Cardinal  Richelieu’s  use  of  communication  as  a  tool  of  influence  

 

From  the  conquest  of  power  to  the  exercise  of  it,  the  emphasis  placed  on  communication  

was   a   consistent   feature   of   Cardinal   Richelieu’s   career.   His  ministry   initiated   trends   in   political  

communication   that  have  survived   the  centuries  and  are  now  considered   to  be  self-­‐evident.  His  

principal   innovation   lies   less   in   the   creation   of   means   of   communication   than   it   does   in   the  

systematization  and  rationalization  of  their  use  by  the  government  with  a  view  to  conquer,  control  

and   secure   the   support   of   public   opinion,   a   phenomenon   that   emerged   along   side   the  modern  

state  in  17th  century.  A  man  of  the  world  before  becoming  a  statesman,  Armand  Jean  du  Plessis,  

Cardinal-­‐duc  de  Richelieu  et  de  Fronsac,  was  there  at  the  start  of  it  all  and  was  able  to  use  this  to  

his  advantage.  

   

A  new  political  and  media  space  

   

The  emergence  of  the  modern  state  

   

The  reign  of  Henri   IV,  Louis  XIII's  predecessor,   is  still  marked  by   its  ancient  conception  of  

the  public  space  as  a  ‘mystical’  body  that  symbolically  combined  the  people  and  the  king,  all  the  

while  maintaining  a  strict  separation  between  public  and  private  domains.  The  state   is   forced  to  

deal  with  a  complex  network  of  arrangements  and  special  rights  ranging  from  the  Third  Estate  to  

the  nobility,  confining  the  king  to  a  status  of  primus  inter  pares.  However,  it  is  the  only  actor  in  the  

public   debate   where   everything   is   proscribed,   leaving   individuals   ‘free   to   come   to   their   own  

conclusions  in  the  privacy  of  their  offices’1.  Its  empowerment,  made  possible  by  the  submission  of  

nobles  to  royal  authority,  made  it  gradually  more  and  more  capable  of  imposing  its  will  in  the  fiscal  

or  military  domains  as  well  as  increasing  its  interaction  with  private  players.  Acting  as  a  corollary  

to  physical  coercion,  royal  propaganda  helped  sustain  this  new  authority.  The  connotations  of  the  

                                                                                                               1  Gilles  Feyel  «  Renaudot  et  les  lecteurs  de  la  Gazette,  les  «  mystères  de  l'État  »  et  la  «  voix  publique  »,  au  cours  des  années  1630  »,  Le  Temps  des  médias  1/2004  (n°  2).  

term   ‘propaganda’   then   are   far   removed   from   those   which   are   attributed   to   it   today.   Then,   it  

simply   referred   to   the   propagation   of   the   faith:   for   supporters   of   Richelieu,   the   Cardinal   was  

spreading  the  Christian  faith  in  his  endeavours  to  make  the  king  God’s  Lieutenant  on  Earth  and  by  

encouraging  the  people  to  acknowledge  his  authority.  As  in  ‘contemporary  democracies,  where  a  

citizen’s  “freedom”   is  determined   in   relation   to   the  constraints  posed  by   the   law’,  obedience   to  

the  king  gradually  came  to  define  ‘the  liberty  of  the  subject’2.  At  the  foundation  of  state  authority,  

it   allowed   Louis   XIII   to   bequeath   to   his   son   ‘the   great   tools   of   the   state,   the   army,   the   navy,  

diplomacy,  intelligence,  not  to  mention  the  arts  and  letters  in  full  creative  ferment’3.  

   

The  emergence  of  a  public  sphere  

   

For  Jean-­‐Christian  Petitfils,  public  opinion  became  essential  in  the  seventeenth  century  due  

to  the  pamphlets  and  satires   in  constant  circulation,  commenting  on  public  policy.  Evidenced  by  

the   personal   arguments   between   writers   in   publications   that   presented   the   lively   debate   of  

various  viewpoints.  Engravings  complemented  this  ‘avalanche  of  pamphlets’.  They  were  displayed  

in  cities  and  which  informed  the  people–the  majority  of  whom  were  illiterate–of  royal  policy.  This  

new   use   of   printed   images   saw   them   used   as   a   tool   to   present   reactions   to   events   and,  more  

specifically,   the  sharing  of   these  reactions.  An   increased  audience  and  a  simultaneous  growth   in  

these   publications   situated   this   interaction   in   an   autonomous   space:   these   images   and  

publications   were   no   longer   considered   extra   tools   whose   use   remained   subsidiary,   but   as  

essential   to   a   sphere-­‐in-­‐itself   with   its   own   rules.   For   Helen   Duccini,   the   use   of   print   for  

informational   and   propagandist   purposes   is,   at   the   beginning   of   the   seventeenth   century,   an  

indication  of  ‘a  good  command  in  methods  of  communication’4.  

