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Chapter II PAKISTAN• S NUCLEAR CAPABILITY

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Page 1: Chapter II - Shodhgangashodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/14031/6/06_chapter 2.pdf · to harness nuclear energy. Kapur has carried the argument too far. \~bile Bhutto' s claims

Chapter II

PAKISTAN• S NUCLEAR CAPABILITY

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Chapter II

PAKISTAN'S NUCLEAR CAPABILITY

Pakistan embarked upon its nuclear programme in 1954.

It is from 1955 that the evolution of its nuclear policy too

can be traced. Zafrullah Khan, the then Foreign Minister,

said in 1954 that his country had no policy on the atomic 1

bomb.

Though President Eisenhower's peace plan and proposal

for launc bing of the International Aton11c Energy Council was

welcomed in the press, "the press did not have backing of an 2

official policy on nu::~lear matters".

Pakistan9 s nuclear developments can be studied in two

phases:-

{ 1) From 1954-1971: \~hen the official policy was to have a purely civilian programme;

(2) Fro~ 1972-1986: When reprocessing as well as enrichment routes {technicalities explained later) to a weapon programme ware adopted.

In 1954 the Government College at Lahore established

the High Tension and Nuclear Research Laboratory to provide

research facilities to post-eraduate students in physics

---------1

2

1&1iD_(Karach1), 28 April 1954.

Ashok Kapur, Pa~3,§.tAIJ' 11 t~uclpiJl: Il§Itlg~ (New York, 1987 , Pe 34.

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33

3 department. This was the first step towards a nuclear

programme. In October that year the Industry Minister

announced plans to establish an atomic research body, which

was intended to be a part of a new body for scientific and 4

industrial research in the country.

Next year (1955), the Government sat up a 12-member

Atomic Energy Committee chaired by Dr. Nazir Ahmad for the 5

promotion of peaceful uses of Atomic Energy in Pakistan. It

was entrusted with the task of estimating the requirements of

its organisation, identify personal needs, to devise a plan to

survey and assess radioactive material and advise the govern.

ment on any other matter pertaining to atomic research. The

Committee suggested that the government should take early steps 6

to appoint an atomic energy commission. Consequently a high-

powered Atomic Energy Council was set up in March 1956 which

comprised a Governing Body and a Commission. The Governing

Body consisted of two ministers and two secretaries of the

Central Government, besides the Chairman of the Atomic Energy

Commission and the Pakistani Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC)

3 S.J. Burk1, "High Tension and Nuclear Laboratory", f~1§t~n Qytttew (Karac'hi), vol. 10, no. 2, Autumn 19 o, p. 11 •

4 s. Siddiqui~ "The Pakistan Council of Scientific and Industrial .tie search", ~1SHD 2yartetJ,y, vol, 7, no.4, Winter 1957, pp. -45.

5 Nazir Ahmad, "The Atomic Energy Commission", E.~i:Jtij.l) C~l,Witiu·u, vol, 7, no. 3, Autumn 1957, p. 14.

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34

was to consist of six scientists. Dre Nazir Ahmad was

appointed the first Chairman. An Advisory Committee

consisting of 30 scientists, doctors, industrialists, .7

agriculturists and educationists was proposed to be set up.

The Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission was entrusted, by

the Government, with the task of planning and developing the

peaceful uses of nuclear energy with special reference to survey

procurement and disposal of radioactive materials, planning and

establishment of an atomic energy and nuclear research institute;

installation of research and power reactors, negotiation for

cooperation in the nuclear field with international atomic

energy bodies to create a cadre of trained personnel and

application of radio isotopes to agriculture, health and 8

industry.

Governed by the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission

Ordinance of 1965, and amended in 1974, the Commission is

presently assigned the task of promoting peaceful uses of

atomic energy in the medicine and industry and of generating

electricity through nuclear power stations and the necessary 9

research and development work in support of these fun:!tionso

7

s 9

Ibid., p. 16t: S.B. Guha, "Pakistan's Atomic Energy Programme", J.!.:!S.\ ,ZgyJ:.DBl (New Delhi), vol. 3, no. 1, July 1970, P• 11.9o

N az1r Ahmad, n. 5, pp. 16-17.

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35

A sum of Rs. 2.5 million was allocated for the year

1955-56 for research in atomic energy which was double4 for the

year 1956-57. The total expend! ture on research in atomic

energy during the First Five Year Plan Period (1956-60) 'but 10

outside the plan outlay, anrounted to Rs. (P) 235 million.

The pursuit of nuclear energy and research programma

was inconceivable in the absence of core of especially trained

scientists, engineers and technicians. Since Pakistan did not

have suitable training facilities of its own, the PAEC soon

after its creation, made arrangements for training of its

scientists abroad, primarily in Britain, Franee, Canada and 11

the United States, in radio isotopes and reactor technology.

Simultaneously the PAil! started a survey to choose a suitable

research reactor from varieties available in the market. The

PAEC completed this work in 1957 and it was expected that 1!

the Commission* s plans were accepted even 1n 1958, the research

reactor would go critical by the end of 1959 or in the beginning

of 1960. By that time a core of 90 or 100 scientists and

engineers trained abroad in reactor technology and in different

and ~.lied fields of atomic energy would have become available

to start the work on a reasonable scaleo The PAEC was

contemplating the setting up of an institute of nuclear

10

11

·-· . -

P.B. Sinha and R.R. Subramanian, ~~t fakts~~ j.to~c IbH~t ~ S~Ulli (New Dernl, 1980 , Po 30.

