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    Inner Cities

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    Inner Cities

    Leon BrittanThe problems of Britains inner cities are far from new. They are

    complex, interrelated and deep-seated. They cannot be solved by neat

    solutions, nor by a quick fix. For the problems in our cities have a

    variety of symptoms and causes, requiring a long, hard grind of

    comprehensive and varied responses.

    The symptoms of inner city decline are all too clear --

    unemployment; crime; crumbling buildings; filthy streets; vandalised

    public services. Similarly, the general nature of what has to be done

    to revive them is clear. There are two central objectives in inner cityregeneration:

    (i) to rebuild local enterprise;

    (ii) to re-establish local self-respect.

    Civic pride is a crucial feature of those American cities, like

    Baltimore and Boston, that have come through difficult times

    successfully. The key to reviving the cities is to recognise that neither

    self-respect nor enterprise can be instilled single-handedly by the

    public or the private sector.Difficult questions have to be asked about what should be done in

    the main areas where action is needed: economic development;

    education; crime; physical environment. But I would suggest that the

    main areas of current controversy are:

    (i) the priority that the problem as a whole should be given;

    (ii) the balance between the public and the private sector, and the

    relationship between the two;

    (iii) the roles, tasks and interrelationships that should exist between

    the agencies deployed to remedy the cities problems.

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    The priority given to the inner cities has been steadily growing and

    since the 1987 election the government has identified the cities as a

    top priority. As prosperity has grown in the suburbs, so the contrastwith declining inner city areas has become starker. The scope of

    government action outlined in the White Paper Action for Cities is

    formidable: new Urban Development Corporations (UDCs); a new

    simplified City Grant; inner city roads; managed workshops; greater

    links between schools and industry; new City Action Teams.

    With this range of activity and degree of importance given to inner

    city problems, questions inevitably arise over the adequacy of

    ministerial co-operation and the extent to which there is a coherent

    organisational structure between the Department of the Environment,the Department of Trade and Industry and the Department of

    Employment. Although the organisational issue is now often raised,

    the division of responsibilities is not wholly logical. However, to

    impose a new departmental superstructure would be worse than

    useless. For it would extract the inner cities from the rest of the

    country. The present system of coordination can work if there is

    someone at the top prepared to knock ministerial heads together when

    differences arise.

    On the question of the relationship between the public and theprivate sector, I share the governments view that local authorities

    have acted in the past in a way that has discredited them. Throwing

    money indiscriminately at problems is widely accepted to have made

    the position worse. Heavy expenditure, for instance, on vast housing

    estates which local authorities cannot manage, created dependency,

    required high rates which produced a flight from the cities, and

    dissuaded private sector involvement. The government has

    consequently by-passed local authorities and enlisted the private

    sector, creating new public bodies like the UDCs. That trend wasbound to happen and the UDCs have succeeded in bringing together

    the public and private sectors, not just in the London Docklands, but

    in areas like Teesside, Tyneside, Sheffield and Leeds.

    However I would make two important qualifications to this

    analysis. First, while the problems in the cities provide a justification

    for focussing on them, the inner cities are not the only problem areas.

    There is also significant regional dereliction in areas like Cleveland,

    Lancashire, Durham and South Yorkshire and there are dangers in

    diverting attention exclusively to the cities. For the establishment of

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    bodies like the UDCs may stand in the way of the creation of English

    Regional Development Agencies, which while not being inconsistent

    with the UDCs would have much greater scale, scope and powers todeal with larger geographic areas.

    Secondly, while local authorities have brought on themselves their

    present position, it ought not to be, and need not be, permanent. The

    Community Charge will make local government more accountable

    and responsible, and with a local government more accountable and

    responsible and a broader base of rate payers the changes in

    expenditure will have a direct impact on the whole community. When

    this happens, local authorities can be brought in from the cold and

    made full partners in local government. It is not too early to preparefor that event now. In re-establishing local self-respect, there is no

    substitute for involving in a positive way directly elected local

    representatives. Action cannot be imposed from the outside forever

    and no local body can claim the same local authority and mandate as

    a directly elected council.

    What local authorities should actually do within the total equation

    is a different question. I welcome the change from local authorities

    as universal providers to enablers and facilitators. In the field of

    housing, for instance, there is no excuse for monolithic council-runestates but every reason for local authorities to have a proper interest

    in ensuring provision, working with Housing Associations and

    forming proper planning policies. However, in the field of education

    I am less sure about replacing local authorities role as universal

    providers and believe that opting out should be a spur to better local

    authority provision rather than a means of breaking things up.