   

The  most  important  players  in  the  kingdom  quickly  took  note  of  the  significance  of  this  newfound  

‘battle  of  quills’.  The  Great  Revolt   (1614-­‐1615)  made   them  aware  of   the  need   to  publicly   justify  

their   policy   choices:   witness   the   fiery   manifestos   written   by   Condé   directed   at   queen   and  

parliament5.  On  a  religious  level,  relative  peace  had  succeeded  the  clashes  of  the  previous  century  

between   the   Catholics   and   the   Huguenots.   France   nevertheless   was   left   permanently   divided,  

making  the  mastery  of  writing  and  argumentation  all  the  more  essential.  In  the  absence  of  armed  

                                                                                                               2  Diane  Trudel,  «  Un  art  de  propagande  à  la  gloire  de  Richelieu  »,  in  Vie  des  Arts,  vol.  46,  n°188,  2002.  3  Jean-­‐Christian  Petitfils,  Louis  XIII,  Perrin,  2008.  4  Hélène  Duccini,  Faire  voir,  faire  croire.  L’opinion  publique  sous  Louis  XIII,  Champ  Vallon,  2003.  5  Idem.  

clashes   between   Catholics   and   Protestants,   speech   enabled   some   pacified   form   of     ‘the  

continuation  of  war  by  other  means’6.  

   

Communication  as  a  tool  to  influence  the  population  

   

Faced  with  the  autonomous  structure  of  the  public  sphere  and  the  increasingly  important  

role  of  public  opinion   in  development,  Richelieu  and   the  political   authority   tried   to   capture   this  

‘public  voice’7.  He  wanted  to  channel  pamphleteers  most  hostile  to  royal  policy  and  himself  used  

the   power   of   writing   as   a   tool   of   political   justification.   Cutting   the   Gordian   knot   of   private  

arrangements   with   which   he   intended   to   replace   the   unconditional   authority   of   the   State,  

Richelieu  streamlined  the  use  of  methods  to  influence  public  opinion.  Beyond  the  circles  of  power,  

he   helped   in   this   endeavour   to   systematize   political   thought8.   A   paradox   of   ‘veiled   /   unveiled’  

began  to  take  shape,  which  consisted  in  defending  the  ‘mysteries  of  the  State’,  placed  above  the  

morality  of  men,  ‘by  submitting  them  to  public  debate  where  they  were  discussed  and  were  often  

contradicted’9.   This   interaction   created   a   lasting   bond   between   public   and   private,   binding   the  

sovereign   personally   to   his   people.   A   reader   of   Theophrastus   Renaudot’s   highly   distributed  

Gazette10,  Louis  XIII  published  regular  articles  with  the  magazine.  Precursor   to  press   forums  and  

conferences,  he  wrote  personally  the  article  dedicated  to  the  return  to  France  of  his  brother.  Until  

the   siege   of   Perpignan   in   1642,   two   years   before   his   death,   he   recounted   every   week  military  

operations  in  which  he  participated.  

   

Promoting  royal  policy,  from  the  Third  Estate  to  the  elites  

   

Richelieu’s  communication  policy  was  aimed  at  very  different  audiences,  and  he  adapted  it  

accordingly.  The  prints  were  commissioned  to  the  most  famous  artists  of  the  time  and  were  aimed  

at  stirring  popular  emotion.  Plastered  in  sight  of  all,  they  regularly  broadcasted  information  to  the  

                                                                                                               6  Christian  Jouhaud,  «  Les  libelles  en  France  au  XVIIe  siècle  :  action  et  publication  »,  in  Cahiers  d'histoire.  Revue  d'histoire  critique,  90-­‐-­‐-­‐91  |  2003.  7  Helene  Duccini,  ibid.  8  Jörg  Wollenberg  «  Richelieu  et  le  système  européen  de  sécurité  collective,  La  Bibliothèque  du  Cardinal  comme  centre  intellectuel  d’une  nouvelle  politique  »,  conférence  du  9  février  1995,  Ecole  Normale  Supérieure.  9  Gilles  Feyel,  «  Renaudot  et  les  lecteurs  de  la  Gazette,  les  «  mystères  de  l’État  »  et  la  «  voix  publique  »,  au  cours  des  années  1630  »,  in  Le  Temps  des  médias  n°2,  printemps  2004.  10  Stéphane  Haffemayer,  L'information  dans  la  France  du  XVIIe  siècle  :  la  gazette  Renaudot  de  1647  à  1663,  Honoré  Champion,  2002.  