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36

research and reactor technology on whose completion the

available research facilities were to be transferred to it.

The PAEC also proposed to establish four centres -n two in

the then \~est and two in the then East Pakistan -- to promote

the beneficial uses of isotopes in the field of agriculture

and food preservationa It also proposed to set ~ eight

medical centres for curing diseases like cancer.

AS a member of the Baghdad Pact (sime 1958 known as

C:WTO), Pakistan began co-operating with the Baghdad Nuclear

Centre. Pakistan also took part in international conferences

on the·peaceful uses of atomic energy, e.g. the International

Atoms for Peace Conference, Geneva (August 1955) Conference

on the draft statute of International Atomic Energy Agency

in which it was elected as a member of the Preparatory

Commission, the Commonwealth Conference on radiation protection,

the Reactor Conference held under the auspices of the Institute 13

of Phys!~s, London.

But the programme of P AEC could not move ahead according

to the plan. This was because, to quote Nazir Ahmad,

"Unfortunately at the critical stage (when the reactor was

being evaluated other considerations of a non-technical nature

were allowed to creep in and cloud the issue, with the result

the approval of the reactor project was held up for over a

12

13

Nazir Ahmad, n. 5, p. l?G

Nazir Ahmad, trThe Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission", I:AklU~D Q kli&l'!t~rlx, vol. 8 , no. 3, Winter 1958, p. 52.

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14 year." He blamed ":red. tap1sm" for the delay in the

Commission's work. Examination of ABC proposals, he says,

by non-tectmical personnel who were unable to understand the 15

problem "resulted in delays".

Kapur, however, questions this contention and blames

Dr. Nazir Ahmad for the delays. "Dr Ahmad's poor adminis­

trative strategy, his lack of knowledge about research

reactor, his 1ns1steme on CP 5 type of reactor rather than

what was being offered by tha us, caused the lack of 16

bureaucratic support to P AEC during his cha1rmansh1po"

It is difficult to accept the explanation of Ahmad or

Kapur in totality, for, conditions in Pakistan itself were

sue h that development of noolear programme could not have

been a prioritye The country was ridden with the problem of

frequent changes in the goverr~ent -- within a span of eleven

years it had seven prima ministers. Beginning as a parliamen­

tary democracy in 1947, the country had no constitution till

1956 and elections were not held till 1954. Serious leader­

ship crisis ensued following the death of Jinnah and Liaquat

All. The political leadership consisting of civil servants

depended heavily on the armed forces which eventually took over

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid.

16 Kapur, n. 2, P• 42. ·

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38

17 as Ayub Khan staged a S.QWL.Q!.,§.tl.t in 1958. Bureaucratic

delays or A hrnad6 s error therefore could have added to the

magnitude of problems already existing, but cannot be taken

as sole reasons for the delay in the programme. More

significant than the rise of Ayub Khan was the rise of

Zulfiqua.r Ali Bhutto, the main architect of Pakistan's

ntt!lear programme. In his own words "It is due to my singular lB

efforts that Pakistan has acquired the capacity."

Scholars have also le:nt support to his assertion.

According to a Pakistani scholar, Akhtar Ali, '1No account of

P al<istan• s nuclear 1 sse may perhaps be considered complete 19

without exposition of Mr Bhutto•s contribution". Leonard

Spector says, "Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the chief architect of 20

Pakistan nuclear policy". Kaushik and Mehrotra say that

Pakistan nuelear policy ''can be traced from the time Zulfikar 21

Ali Bhutto became the member of the Government". Sinha and

Subramanian say "Indeed it was Bhutto who provided a new

content and direction to the nuclear programn~ and policies of 22

the Government."

17

l8

19

20

21

-22

•w•

Louis D. Rafes, E911f1s:§Jn P8kil.tsn...L all§ S~glJ tot Iag;Lt~.x; {US, 1984 , pp, 53-55; .w. howd ury, ~iUutJ.gnaJ. pey§l.Q2!2.t§ ~D f.8k1f!t~ (London, 1969), p~l34.

Z.A. Bhutto, ,U I, am A§§a.S§,Du.t~Ji (New Delhi, 1977) •

Akhtar Ali, ~ As;f.u. .J..li~l.tuu: ... .2.t.w.mnatS? gr. QgDfl~srat;l.gil {Karachi, 1987),- p. 42 ..

Leonard Spector1 ll~lgar PrQl~r~ratlgn To~ (New York, 1985), Po 71.

B.J.~. Kaush1k and O~N. Mehrotr~ P~i§taJA'fl NpclfHlt I;}W:b (New Delhi, 1980), p. 34.

Sinha and Subramanian, n. 10, p. 32'•

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Kapur has challenged this, in his opinion it was under

I.H. Usmani, Nazir Ahmad's successor, that PAEC emerged as the

central nucleus of the nuclear decision-making in Pakistan.