    Yet even if local authorities are brought back as major partners,

    the private sector will remain crucial, if not paramount. The avowed

    aim of inner city renewal should be the rebirth of civic activism. Thisobjective is feasible and practical; there are plenty of examples already

    -- the designation by the CBI of Newcastle and Birmingham as targets

    for business-led experiments in regeneration; the venture capital funds

    now targeted at inner cities, like the Lloyds of London 50,000 fund

    for East London; Whitbread and Laings partnership with the London

    Enterprise Agency in the development of the London Compact

    designed to improve standards in inner city schools.

    The scope for further private sector involvement is immense.

    Comparison with the Victorian age and the Industrial Revolution

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    suggests that although civic pride did not emerge at the start of the

    Industrial Revolution, when businessmen were too busy making

    money, once their fortunes had been made they began to show greaterconcern for the community. The same process should begin to emerge

    now.

    There should be several elements in this new environment and

    commercial attitude. First, greater encouragement of closer linkage

    between particular companies and certain towns, as American firms

    have done: Pilkington in St Helens, the building societies of Norwich

    and Halifax and Rowntree in York are obvious existing examples.

    Secondly, better examination of ways in which industry can invest

    specifically in projects that make the cities places where the middleclasses want to live: the experience of cities like Halifax shows how

    the arts can be crucial in stimulating urban renewal and reviving

    enterprise through making inner cities more vibrant and acceptable

    places in which to live. Thirdly, the involvement of business in

    education: businessmen understand the value of good education as a

    self-interested priority and should be galvanised to become more

    involved in schemes, like the City Technology Colleges, which are

    modelled on the Boston Compact and American Magna schools

    scheme, aimed to provide ladders of opportunity.Nevertheless, the government and local authorities have a

    continuing and major responsibility for the infrastructure and public

    services, so that private sector development can take place in a way

    which deals with the cities central problems. To bridge the gap

    between public and private provision I believe that we should

    encourage the creation of genuinely local initiatives, modelled on the

    Local Employment Initiatives (LEIs) suggested by James Robertson

    and David Cadman. LEIs cover many types and size of enterprise and

    encompass co-operatives and community businesses. Their aim is toorganise local work to meet local needs with local resources, while

    establishing local investment funds, development units and enterprise

    agencies. Existing examples of non-profit-making community

    development banks, like the American Institute for Community

    Economics and the South Shore Bank in Chicago, suggest that the key

    element is local participation and involvement rather than the

    bringing-in of outsiders. The stepping-up of local authority

    franchising and contracting-out would be an important factor in the

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    development of LEIs and would encourage public authorities to pay

    community enterprises to provide services.

    One immediate and fundamental change that the governmentcould make which would directly effect the inner cities and enhance

    the process of their revival would be the abolition of the Dock Labour

    Scheme. Large areas of former dockland which have been

    anaesthetised would be liberated for development. For the Dock

    Labour Scheme has made the development of wharves and new

    enterprises uneconomic and has driven work away to non-scheme

    ports.

    Inner city revival will also be hastened by sensible tax policies.

    The Uniform Business Rate (UBR), set nationally and applied in everylocal authority, should provide a strong incentive to business in the

    north and in the cities. Manchesters UBR will be 37 per cent less than

    the rates, Sheffields will be 29 per cent less, Newcastles 32 per cent

    less and Liverpools 30 per cent less. This change will provide a major

    stimulant to business.

    It seems strange to say so little about crime. I of course favour

    Neighbourhood Watch and adequate and sensitive policing. But at the

    end of the day crime is the product of other factors -- environment;

    employment; above all, social and family cohesion -- and it is bytackling these that crime will be reduced. We need a comprehensive

    approach to the whole problem which will not produce a dramatic

    transformation but a significant trend towards progress.

    Summary of discussion

    The role of business

    Exactly what, it was asked, are business people being called on to do

    in the inner cities? To provide a new form of voluntary service or to

    take an interest as investors? One very useful contribution which

    businesses could make would be to release staff to serve on local

    councils. But, if business people are to be involved as councillors, with

    the arts, in housing, as school governors and so on, is this not a lot to

    ask of them when their primary function is to make money? Are we

    telling them to go in and make money, and in that way contribute to

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    inner city revival, or to make money and then do something else --

    supply new civic energy? How far, in any case, is it possible to

    generalise about the role of private enterprise, since the private sectoris not monolithic?

