscohortsled

    to increasingfluidity. Ifthis isthecase,then itfollowsthatsocialmobilityanalysts

    concern with only educational equalization is too restrictive, because educational

    expansionitselfabouttheoccurrenceofwhichthereisnocontroversymayalso

    havethecapacitytoweakentheassociationbetweenclassoriginsanddestinations.

    Thesepossibilitiescanbe illustratedbymeansofthehypothetical2by2by2table

    shown inTable1.Thesituationattime=1 isgivenonthe leftsideofthetable.The

    toprows, labeled OEshow therelationshipbetweenclassorigins (middleclassor

    workingclass)andeducational level(loworhigh)andtheoddsratio(OR)capturing

    the association between these. Below that are the tables showing the origin

    destinationdistributionandoddsratiosateachlevelofeducation(OD|E)and,below

    them, the overall OD distribution, which is formed by adding the OD|E=low and

    OD|E=hightables.Bydesigntheoddsratioisloweratthehighlevelofeducationto

    capturedifferentialassociation.Therighthandpartof the table, labeledTime=2,

    showstheeffectsofdifferentkindsofchangeintheorigineducationrelationship.

    Case (a) deals with equalization alone, which in this case takes the form of a

    reduction intheorigineducationoddsratio from itstime=1valueof1.5to1.31,

    while preserving the marginal distributions of both origins and education. Keeping

    the two partial origin destination associations unchanged (as I do throughout),

    causestheoverallorigindestinationrelationshiptodeclinefrom4.14to4.03.This

    is the effect of equalization. The next column, (b), shows the impact of expansion

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    whendifferentialassociationholds.Thistimetheorigineducationoddsratioand

    the origin distribution remain the same but the marginal distribution of education

    shifts towards a larger share of people at the higher level. This causes the overall

    oddsratiotodeclineto3.87.Finallycase(c)showstheimpactofbothprocesses.The

    origineducationtablenowpreservesonlythemarginaldistributionoforiginsand

    issubjecttoexactlythesameequalizationasincase(a)andthesameexpansionas

    incase(b).Theorigindestinationassociationoddsratiointhiscaseis3.77.

    [TABLE1HERE]

    Howeducationmightinfluencesocialmobility:(2)formalderivation

    TheoutcomesshowninTable1canbederivedformallyusingloglinearmodelsand

    someelementaryresultsaboutconditionalprobabilities.Considerafourwaycross

    tabulationofclassorigins(O,indexedbyj)byeducationalattainment(E,indexedby

    k)bycurrentclasspositionordestination(D,indexedby l)bycohort(C,indexedby

    i),withallthevariablestreatedascategorical.Aloglinearmodelingapproachwould

    considertwotables:theEOCtable,whichpermitstheanalysisofthedistributionof

    E, conditional on O and C, (E|OC), and the EOCD table, for the analysis of D

    conditionalonO,EandC,(D|OEC).AnypairofmodelsforE|OCandD|OECimpliesa

    set of estimated frequencies in the OEDC table and thus, by collapsing over the E

    margin,asetoffrequenciesfortheODCtable.Inthiswayonecanassesstheeffect

    ofdifferentmodelsforE|OCand/orD|OEConthetrendinODoverC.

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    Wecanwritethejointprobabilitydistributionofthesefourvariablesastheproduct

    ofconditionalprobabilitiesthatcapturethedependenciesamongthem:

    ),(),|(),,|(

    ),,,(

    iCjOpriCjOkEprkEiCjOlDpr

    lCkEjOiCprpijkl

    =========

    ===== (1)

    We always treat thejoint distribution of origins and cohorts, ),( iCjOpr == , as

    exogenoussincetheOCmarginisfittedexactlyinallthemodelsconsideredhere.

    Thethreewayprobabilitydistributionofcohortbyoriginsbydestinationsisarrived

    atbysummingoverthelevelsofE:

    ==========k

    lij iCjOpriCjOkEprkEiCjOlDprp ),(),|(),,|(. (2)

    Specificmodelsoftheexactnatureofthedependencies in(1)willthusgiveriseto

    differentjoint distributions of ODC via (2). It is intuitively clear that equalizing the

    origineducation relationshipwill reduce theorigindestinationassociation, but

    the consequences of the compositional effectare less immediately obvious.A log

    linearmodelforthiseffectcanbewritten:

    CE

    ik

    CO

    ij

    OE

    jk

    C

    il

    E

    k

    O

    jijkf =. (3a)

    OED

    jkl

    COE

    ijk

    CE

    ik

    CD

    il

    CO

    ij

    ED

    kl

    OD

    jl

    OEC

    i

    E

    k

    D

    l

    O

    jijkl jkf =

    (3b)

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    Here f denotestheexpectedfrequenciesunderthemodel.Theeffectoforiginson

    educationdoesnotvaryovercohortsandsothereisnoequalization:thisiscaptured

    bytheabsenceofthetermCOE

    ijk from(3a).However,Ehasanadditivedependence

    onOandC (so thedistributionofeducation isallowed tochangeovercohorts).D

    dependsonCandalsoonthejointEOdistribution(thisisthedifferentialassociation

    effect).Inthiscase:

    )()|()()()|(),()|(),|( CprCODprDOCprOCprOCDprCOprCEprEODprk

    ===

    Thesameargumentcanbeappliedtologlinearmodelsforeducationalequalization

    and for the combined equalization and compositional effects: in both cases they

    implyadependenceoftheorigindestinationassociationoncohort.4

    Iusetheforegoingresultsasthebasisofsimulationsoftheeffect,onthechangein

    the Origin Destination odds ratios (i.e. social fluidity), of educational equalization

    and of the compositional effect. The analysis is carried out using data on men in

    GreatBritain,GermanyandSweden,forbirthcohortscoveringthefirsttwothirdsof

    thetwentiethcentury.