A winning of scientific bureaucratic - political coalition

eme~ged consisting of Dr Usman1, Dr Abus sa1am and nominally

z.A. Bhutto. Kapur says Bhutto was not serious about nuclear

energy in the 6os, the other two members were motivated by need 23

to harness nuclear energy. Kapur has carried the argument

too far. \~bile Bhutto' s claims may have been exaggerated, the

fact remains that it was be who gave a decisive turn to the

nuclear programme when he got the exclusive executive power.

In the 60s he·was a senior minister and not the deciding

authority. According to Akhtar Ali, he met with considerable

"oppos1tt on fl'Orn his colleagues in the Ministry of Finance, when

he lobbied for larger appropriations for atomic energy 24

progra.rmne".

In the estimate of the Second Fiv·e Year Plan ( 1961-65)

Rs. (P) 46.5 million were allocated to the Atomk Energy

Development Programme. The 1960-61 budget provided Rs. (P) 12.5

million for a reactor, exceeding 5.4 million the allocations made

in the 59-60 budget for the same purpose. On the whole during

the 8 years period beginning iYJ 1.960 the expenditure on the

development of nuclear technology in West Pakistan amounted

to Rs. (P) 290 million on 11 research centres excluding

23 Kapur, n. 2, PP• 54·55.

24 Akhtar Ali, n. 19, p. 43~

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40

25 Rs. {P) 400 million for nuclear power plant in Karachi. The

PAEC budget grew from Rs. (P) 7 million in 1960-61 to Rs. (P) 26

80 million in 1966-67. These figures reveal the priority of

Pakistani Government to the atomic energy and growth in the

act1v1 ties of the PA~.

Bhutto has claimed to have commissioned the famous American

architect Edward Stone to build the Pakistan Institute of Nuclear ~

Science and Technology at Nellore and laid its foundation. The

Institute was establ1.sbed in 1965 to help PAl!):; realise its plans 28

in education, agriculture and medicine. Tr~ Institute is

country's premier national institute for research and development.

Bhutto also negotiated with USA and IAEA for the supply

of a 5 MW nuclear research reactor and enriched uranium and 30

plutonium. Ultimately US supplied a swimming pool type of

research reactor which went critical in 1965 and is under

IAEA safeguards, the US also supplied enriched uranium for the

-----25

26

29

30

Sinha and Subramanian, n. 10, PPo 32-33.

S.H. S1ddiqu1t "Scientific Research in Pakistan••, f""1stan ipar~orlx 9 vol. 15 .. , nos •. 1-2, Summer and Autumn 19 7, p. 218.

Bhutto, n. 1.8, p. 137 •

..IWaJ.ni~ PI: §1a ~~tnwt Illll:ltAr cap..wtt:r ~ .IJIU,p., l.Iag I.,.,bya a.ng ~ak _ : Repor prepared for ub-commlttee on Arms Con rol, Oceans, International Operation Air Environment of the Comm1 ttee of Foreign Relations United States Senate by Environment and Natural Resources Policy Division, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, January 1982, p. 52.

Facts abou~ fat1~, n. 9, p. 3.

Pakistan and IAEA Agreement for Establishment of a Research Project, Vienna, 5 March 1962.

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·--

41

31 reactor which is housed in PINSTECH. The reactor uses 90 per

32 cent enriched uranium.

Soon after India secured an atomic power reactor from

Canada, Pakistan began discussions with Canada for a power

reactor. In 1964 a proposal was submitted and in 1965 an

agreement was Signed whereqy Canada agreed to sell a 137 MW 33

heavy water reactor to Pakistan (discussed a little later).

Shortly thereafter Pakistan began a programme of research in 34

processing of ore.

Besides agreement with canada on KANUPP, Pakistan entered

into co-operation agreement with several countries in the field

of nuclear technology in the l960se An agreement was signed 35

With France for close co-operation. The significance of this

agreement shall be seen subsequently.

Between 1964 and 1965 two agreements were arrived at

between UK and Pakistan for the supply of uranium and other 36

nuclear material for peaceful research purposes in Pakistan.

-31

32

33

34

35

Pakistan (IAEA and US) Contract for the transfer of enriched uranium and plutonium for research reactor, Vienna, 5 March 1962. 'J:fiatx ScarJ.u (UN)\~ 425, no. _6114, pp. 3-15.

Nu~l~ar N~ (Cricafe, USA), June 1981, Pc 91.

Zalmay Khal11zad! "Pakistan and the Bombff, ~J,et;iiL gt AtQroi~ ~ient•s~ (Illinois), January 1980, p. 11.

Nu~J.:at ~Dg.negr1ng_Ix}t§tni,j.t~QJ.lal (London), May 1971, p. 372. '

Guha, no 7, p. 122.

36 4t§IJ.tx: S~r11i§ mi,, 482, no. 7003 and 534, no. 7754.

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37 Agreements ware also signed with Spain and Italy. Meanwhile,

Pakistani personnel were receiving training in the US, FRG,

Canada and the Soviet Union. By 1972 the country had more than 38

550 qualified nuclear scientists and engineers.