people  and  ensured  a  wide  publicity  to  the  events  they  advertised11.  These  prints  exalted  the  idea  

of  a  warrior  king,  fighting  against  heresy  in  the  kingdom  and  against  the  Spanish  enemy,  as  much  

as   they   did   that   of   a   king   of   peace   going   about   ‘the   noble   deeds   of   daily   life’12.   Countless  

manifestos  of  political  analysis  aiming  at  the  strengthening  of  state  authority  were  also  destined  

for  opinions   that  were  considered  not   ‘enlightened’.  Aristocratic  elites   ‘from  the  capital  and  the  

provinces  alike  [...]  robines  and  even  merchants  from  the  good  towns  of  the  kingdom’  constituted  

the   first   public   of   prints.   From   now   on,   the   function   of   these   manifestos   was   limited   to  

propaganda,  due   to   the  development  of   regular  means  of   information   (e.  g.   the  creation  of   the  

Gazette  in  May  1631).  Faced  with  the  violent  rebellion  of  the  Croquants  that  threatened  to  spread  

to  the  rest  of  the  kingdom,  Richelieu  spread  ‘curious  manifestos  in  which  doctrines  of  the  divine  

right  of  kings  and  absolutism  were  pushed  to  extremes.  Holy  Spirit  constantly  guided  the  “prudent  

and  outstanding  Council  of  His  Majesty”’,  labeling  the  revolt  as  the  ‘work  of  the  Devil’13.  

   

From  communication  to  political  analysis  

   

Beyond   the   defense   of   the   royal   policy,   Richelieu   wrote   many   works   justifying   the  

objectives   of   his   policies   and   actions.   These   include   Défense   des   principaux   points   de   la   foi  

catholique  contre  la  lettre  des  quatre  ministres  de  Charenton  (‘Defense  of  the  Main  Points  of  the  

Catholic   Faith   against   the   Letter   Written   by   the   Four   Ministers   of   Charenton’),   his   theological  

works,   in   particular   the   Traité   (‘Treaty’)   containing   information   on   converting   those   who   have  

broken  away  from  the  Church,  La  Succincte  narration  des  grandes  actions  du  Roy  Louis  XIII  (‘Brief  

History   of   King   Louis   XIII’s   Great   Deeds’)   and   the   famous   Testament   politique   (‘Political  

Testament’),   published  posthumously   in   order   to   justify   the  Cardinal’s   policies   to   posterity.   The  

emphasis   on   argumentation   in   defending   royal   politics   was   a   constant   feature   of   Richelieu’s  

career:  he   collected  many  works  as  possible   to   form  a   sort  of   ‘data  bank’   to   counter   the   critics  

wielding   the  written  word  against  divine  power.  Far   from  reducing  his  opponents   to   silence   the  

Cardinal  always  preferred  to  publish  his  responses  to  their  attacks,  sometimes  leaving  this  to  his  

scribes,  but  more  often  than  not,  writing  these  responses  in  person14.  Françoise  Hildesheimer  also  

notes  that  he  was  as  anxious  about  his  library  as  he  was  of  his  own  documents  towards  the  end  of  

his   life   and   that   it  was  under  his  ministry   that   the   library   ‘was  opened   for   the   first   time   to   the  

                                                                                                               11  Hélène  Duccini,  ibid.  12  Idem.  13  Philippe  Erlanger,  Richelieu,  Perrin,  1967.  14  Idem.  

public’15.   It  was  with   regards   to   religious  politics   that  analysis  was  most  energetically  advanced,  

and   this   for   obvious   reasons.   The   polarization   of   France   between   faiths   and   the   ravages   of   the  

religious  wars  disqualified  any  attempt  to  unify  religious  by  force.  The  writings  of  Armand  Jean  du  

Plessis,   while   still   bishop   of   Luzon,   also   show   great   confidence   in   the   power   of   arguments   and  

make  a  call  to  ‘discuss  with  the  utmost  restraint’   in  order  to  ‘heal  the  reformed,  and  not  to  hurt  

them’,  the  future  Cardinal  having   learned  ‘from  experience  that  souls  are  not  tamed  by  force’16.  