    4Theseresultscanbeobtainedonrequestfromtheauthor.Incaseaskepticalreaderthinksthatall

    modelsgiverisetothethreewayODCdistribution,considerthecase inwhichEdependsadditively

    onCandDdependsadditivelyonE.Then

    ==k ODprOCprCDprCOprCEprEDpr )|()()|(),()|()|( ,andnowtheODrelationshipdoesnotvarywithC.

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    Data

    ThesourcesofdataforthethreecountriesareshowninTable1.ForBritainthedata

    come from theGeneralHouseholdSurvey (GHS) for theyears1973,19756,1979

    1984,19871992.AlthoughtheGHShasbeenfieldedannually from1971onwards,

    informationon theemploymentof therespondents father (orheadof the family)

    wasnotcollected in1977or1978orafter1992,while informationon the lastjob

    heldbythosenotcurrentlyworkingwasnotgathered in1985and1986.Iomitthe

    1974 data because Goldthorpe and Mills (2004: 202), who have recently used the

    GHS for mobility analysis (and who kindly provided the data), report that some

    seriousproblemsexistwiththe1974data.

    The German data, which cover the period 1976 to 2002, come mainly from the

    Allbussurvey,butaresupplementedbyothersurveys.MllerandPollak(2004:85),

    whokindlyprovidedthedata,writethatthesesurveysallusesimilarquestionnaires

    and procedures to collect the data and they express their confidence that

    cumulating these databases does not introduce systematic inconsistencies. To

    preservecomparabilityovertime,theyreferonlytoGermansresidentintheformer

    WestGermany.

    TheSwedishdatasetisacompilationoftheannualsurveysoflivingconditions(ULF)

    19761999, conducted by Statistics Sweden (Vogel et al. 1998). Each survey is

    representativeoftheadultSwedishpopulation,aged1575(BreenandJonsson2007

    formoredetail).

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    [TABLE2HERE]

    I analyze data for men (the reason for this is explained in the technical appendix)

    and, as is conventional in mobility analysis, I confine attention to the working age

    population.ForGermanyandSwedenthis ismenaged25 to64ateachsurvey. In

    the British data the age range is narrower: 25 to 49, because, for most years,

    respondents to the GHS aged 50 or over were not asked the occupation of their

    father.

    Class origins (O, for short) and destinations (D) are defined using the EGP class

    schema(EriksonandGoldthorpe1992:ch.2)asfollows:

    I Upper service class higher grade professionals, administrative and managerialworkers;

    II Lower service class lower grade professionals, administrative and managerial

    workers;

    IIIRoutinenonmanualworkers;IVab Selfemployedandsmallemployers,

    IVc Farmers,

    V+VISkilledmanualworkers,techniciansandsupervisors,and

    VIIab+III Semi and unskilled manual, agricultural, and lower grade routine non

    manualworkers.

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    These seven classesare used in the German case. Unfortunately the limitations of

    the GHS force the use of a six, rather than seven, class classification for Britain,

    because it is notpossible to distinguish between classes I and II or between these

    andclassIVa(thatis,smallemployers):accordinglythefirstclassinBritainisI+II+IVa

    while the third is IVb (the selfemployed without employees). In Sweden, on the

    otherhand,the lasttwoclassescannotbedistinguished,soheretootherearesix,

    ratherthanseven,classes.

    Respondentseducationismeasuredbytheirhighestlevelofeducationalattainment

    (education (E), for short) categorized using the CASMIN educational schema.

    Categories1a,bandc,andalso2aandboftheoriginalscheme(Mller,Lttinger,

    Knig,andKarle1989)havebeenamalgamated,givingfiveeducationalcategories:

    1abc (compulsoryeducationonly),

    2ab (secondaryintermediateeducation,vocationalandgeneral),

    2c (fullsecondaryeducation),

    3a (lowertertiaryeducation),and

    3b (highertertiary).5

    The exception here is Sweden where there are six educational categories because

    thedistinctionhasbeenmadebetween1aband1c.

    5Highertertiaryeducation,3b,meansthesuccessfulcompletion(withexamination)ofatraditional,

    academically

    oriented

    university

    education.

    Lower

    tertiary

    education,

    3a,

    is

    usually

    characterized

    by

    a

    shorterlengthofstudyandmorepracticallyorientedstudyprograms(e.g.technicalcollegediplomas,

    socialworkeror,nonuniversityteachingcertificates).