PAEC established a reactor school in 1969 which has

evolved into the Centre for Nuclear Studies and provides graduate 39

courses in nuclear engineering. PAEC has also set up four

research centres· 1 Nuclear Institut·e for Agriculture and Biology

at Lyallpur, Atomic Energy Agriculture Research Centre at

Tandozam and Atomic Energy Agriculture Research Centre at 40

Tarnab near Peshawar. Six nuclear medical centres have been

set up at Karachi, Lahore, Nultan, Jamshoro, Peshawar and 41

Lark ana.

The presence of uranium and other radioactive minerals

had been established in the Indus river sands and of uranium

in the Dera Fhazi Khan in the foothills of Sulliman Ranges at

the enu of 1950s and huge quanti ttes of uranium bad been

recovered between 1960 and 1965 but for a decade no serious

37

38

39

40

·-· -4l

.i!laJ.Y§1~ Su J;§S~Wh n. 28, pp. 48-49.

Khalilzad, n. 33, p. 11.

International Atomic Energy Conference GC (XXI), INF/172, 26 September 1977: Report on application of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. Information received from Pakistan, p. 12.

K~ber Mall (Peshawar), 7 January 1980, p·. 4. cr ed in~· ~uor I ~fl.~af Dptia!lJ!lftllt J&DQ ,ftgl,____ { oin PUbl ca ion esearch Service, irg n a, USA), no. 28, February 1980, pp. 20-21.

Ibid.

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42 effort was made in this direction. In 1965 Australian

workers discovered large quantities of uranium near Gilgit in

occupied Kashmir and Zireonium and Titanium in the sea coast in 43

the t~n East Pakistan. Encouraged by these, the P A.EC put

into operation at the Atomic Minerals Centre at Lahore, a pilot

plant for the extrac'M.on of uranium. A team of Czechoslovak

mining experts was engaged to prepare the facility. In 1971

IAEA with the support of United Nations Development Programme

began a systematic exploration of uranium in the SQleiman

mountain ranges in Bagalchur area near Dera Gbazi Khan, 44

existence of several hundred tons of uranium was indicated.

Pakistan was once again plunged into state of instability.

Protests against Ayub grew rapidly with widespread agitation led

by Bbutto, who had left the government by now and formed a

separate party ... _ Paktstan People's Party. Ayub was displaced

by General Yahya Khan on 25 Harcb 1.969.. There "'ras no let-up in

the escalating crisis which finally led to the Indo-Pak war of

1971 and creation of a separate state of Bangladesh. It would

be naive to expect any significant development in the nuclear

programme during this period.

Zulfiquar .Ali Bhutto became the Prime Minister of the

truncated Pakistan, marking a new phase in the politics of the

country in general and nuclear developments in particular.

42 Guha, no 7, p. 120.

43 Sinha and Subramanian, n. 10, p. 35 ..

44 Ibid.

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Pakistan's nuclear programme in its first phase 1953-71

was essential~y pea~eful. So was the declared official policy

(details ~n Chapter IV). The progress had been slow to begin

with but had picked up momentum after 1958, though it was again

hampered in 1968 •• but at no stage was there any deviation from

peaceful policy.

The prime reason for the peaceful programme was that

leadership was not in favour of a weapons program'OO. "What

do we ne~d a bomb for? Pakistan is a poor country u•• we can't

afford it", Ayub had told Bhutto turning down latter's request

for a nuclear weapon option, "we should put money into school 45

maybe hospitals and industry". In 1965 Ayub had turned down

· Bhutto•s plea for a Rs. 300 (P) reprocessing plant on the ground 46

that Pakistan's economy could not bear such a heavy burden.

According to Akhtar Ali, A~b Khan• s administration was

largely following economic efficiency as criterion for allocating 47

resources.

Besides according to Dr. Usmani, Pakistan did not have 48

the requisite infrastructure.

-·-----45

47

48

Steve Weissman and Victor Krosney, l§lomk !}gmg (New York, 1981), p. 49.

P.R. Chari1 "Pakistan• s Nuclear Option", IgQ.13D al1WJ1la:l. of Asian SJCl\PUs (New Delhi), vol. 1, January-June 1977' p. ?8.

Akhtar Ali, n. 19, p. 41.

Weissman and Krosney, no 45, p. 46.

~ I

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As far as security considerations are concerned, Pakistan

had in the early years become part of the Western alliance

system, which will be discussed later.

·In January 1972, less than two months after taking

office, B hutto convened a meeting of a group of P akistan• s top

scientists in the city of Multan where he told them, "look we 49

are going to have a bomb ··~·Can you give it to me?" They

said they could, given the resources and facilities. "I shall

find you the resources and I shall fi.nd you the facilities", 50

he had said adding that he wanted it in three years.

The timing is significant because it counters the

typical Western argument that Pakista.n• s quest for weapon

capability was instigated by the Indian explosion in 1974.

In fact, D hutto had said in 1969 itself. "All wars of

our age have become total wars and it will have to be assumed

that a war waged ngainst Pakistan is capable of ·becoming a total

war. It would be dangerous to plan for less and our plan should 51

therefore include the nuclear deterrent."

While be was a minister in Ayub Khan's cabinet he had

told him, u ••• why is it that only the western countries and

50

Prg~e¥t ?o§...J. Il;le l*W~~ (Panorama recorded from a BB ransm!ssion, 1 Jt.me 1980), p. 2; Weissman and Krosney, n. 45, p. 43.