    Might we, one speaker asked, get to the point where, as in the USA,

    one of the performance indicators set by firms for their local managers

    may be their contribution to the community? But another warned

    against over-estimating social responsibility as a reason for the

    contribution of American business to inner city redevelopment. There

    was, certainly, a great deal of private sector involvement in the USA,

    but the driving force for this was commercial gain, not social

    responsibility, which in America was more rhetoric than substance. Itwas the prospect of commercial gain which pulled businesses in, and

    programmes for the inner cities must include this. What, as another

    speaker asked, is Rupert Murdochs commitment to Wapping?

    Actually, Leon Brittan said, we are asking business people both to

    take an interest as investors and to provide new types of public service.

    It is perfectly normal for them to have both functions, so long as they

    distinguish clearly which function they are performing at a given time.

    There is a second stage of economic development, as nineteenth

    century history showed and as is apparent now after the recession,when it is reasonable to expect business people to become more

    involved with civic affairs. In this second stage they can afford to do

    so, and to take a longer term view of what is desirable for their

    company, recognising that its future is bound up with that of the

    locality and that they are thereby protecting their investments. But we

    must not ask too much from too few. It is a good thing to release staff

    for service on councils, but just how is this to be done?

    But, more than one speaker noted, time is needed to make the most

    of the contribution from business. One said that the scale of the privatesectors interest in inner city problems was still insignificant compared

    to the size of these problems. Another replied that it was easy to be

    scornful about the private sectors contribution but it was amazing how

    far it had come, for example in Newcastle, considering where it had

    started from. But the private sector still needed to get its act together.

    Another, while recognising the potential of the private sectors

    contribution, warned against accepting too easily the private sectors

    own view. A good planning authority was from the private

    developers point of view one which let my scheme through. Leon

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    Brittan underlined that the role of the private sector is in fact of central

    importance: it was wrong to suggest that when he spoke about this he

    was focussing on a marginal factor.

    The role of local authorities

    What should be the role of local authorities in inner city development?

    There was more discussion on this than on any other issue.

    In the 1970s, it was said, partnership seemed a good way of

    tackling inner city problems and there was good cooperation between

    central and local government, but private business was left on one side.

    Now it was a case of cooperation between central government and the

    private sector with local government left on the side. It was too harshto say that local government had brought this on itself. The idea of

    discriminating between those authorities with which it is and is not

    possible to collaborate had not been pursued. All three parties had their

    part to play, and, if mistakes had been made in the past, central

    government and business had colluded in them, as for instance over

    housing. The governments idea of the relations between local

    government and private business was said to be out-dated. As seen

    from both the local authority and the business side, the two are now

    coming together and it is easier than in the past for business to dealeven with the more awkward local authorities. There is a rhetoric of

    antagonism to local authorities in the CBI and other business

    organisations over issues like rates and planning delays, but when

    business people are talked to individually it is clear that they do not

    want to be in conflict: they want peace and quiet to make money, and

    they can live with regulation.

    One speaker said that he had indeed been appalled at the behaviour

    of some local authorities in the 1970s, but in the last nine years these

    authorities had been not reformed but abandoned. Instead of reformingthem to make them more accountable, providing them with new

    finance and restructuring them to make them more effective, we had

    been sending in a lot of the great and the good to solve the problems

    of their areas, with not a word about the local community. What had

    happened to the concept of the city? People are consumers, managers,

    and so on: once, they used also to be citizens of a community, and to

    behave differently as such. Another speaker said that he was worried

    at seeing the demise of local authorities. A lot of good people worked

    hard in them and had relevant skills, but the government did not respect

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    local authorities as it should. Another insisted that it is impossible to

    recreate civic pride without putting a self-respecting local authority at

    the centre.Local authorities, others pointed out, are not only on the scene but

    one of the biggest, if not the biggest, businesses in their area, and are

    also uniquely placed to reach down to the worst-placed groups.

    Trickling down, as argued for by the Institute of Economic Affairs or

    the Centre for Policy Studies, may reach some, but not the people at

    the bottom: they are missing out, and life for them is getting worse. If

    local authorities do not provide housing and social services, who will?

    The Secretary of States emphasis on housing associations in rural

    areas or in inner cities was welcome, but he was turning his back onlocal government as an agency which can get through to where the

    market will not reach. Or should we use a wider range of voluntary

    agencies?