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    Birthcohortsaredefineddifferentlybecauseof thedifferentsurveydatesandage

    ranges covered. So for Germany the cohorts are born 191221, 192230, 193139,

    194048,194957,195866and196777andforBritain192427,192834,193541,

    194248, 194955, 195662 and 196367. Thus the German data span a slightly

    longer period than the British. Omitting cases with missing information on one or

    more variables gives sample sizes of 18961 for Germany and 58125.5 for Great

    Britain.ForGermanythedataareunweighteddatabutforBritaintheyareweighted

    to correct for oversampling of Scottish respondents. For Sweden there are 24

    annual surveys and they are grouped into six, 4yearly periods (197679; 8083; ...

    9699).WithineachperiodIidentifytenfouryearagegroups(2528;2932...6164)

    whichallowmetodefine15overlappingagecohorts.Theoldestcohortwasbornin

    191218,theyoungestin196874.Thesamplesizeis33281.

    Inall threedatasetsnoteverycohortcanbeobserved ineverysurvey: theoldest

    andyoungestcohortsareobserved leastoften,while thecohortsborn around the

    middleofthecenturyareobservedmostfrequently.Thismeansthatthere ismore

    datainthemiddleoftheseriesandratherlittleattheextremessomethingwhich

    shouldbekeptinmindwheninterpretingtheresults.6

    6Thefocusofthispaperischangeinsocialfluidityacrossbirthcohortsbutthedatacomprisesamples

    fromeachbirthcohortdrawn inoneormoreperiodsandthisraisesthequestionofwhetherthere

    shouldbecontrols for period in the models fitted here. I have not done this because the need to

    further crossclassify the data by period would have led to very sparse tables, especially in the

    German case. But ignoring period effects can be justified by reference to the results of earlier

    research which found that, once cohort effects are included in a model of fluidity, period effects

    become largely insignificant.ForBritainandGermany,BreenandLuijkx (2007:112)write: (i)nboth

    cases,

    differences

    between

    periods

    are

    in

    fact

    the

    result

    of

    cohort

    replacement

    and

    Breen

    and

    Jonsson (2007: 1805) write similarly: period change disappears when we control for differences

    betweenbirthcohorts.

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    Modelsandresults

    The existence of an educational equalization effect requires that the education

    class origin association (EO) weakens over cohorts, while the compositional effect

    requiresboththatthedistributionofeducationhasshiftedupwardsoversuccessive

    birth cohorts expansion and that there exists a threeway interaction between

    origins, education and current class position, or destination, such that the OD

    associationisweakerathigherlevelsofeducation(differentialassociation).

    Figure1showsthetrendovercohortsinclassdifferencesineducationalattainment

    using the results of ordered logit models. In the figure each line refers to a class

    originandshowshowthecoefficientsforthatclassevolveovercohorts,withclassI

    alwaysactingasthereferencecategoryandhavingacoefficientofzero.Theoverall

    impression is of a decline in class inequalities in Germany and Sweden but a

    somewhat less clear picture in Great Britain. On the other hand, it appears that

    among the older cohorts class differences were less marked in Britain and even

    amongtheyoungestcohorttheyarestilllessthaninGermany.

    Figure2showsthestrengthoftheassociationbetweenoriginsanddestinationsat

    each educational level (educational categories 1ab and c for Sweden were

    amalgamated for this figure). The parameters come from a logmultiplicative layer

    effect model (Xie 1992) which gives a parsimonious account of the association

    between origins and destinations across different educational levels. The

    associationsaremeasuredrelativetothatinthelowesteducationallevel,whereitis

    fixedat1.InSwedenandGermanythereisatendencyfortheassociationtoweaken

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    18

    athigher levels of education (though inGermany it isweakest at the lowerrather

    than the upper tertiary level). In Britain too there is variation across educational

    levelsbutthedifferencesarealittlelessmarked.

    [FIGURE2HERE]

    Figure3showstheexpansionofeducationamongmenoverthetwentiethcentury

    by comparing the educational distributions of the second oldest and second

    youngestcohorts ineachcountry.It isclearthatallthreecountrieshaveshownan

    expansion,particularlymarked inBritain where the oldestcohortwas very heavily

    clusteredatthelowesteducationallevel.

    [FIGURE3HERE]

    Figure 4 shows the trend in the gross association between class origins and class

    destinationsinthethreecountries.7Forthepurposesofthefigure,theSwedishbirth

    cohorts have been collapsed into seven to aid comparability. It is immediately

    evident that the three countries display different patterns of change. In Sweden

    therehasbeenaroughlyconstantdeclineintheorigindestinationassociationover

    successivebirthcohorts:thisreplicatesfindingsofearlierstudiessuchasBreenand

    Jonsson(2007).InGermany,aninitialstrengtheningwasfollowedbyasteepdecline,

    commencingwiththethirdbirthcohort(born193139).Thislatterpatternisalready

    wellknownfromearlierstudiesofGermansocialmobility(MllerandPollak2004).

    7Herethetrendiscapturedusingthelogmultiplicativelayereffectmodel(Xie,1992).Innoneofthe

    countries

    does

    this

    fit

    the

    data

    using

    the

    usual

    p