Ibid.

51 Z.A. Bhutto, tlyth ot_IndenepdeDC§ (London, 1969), p. 153o

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the Soviet Union can have nuclear weapons and not be questioned?

And why it that everybody takes us for granted as part of the 52

"World as it is?

Having risen to an exclusive executive power, Bbutto

put into practice what he had lobbied for so many years -­

acquiring the weapon capability.

To begin with Bhutto introduced changes in the

organization, nreimigorated Pakistan's nuclear establishment 53

and authorised R & D activit1esu. He personally took charge

of atomic energy. A separate Ministry· of Science, Technology and 54

Production was set up. He replaced I.H. Usmani, PAEC Chief,

with t-~.A. Khan as the former had opposed the development of 55

nuclear \veapons and the latter had supported ito Scientists

were given complete freedom and they did not have to depend. on

others for either procuring the equipment or in the administra-56

tive matters. In 1973 the number of nuclear technicians

undergoing training at Nell ore was 40 and the number was to 57

go on increasing given a turn ... out of 100 per yea:r.

The Canadian buUtK.A.NUPP, country's first nuclear power

plant, which became critical in 1971, was opened by Bbutto in

--------52

53

54

55

56

-57

See Weissman and Krosney, n. 45, p. 49.

Akhtar Ali, n. 19, p. 46.

lbe Hingu (Hadras) , 21 January 1972.

Spector, n. 20, p. 73.

~}lAt (Lahore), 22 Jtme 1979, quoted in Sinha and u ramanian, n. 10, p. 53.

~istan Times (Karachi), 23 May 1973.

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47

1972. It is a heavy water reactor with an installed capacity

of 137 MW. In the wake of termination of Canadian collaboration,

Pakistan developed its own uranium and has been· independently

operating it since 1975" In 1979 it attained 50 per cent

capability but it declined thereafter. The plant had to be

shut in 1980 but was restarted in 1981, since then has been

operating successfully although it has never attained 50 per 5S

cent capacity.

Pakistan is the first country in the world to make a

straight purchase of the reprocessing plant. All comtries

before it, including India and Japan had built their own as 59

part of their technological development.

Bhutto• s pla.n, according to some authors, was to use the 60

plutonium from Canadian reactor to make his first atom bomh~

The advantage witb Canadian reactor is that it us9s fuel from

natural uranium {does not need enrichment), it does not have to

be shut down for refuelling and new fuel rods can be mechanically

built. It produces in the used or irradiated fuel large quantity

58

59

60

Akhtar Ali, n. 19, PP• 21-22.

See ~l~~an ~ {Karachi) , 2.1 November 1978v Brazil is also purc~ng--a-reprocess1ng plant but its agreement with Germany includes associated technology, unlike Pakistan's contract with France.

See Heissman and Krosney, n. 45, p. 77; and Richard Pollock, "The Islamic Bomb", in Q.tUital t:ldl ai9P'1lAlr p. s. According to him "the plan waso deliberately divert some of the plutonium produced by the canadian reactor into a weapons programme~

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of plutonium, which is more frequently used as a nuclear

explosive. What was ne(~ded, then was a way to get the plutonium

out of the used reactor fuel -- a reprocessing plant and to get

it, Bhutto turned to the French. Reprocessing on plutonium

extraction was a French speciality and the job fell primarily

on a highly specialized engineering firm called Societe Generale 61

poure le technique Nouvelle.

According to Krosney and Waissman there are two different 62

documents stating the date of the contract. According to one,

the Pal~istanis had made their first approaches to SGN in the late

1960s and the French Goverrnnent had made no objection at that

time to help Pakistan build a reprocessing planto But at this

time Pakistan laclu~d the finance to go ahead. According to the

other document, aid memoirs to the Fre1~h Ambassador in Islamabad

dated 24 January 1975, srn~ signed at least two separate contracts

for the Chashma plant, the first for "basic design" -- in March

1.973 and the second for ''detailed design" and help in actual

construction, was signed in October 1974. The Sffii agreed to

serve as principal engineering firm providing blueprint and

specification furnishing some of the equipment, helping in

------61 SGN is France's most powerful nmlear plutonium

corporation. It designed and built the nation's plutonium processing centre in La Hague. SGN started as a division of France's larger private business groups, Saint Gobain Pont a Moussan. It was later incorporated separately as Saint Gobain Nuclea.w and finally as Societie General pour le Technique Nouvelle in 1977 with the French Atomic Energy Commission taking in 66 per cent controlling charges~ The firm kept the same initials throughout. See Pollock, n. 60, p. s.

62 Weissman and Krosney, n. 45, p. 89.

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purchasing and procurement from sub-contractors and putting

the plant into operationo

According to Salamat Ali also Bhutto initiated a dialogue

with France in February 1973 for the purchase of a nuclear fuel 63

reprocessing plant. However, according to Benazir Bhutto,

"Reprocessing plant negotiations were initiated. during the 64

visit of Mr ZeA. Bhutto in France in 1.975".