For  Cardinal  Khlesl,  only  this  guerra  spirituale  would  enable  these  quills  to  put  an  end  to  religious  

war   once   and   for   all.   More   broadly,   this   approach   constitutes   a   major   step   in   the   history   of  

political   science,   in   that   for   the   first   time,   political   discourse   is   approached   in   a   scientifically  

calculated  manner.  

   

The  use  of  communication  as  a  tool  of  political  control  

   

Control  of  the  printing  press  

   

Whether  it  concerned  the  couriers  responsible  for  transporting  letters  between  French  and  

foreign  aristocratic  elites,  or  Matthew  de  Morgues’   tirades  violently  attacking   financial  policy  or  

satires  and  plays  ridiculing   l’Éminence  rouge   (‘the  Red  Eminence’),   the  circulation  of   information  

was   for   Louis   XIII   an   issue   of   paramount   importance.   A   plan   to   kill   the   king   and   Richelieu,   an  

attempt  to  kidnap  the  niece  of  Cardinal  were  circumvented  by  the  monitoring  of  communication  

between   the   agents.   For   all   that,   the   action   of   power   remained   essentially   the   ordering   of  

influence   and   rarely   resorted   to   coercion.  Despite   security   concerns,   the   control   of   the  printing  

press   was   used   primarily   as   a   tool   for   strengthening   state   prerogatives   and   not   as   a   tool   of  

repression.   Emphasizing   the   low   number   of   arrests   and   sanctions   imposed   by   the   monarchy  

against  the  authors,  printers  and  booksellers  distributing  pamphlets,  Hélène  Duccini  believes  that  

‘all  in  all,  censorship  was  a  benevolent  force  and  the  bookselling  business  was  allowed  to  thrive’17.  

Policies  to  control  the  printing  press  aimed  more  at  endowing  the  state  with  means  to  influence  

the  discourse:  the  desire  of  the  Cardinal  to  strengthen  state  authority  was  satisfied  as  much  into  

the  reduction  of  opposition  enclaves  as  it  was  by  the  creation  of  viable  tools  of  influence  for  the  

monarchy.  

                                                                                                                   15  Canal  Académie,  Un  jour  dans  l’histoire,  «  Richelieu,  avec  Françoise  Hildesheimer  »,  1st  January  2005.  16  Jörg  Wollenberg,  ibid.  17  Hélène  Duccini,  ibid.  

The  construction  of  cultural  power  

   

The  creation  of  the  Académie  Française  in  this  respect  is  a  good  example.  It  is  not  by  mere  

chance  that  Richelieu  decided  in  1635  to  establish  this  institution  to  protect  the  French  language.  

Recognizing   the   important   role  of   the  public  and   intellectuals   in   the  perception  of   conflicts,   the  

Cardinal  founded  the  Academy  a  few  months  after  the  entry  into  war  of  France  against  Spain.  The  

Précieuses  and  the  Hôtel  de  Rambouillet  then  ruled  the  ‘kingdom  of  ideas’.  Richelieu  launched  a  

veritable   counter-­‐barrage   against   numerous   ‘enemies   of   the   “the   Red   Eminence”   [and]  

sympathisers   of   the   Spanish   cause’18   in   making   the   Académie   Française   a   legitimate   cultural  

authority.   This   is   evidenced   by   the   famous   argument   around   Le   Cid,   where   Corneille   was  

reproached  for  not  having  complied  with  the  rules  of  classical  theatre19  and  which  enflamed  the  

cultural  life  of  Paris  in  1637.  By  allowing  a  judgement  of  the  piece  to  be  passed  by  the  Académie  

without  attempting  to  influence  its  outcome,  Richelieu  showed  that  his  goal  was  to  create  a  public  

institution  recognized  for  its  cultural,  without  interfering  personally  with  its  operation.  Promoting  

a  unified  French  language  also  endowed  the  language  of  the  crown  with  an  authority  outweighing  

Latin,  Italian  or  Spanish20.  The  creation  of  the  Imprimerie  Royale  in  1639  followed  a  similar  logic.  

Officially  billed  as  a  means  of  ‘multiplying  beautiful  publications  promoting  the  glory  of  the  king’21,  

it   guaranteed   the   state   first   look   at   the   publications,  while   endowing   France  with  works  which  

could  compete  with  those  of  the  Netherlands,  both  in  terms  of  typography  and  ornamentation22.  