    There were also comments on local government finance. A survey

    in one London borough showed that 80 per cent of the people left in

    the borough had incomes of under 150 a week. The Community

    Charge might make local authorities more accountable, but with

    incomes at that level many would not be paying it in full -- and

    two-thirds of that authoritys budget was for housing and socialservices. There was a bill, another speaker said, for 20 billion for

    housing repairs: how will this be financed, and will we pay it at all? It

    was sad that local authorities were not trusted to use the money they

    obtained from sales of housing and land. A contributor from the private

    sector argued that more power should be devolved to local

    government, including more funds and a bigger share in government

    expenditure: meaning, not more government expenditure in total, but

    a bigger share for local government.

    All this having been said, however, a number of speakers agreedthat local government does indeed need to change its structure and

    practice in order to contribute to inner city development effectively.

    Its competence and constitution need to be examined. Local authority

    management and committee structures are not designed to deal with

    the situations now facing local government. There is a lack of

    entrepreneurial management and of accountability at all levels, and it

    has often been necessary to persuade and bribe local authorities to

    move into the twentieth century. A new theory of planning was

    needed, based not on allocation but on harnessing market demand for

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    the general good and so creating development and spin-offs. Local

    authority and university planning departments were the last redoubts

    of socialism. Why not look at planning as a creative activity, usingassets to get something to go ahead? Local authorities still have great

    powers to create development: they tend to equate powers with money,

    but what about using their assets and the market, changing their

    attitudes and developing more creativity? But, though there can indeed

    be an entrepreneurial role for local government -- planning gain, rather

    than simply regulating or servicing delivery -- how do we change local

    authorities to get this out of them? Leon Brittan was right, one speaker

    said, about the relief to local authorities from not having to manage

    vast housing estates; and if, as another had suggested, the Secretary ofStates ideal was for local authorities to meet once each year to sign a

    set of contracts, that could be a line for a chief executive to go along

    with.

    Several speakers referred to the example of local government in

    the USA. American local authorities were more pragmatic than in

    Britain, whereas in the UK there was a strong touch of ideology. They

    also had a strong incentive to drive forward with development, since

    they created more revenue by doing so, whereas in Britain the rate

    support grant system worked against this. Under the RSG, it was said,we have traded equity in the delivery of local authority services against

    initiative. The statistical basis of RSG is in any case curious: what are

    we to make of educating the average child? But another speaker

    warned against easy acceptance of glowing accounts of American

    local government. Consider, for instance, the homelessness scene,

    with tens of thousands sleeping over the gratings in the streets.

    Replying to this part of the debate, Leon Brittan insisted that, while

    the rhetoric is that local government has no place in the sun, the truth

    is that there is constant cooperation between local and centralgovernment. People in local authorities are not talking as if they were

    an endangered species. Local authorities still have plenty to do and

    can be brought back into the picture in future as the community charge

    increases their accountability. But they will come back in a different

    role. They are not designed as engines of enterprise, but it depends on

    what you want them to do. Perhaps they should be doing something

    else, as facilitators rather than direct providers. Maybe local

    government should be government rather than an entrepreneur: it is

    possible to have entrepreneurial atti tudes without being an

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    entrepreneur. On issues like housing and social services, who should

    act if not the local authority? But by facilitation rather than direct

    provision, at which others are equally good. And there are other publicagencies which have responded to the needs of people at the bottom.

    He too had heard that even the bad local authorities are now easier

    to deal with, and at least one Labour-controlled authority represented

    in the seminar was not on his list of baddies. But it is difficult for the

    government to discriminate among local authorities, as he used to find

    in government during arguments over RSG. In this country, by

    contrast with the less ideological USA, there has been the idea of the

    primacy of the public sector, which has naturally made others

    suspicious. Perhaps it is only when the last redoubt has been removedthat we can be pragmatic.

    The power to use finance for development had not been taken away

    from local authorities, but the pace of release, for example of the

    proceeds of asset sales, depends on policies for public expenditure. If

    local expenditure matters as part of public expenditure, there must be

    some control of it. As the country becomes more prosperous, the

    government is convinced that it should concentrate more on the inner

    cities: but there is competition for resources, and the share of the inner

    cities has to be determined through the democratic process.