From the beginning of the negotiations, the French Atomic

Energy Commission worked closely with s~r engineers and directly

with Pakistani Atom i.e Energy Commission. The French and Pakistani

officials had signed an earlier agreement on nuclear co-operation 65

(stated earlier) which Bhutto revived when he came back to power.

After three years of "intense negotiations", the 66

reprocessing deal was finalized. Negotiations on safeguards

ended in 1975 and the International Atom1c Energy Agency gave 67

its app~oval on 24 February 19?6. The two countries formally

---------63

64

65

66

67

Sala.mat Ali, "Pakistan's Atomic Dilemma", f~~ gsie~ ~onomk; Hav:1.mt (Hong Kong), Vol. 101, no. 3 , 8 ep ember 1978, p. 18.

Benaz1r Bhutto, f~tat~n Fg,rq~go folit;.l (Lahore, 1979), p. 62 guoted in Ak ar Ali, n. 19, p. 44. Also see J2awn .. lKarachi), 23 October 1975.

~rut_ (New Delhi·!;, 3 July 1976. ~s covered various scientific exchanges such as visits by French experts to Pakistani nuclear facilities and upgrading a small US supplied research reactor at Pakistan Institute for Nuclear Science and Technology, from the original five to eight or ten thermal megawatts. The French also agreed

· to train as many as a hundred Pakistani technicians.

Bhutto, n. 18, p. 135.

~ratag Xi~, 26 February 1976; .Um§s or Jndia, ~ e ruary 1976.

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50

68 signed the deal on 16 }larch 1976.

Pakistan undertook that none of the reprocessing

equipment or the material produced shall be used for the

manufacture of any nuclear weapon or to further any other

military purpose for the manufacture of any other nuclear

explosive device~ The Pakistanis consented to submit the

Chasma plant to international safeguards, including regular

visits to IAEA inspectors. They also agreed that same provisions

would apply to any future facility based upon the same type of

reprocessing technology which was defined as any facility using 69

the solvent extraction method. The reprocessing plant was 70

~nitially estimated to cost US ~ 150 million. It was expected

to be ready Q1 1980 to be a part of the atomic complex being 71

built near Chashma. In a June 1977 report the cost of

reprocessing plant was estimated at US ~ 200 million and it was ?

surmised that the plant might ultimately cost over US~ 300 million.

A medium sized plant, the Chashma reprocessing unit was to have a

capac it ·y bet\-Teen 80 and Boo tons of fuel annually. The state ..

68

69

70

71

72

19i§Det-~ {Karachi), vol. 12 no. 8 September 1986, p. 40; S&TamatAli, "Zia1 s Search for Parlt:r", Eau: Ea.s~£1) =~ R:VJtw, vol. 99, no. 1, 16 January 19 , p. 5 ;

See text of IAEA Nuclear Safeguard Agreement for Frenc~ Pakistan reprocessing plant deal, Akhtar Ali, n. 19, p. 196; Weissman and Krosney, n. 45, p. 96,., ·

.Hmes of..l.Dw (New Delhi), 23 March 1976ll:Af Eastttrn ECo.;illi_....,..!Lwao,..m.,.J.~c.~~' vol. 92, no. 16, 16 Apri 1976, p. 56.

~ (Karacb1), quoted in Hindustan Times, 24 June l377.

~' 25 Juno 19??.

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51

owned industrial units, controlled by the Board of Industrial

Management \vere to manufacture some of the equipment for the 73

plant.

The fact that reprocessing plant by separating fissionable

plutonium from the spent reactor fuel, could facilitate Pakistan

in lau-m bing on a nuclear weapon programme caused anxiety in

Canada and the USA.. Both the countries dismissing as untenable

Pakistan's claim that the reprocessing plant was essential for it

to become self-reliant in peaceful uses of nuclear technology, 74

pressed Pakistan to cancel the deal. Pakistan refused to oblige.

Canada then suggested additional safeguards on the use of

residue from the Karachi reactor which Canada supplied with fuel

under the anrual renewable agreement. It was not to be permitted 75

to be used for tr~ French plant. While these negotiations were

on, canada stopped the supply of fuel fabrication plant which it

had earlier contracted to supply to Pakistan. P akistan• s failure

either to call off the reprocessing plant deal or to accept full

scope safeguards by the deadline of 31 December 1976 put an end

to Canada-Pakistan nuclear co-operation. The fuel fabrication 76

J?lant was cancelled.

73 Ibid., 22 June 1977.

74 lntsu:na.t1.QW H~ttJ.l.sl ~~ (Parts) discussed in de ail in subsequent

75 lf ~il§t.ttD ~Sf.QD~UlJ~ B~I1~~, Vol. 92, 1 April 197 , p. 5 •

12 August chapter.

no. 16,

76 E~1~~D I1m~, 4 January 19'7?; .IJ!WD Jjeetl.I, 8

1976,

February JS)77·.

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52

HP,Ue the role of United States will be discussed

subsequently, it \~l~ suffice here to say that Henry ~issinger

visited Pakistan and France in August 1976 to put pressure on

them to get the deal annulled; neither of them responded.

Even when the French enacted a new legislation imposing a ban

on selling the reprocessing technology, it was declared that the

ban would not affect old contracts especially the contract with 77

Pakistan. The French Foreign Minister said, ''We've concluded 78

an agreement, '1e1 11 stick to it".