The   Imprimerie   Royale   also   enjoyed   a   notable   permanence   in   French   culture:   known   today  

Imprimerie  Nationale,  it  is  one  of  the  largest  printing  presses  in  France  and  employs  almost  2000  

people.  

   

A   ‘Man  of   letters  within  himself’23,   the  Cardinal   remained  throughout  his   life  attached  to  

literature,  to  theatre,  to  the  opera,  all  of  which  he  systematically  used  as  instruments  of  cultural  

power.  Poets  and  men  of  letters  would  be  mobilized  as  would  jurists  and  theologians  to  justify  his  

policies24,  and  they  were  even  engaged  to  act  directly  in  interactions  with  foreign  states.  Richelieu  

in   1633   spoke   of   intense   artistic   exchange   with   Pope   Urban   VIII   in   Rome.   He   wished   to  

                                                                                                               18  Philippe  Erlanger,  ibid.  19  Unity  of  time,  action  and  place.  20  Diane  Trudel,  ibid.  21  URL  :  http://www.finances.gouv.fr/directions_services/caef/aef/pages/15/15.html    22  Diane  Trudel,  ibid.  23  Canal  Académie,  ibid.  24  Jörg  Wollenberg,  ibid.  

demonstrate  to  Rome  that  France  was  ‘its  best  student  in  the  diplomatic  game,  the  letters  and  the  

arts’25.  Aware  of  the  cultural  influence  produced  by  its  Masters  collections  on  foreign  envoys,  the  

commercial   bourgeoisie   and   the   nobility,   he   initiated   frequent   exchanges   of   works   of   art   with  

European  sovereigns  that  beyond  their  artistic  merit,  presenting  to  the  young  nobility  ‘paragons  of  

virtue,   courage  and  patriotism,   such  as   Joan  of  Arc  and  Abbot  Suger’26.  Placing   literature  at   the  

forefront  of  the  struggle  against  Habsburg  hegemony,  Richelieu  personally  wrote  a  heroic  comedy  

in  five  acts,  Europe,  which  was  an  allegory  of  French  foreign  policy.  Courted  by  the  proud  Iberian,  

who   tries   to   seduce   her   and   then   kidnap   her,   the   princess   Europe   is   saved   by   Francion   who  

manages   to   restore   peace   at   the   price   of   questionable   alliances,   making   the   King   of   France  

‘defender  of  European  liberty  and  the  precursor  of  some  prototype  of  European  unity’27.  

   

Protean   in   his   speech   depending   on   his   audience   and   his   objectives,   founding   modern  

strategies   of   influence,   the   communication   strategy   implemented  by  Richelieu   truly   reflects   the  

political  genius  of  the  Cardinal.  Between  Protestant  states  and  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  Spain  and  

England,   the   clergy   and   nobility,   ‘Good   Frenchmen’   and   ‘Good   Christians’,   the   ‘Red   Eminence’  

knew   how   to  manipulate   the   antagonisms   of   the   actors   involved,   acting   in   the   interest   of   the  

monarchy   that  he  believed  was  a  conciliatory  power  capable  of   restoring  stability.  Similarly,   the  

practice   of   communication   is   the   result   of   a   complex   balance   involving   various   objectives   and  

multiple  actors.  If  at  times  Richelieu  resorted  to  repression,  it  was  to  promote  royal  policy  by  an  

argument  adapted  to  foreign  audiences  and  the  various  classes  of  the  population,  as  the  Cardinal  

understood   the   importance   of   winning   popular   support.   Three   and   a   half   centuries   before   its  

conceptualization  by  Joseph  Nye28,  the  communication  strategy  of  the  Grand  Cardinal  marked  the  

Grand   siècle   (the   classical   period   of   Louis   XIV   that   marked   a   flourishing   of   French   art   and  

literature)   and   laid   the   foundations   of   French   soft   power.   Furthermore,   it   demonstrates   a  

remarkable  permanence  of  the  relationship  between  communication,  culture  and  influence.  

 

Club  du  Millénaire:  Louis-­‐Marie  Bureau      Editorial  board:  Lara  Deger,  Sarah  Laffon    Translation:  Rosalind  Tan  

                                                                                                               25  Diane  Trudel,  ibid.  26  Philippe  Erlanger,  ibid.  27  Jörg  Wollenberg,  ibid.  28  Joseph  Nye,  Bound  to  Lead,  1990.