    The role of the central government

    The government was right, a speaker said, to work through co-

    ordination between departments rather than concentrate responsibility

    on one Ministry. Another argued that it was only in the last eighteen

    months that the government had arrived at the idea of the dependency

    culture and that this accounted for the falling away in the role of local

    authorities. But, it was asked, was its policy too much governed by

    fashion? Last year ideas about integrated development, employmentgeneration, using local labour and so on were swept aside if mentioned

    at all. It took time to learn the necessary lessons and apply critical

    judgement. The planning mistakes of the past were made by people

    who were paternalist, informed and of good will. More and more

    power was being given now to people who were supposed to know

    what is good for the consumer. Can we be sure that they will do better

    than in the past?

    A fair warning, Leon Brittan commented: we should not overstress

    current policies as a panacea. Neither, however, should we let doubts

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    about them degenerate into a recipe for inaction. While it was true that

    policy changed with fashion, and that this could be dangerous --

    consider the case of the diagnostic test for child abuse in Cleveland --it was also to some extent inevitable, and there was equally the danger

    of being too agnostic about it and so doing nothing or bits of

    everything. The choice might be between fashion and cynical

    world-weariness.

    There was general agreement that, whether for historical reasons

    or as a matter of deliberate judgement, we were likely to end with what

    was called an eclectic-pluralist model of inner city development,

    involving a number of parties and different approaches. Leon Brittan

    agreed. He had not come up with a grandiose and comprehensive planand doubted whether that would work.

    There were, however, a number of comments on particular aspects

    of the governments approach.

    How effective, one speaker asked, was the pragmatic and diverse

    approach likely to be in stimulating action? Monolithic policies did

    encourage people to go out and do something. Current policies

    required action by a vast array of people: were the necessary stimuli

    and structures available? And, another asked, was there enough talent

    to go round?In any case, though concentrated management attention, as

    through Urban Development Corporations, is helpful in solving inner

    city problems, it was pointed out that this type of action raises

    problems of its own both locally and more widely. The current use of

    inner city task forces is in a sense a throw-back to the older concept

    of a list of assisted areas: useful, but only one element in an eclectic

    policy. A recent Docklands study had pointed up problems over

    education (especially secondary education), roads, and the relation

    between what was happening in Dockland and in the areas just overthe boundary. There are problems of under-employment in whole

    cities and regions, not only in inner cities, and despair in the South

    East over what is happening there. In the absence of regional

    government, it was said, we are not doing so well on long-term

    planning on these wider issues in successful or in unsuccessful areas.

    What kind of cities and regions do we want? Many business people

    were said to be interested in addressing issues like these, but frustrated

    by the lack of vision in government and of government finance for

    infrastructure development. Accepting the need for regional, not only

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    inner city, policies, Leon Brittan pointed out that the next seminar

    would be precisely on this issue.

    Impacts on local people and on ethnic groups

    Were we, some speakers asked, solving the problems of inner cities

    or simply displacing them -- sending the poor out to the fringes of the

    cities, a programme for people removal? Two views were expressed

    on this. One was that it is an advantage to break up big concentrations

    of the poor on large estates. When people are displaced, they live closer

    to those better off and that creates new opportunities for trading skills.

    The other view, however, was that poverty needs to be tackled on the

    spot, not by displacement. Physical renewal was not enough; there wasa danger that, as in some cases in America, the inner cities programme

    would become a programme for people removal. The answer to

    poverty, however, Leon Brittan commented, must lie in creating

    enterprise which pays enough to lift people over the poverty level.

    Finally, it was asked how far members of ethnic minorities, four

    out of five of whom live in inner cities, are involved in inner city

    strategies, able to articulate their needs and listened to. Employing

    local labour was an excellent idea, but employers tended to prefer

    whites: Asian and Afro-Caribbean unemployment was two and a halftimes that of whites. Ethnic representative organisations were pushing

    for contract compliance. Or again, for helping ethnic minority

    members to develop their own businesses: Asians tended to be

    concentrated in trade and commerce, and very few had made their way

    into industry. And what exactly was meant by the idea that the culture

    of Afro-Caribbeans was responsible for their limited contribution to

    inner city development? Family, temperament, or what?

    On culture Leon Brittan pleaded guilty to vagueness, not to being

    wrong. If two groups come into the country at the same time and beginby being equally disadvantaged, and one advances while the other does

    not, then culture is shorthand for the factors underlying this. He had

    no hang-ups about contract compliance, and members of ethnic groups

    should certainly be involved, though as residents, not as members of

    those groups. As for Asians being specialised in trade and commerce,

    consider the analogy of the Jews. The key is to get started in some area

    of entrepreneurship. Once people are in business, the nature of their

    business will change as opportunities change: start with the corner

    shop, then go on into services, property development or industry.

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