After the change of government in 1977 the French

Premier, Ramond Barre said, "France would carry out the

contract unless Pakistan does not wish to continue with it."

The new Government in Pakistan headed by General Zia-ul-Ha~

said the contract with France was "intact" and that there was 79

"no change in the policy".

The French however could not sustain the policy and in

September 1977 during the visit of Foreign Minister Agha Shah1,

the French Foreign l-1in1ster wanted Pakistan to study a modifica­

tion of fuel reprocessing so that it would not produce pure

plutonium. They were now offering a co-processing plant instead 80

of a reprocessing plant. A co-processing plant produces a

mixture of uranium and plutonium oxides usable in reactors but

77 Weissman and Krosney, n. 45, Po 166.

78 ~n, 15 January 1977.

79 Weissman and Krosney, n. 45, pal77.

80 Ibid'e

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53

does not separate plutonium which can be used for military

purposes. Rejecting the proposal Agha Shah! said, "Pakistan

will not accept any change or modification in the agreement

signed with France for the supply of nuclear reprocessing plant.

Pakistan has adhered to all safeguards sug.gested by France. We

are ready to discuss additional measures but we are counting on 81

France to honour bar signature." On 20 February 1979 the

French President sent a letter through a special envoy 7 Andre

Jacomet·, to Gene Zia u1 Haq. According to Jacomet, "We no more

wished to construct the plant as it had been planned earlier·~

The plans were to be so changed so that in the factory no pure 82

plutonium was produced." The Pakistanis refused to accept

the demands and Jacomet returned to Paris with the conviction

that the whole contract should be annulled. In fact a French ' 83

Government committee also agreed to this decision in 1979.

Thus,says, Akhtar Alj, "After a full play of controversy the 84

agreement died without a decent funeral".

In June 1979 the last of technicians withdrew thereby 85

putting an end to the French co-operation in the project~

81 Ibid., p. 181.

82 ''The Secret Story at· the Pakistan Atom Bomb and Financing of it", ~ftr §~i!&ll 7 no. 28, 16 June 1980 reproduced in Engll sn n S'reedhar, f a.tt§tan!L,BomJL: .A J2Q9lJW~Dtary Stu~ (New Delhi, 1986), p., 124. ·

83 Ibid.

84 Akhtar Ali, n. 19, p. 44.

85 lJ.IU~~ial_I~ (London) , 25 June 1979; Dawn. 27 June 1979.

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54

Since there have been conflict!~ reports about the deal,

a1 though nothing concrete has emerged. According to one of the

reports, the International Chamber of Commerce and Industry haS

rendered a judgement on the Franco-Pakistan legal dispute over

breach of contract to deliver a reprocessing plant. Though the

details are not publicised, the judgement has reportedly been 87

in favour of Pakistan.. Aceording to Akhtar Ali also there

are negotiations between the two countries for "an in-kind 88

compensation" (1000 NW LHR).

The Chasbma plant has been tendered and retendered over 89

the past year. No one tul"ned up, "not evan France and Russia".

The reprocessing plant is thus a dead letter for all

practical purposes.

The French attitude has been rightly summed up by Kapur:

"The French conduct in Palcistan-France nuclear relation during

73-78 indicates primacy of commercial and political considerations

-----86

87

88

89

According to~tft (Paris), 7 January 1981, Po 21 cited in lli;U: ~1Wl , .January 1980, Pakistan has decided to &<ftt alone and ad made some purchases in Switzerland.

. According to IDe MY!!llm (Islamabad) 9 AprU 1984, the Pakistanis have soug~Soviet assistance for the project~ According to ~w;fegnigs ,l;l~~~' 28 April 1985, the French Ambassador sa drance has not closed the chapter, selling reprocessing plant to Pakistan, a French delegation had visited Pakistan in January 1986 to discuss the reprocessing. . ' . . . .,

Nuclfi.at Ewll, vol. 10, no. 23, 18 November 1985.

Akhtar Ali, n. 19, p. 44.

Ibid., p. 23·~

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55

and subordination of non-proliferation considerations. Indeed

in the French thinking there was a belief that non-proliferation 90

is inevitable.'"

A pilot scale reprocessine facility known as New Labs

1s reportedly near completion. The facility is capable of

extracting plutonium from spent fuel, giving Pakistan a

second route to nuclear arms.. But since the reactors are

under IA&A safeguard any diversion of spent fuel to unsafe-91

guarded New Labs would be detected.

It is difficult to say when exactly Pakistan decided to

opt for an alternative route" According to Maulana Kausar

Niazi, a former Information Minister, "It was Mr Bhutto• s ploy

to have ·the world attention focussed on enrichment route, while

the efforts for the centrifuge project had been initiated, which

indeed went unnoticed for a while" Mr Bhutto himself wanted to 92

wriggle out from the purchase of the "white elephant"." It is

difficult to assess the Niazi's claim since Bhutto is no longer

alive. Besides, Bhutto has not mentioned anything about the

deal in his own testament, Kapur has placed them in a better

perspective, He says two trends can be decisive since 1972 in

------90

91

92

Kapur, n. 2, p. 143.

Spector, n. 20, Po 114.

Maulana Kausar Niaz1, ~~ I.tl'!.Aat ... (}AUJ (Lahore, 1986 in Urdu), quoted in Ak ar , n. 19, p. 54.

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the nuclear activities of Pakistan. One is towards reprocessing

(1972-5-8) and the other is away from reprocessing from 1978

onwards, after 78 it (reprocessing) had lost primacy in nuclear

affairs "1 t was kept .in a latent form as an assurance". After

1978 enrichment became the primary route, from 1975-78 both 93

reprocessins and enrichment paths were active.

The story of adopting enrichment technology revolves

around one man, Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan, Director of Engineering

Research Laboratory at Kahuta$

Khan, born in Bhopal, studied Metullurgy in West Germany,

the Netherlands and Germanyo He entered the employment of

Research Institute of URENCO - The Brit1sh-Dutch-\vest German

Uran1l1m Enrichment Consortium at Almelo, N etharlands, between

1972 and 1975. He was able to obtain knowledge of the gas

centrifuge technology there particularly when be was translating

a secret German report.. Khan was also able to obtain information

on the names and addresses of other gas-centrifuge sub­

contraction, information which he later used to obtain materials

for Pakistani gas centrifuge process. After a few incidents

which took place in autumn of 1975, Khan was removed from the

gas centrifuge circuit at the instigation of the security officer

or the Ministry of Economic Affairs. A brief enquiry that was

instigated failed to show any direct connection with any

intelligence activities on Khan's part. At the end of 1975

- -93 Kapur, n0 2, pp. 193-94·~

"

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94 therefore Khan was able to leave the country'.

The Pakistani plan entailed setting up a pilot plant at

Sihala, near Islamabad and then a bit furtber down the road at

Kahuta village, they would build a massive industrial unit of

10,000 centrifuge units. No safeguards would apply to either

Sihala or Kahuta. projects, since Pakistan had not declared the

existence of the facilities to the IAEA.

The Pakistanis called their new project "Project 706"

and it was directly under the supervision of the Pakistan 95

Prime Minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhuttoo Nilitary1 s special 96

work organization was brought in to help the "Project 706".

The Pakistanis then went about buying the various

components to different parts of Europe "through resourceful

Pakistani agents in Europe with tbe help of European middle-97

men". The Pakistani Ninister at the Embassy in Bonn,

Ikramul Haq Khan, was the chief purchasing agents in Europe

and the ministers at embassies in Brussels and Paris, 98

s.A. Butt was responsible for PAEC purchases.

-------94 Report of Dutch International Working Party Responsible

for Investigating the "Khan Affair Report" October 1979 quoted in Sreedhar, n. 82 7 PP~ 59-61; Panorama Programme Report, n. 49, p. 8; Spector, n. 20, p. 23.

95 Panorama, BBC Serial, n. 49, p. 1 and 2.

96 \.Jeissman and Krosney, n. 45, p. 175.

97 Panorama, n. 49 7 p. 1.

98 'weissnJan and Krosney, n. 45, p. 182.

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The buying campaign began in earnest in 1976. These

still unnamed Pakistanis visited the Switzerland's firm which

supplied valves. The firm checked it with the Swiss Government

if the export was legal. The valves were not listed in the

"trigger list• of the London Suppliers Club. The Pakistanis

were impressed with this "aggressive selling" attitude and that 99

"they upped their requirements". They approached CORA

Engineering to buy a gassif1cation and solidification unit.

They were supplied with it, as it was not listed in the

"Trigger List". Orders were placed with a Dutch firm Van

Doorne Transmisse for the supply of 6,500 specially hardened

steel tubes, despite the Dutch Government asking them to stop

it. The firm supplied Pakistanis with the tubes, since the 100

government could not invoke any regulation.

In fact none of Pakistan's secret deals would have come

to light if it had not been for an industrial dispute in Britain 101

in 197g in Emerson, the Swindon Company. The Company was

working on orders placed by Pakistan for 100 inverters and

spares valued at £ 11.5 million. Someone at Emerson told Frank

Allaun that these inverters were part of the "Pakistan Special

Project". He raised the question in House of Commons "Was the

British Government aware that Emerson Electric had supplied Pak

99

100

101

.........

Panorama, BBC Programme, n. 49, p. 1.0.

Y.leissman and Krosney, n. 45, p. 184.

a_~ {London), 23 June ~979, quoted in Sreedhar, n. -w, p., 20.

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with a quantity of special inverters for driving ultracentri-102

fuge in a uranium enrichment plant?" The Energy Minister,

Tonny Benn, intervened. and stopped an export of goods control

order on shipments abroad of high frequency electric control 103

equipment.

However~ the combined output of inverters already

supplied and inptalled \l:'ere sufficient to make six to seven 104

thermonuclear bombs.

Other companies which \rlere believed to have helped

Pakistan obtain key nu::!lear commodities include w. Canning

Engineering 1n Britain; Alcom in ItalyJ Leybold Lanacius, 105

Leifield and Alumin!un1 Herken in West Germany. Interestingly,

these companies have not been prosecuted, probably because the

items have not been listed in nuclear control list.

On 31 October 1981, US customs agents seized 5000-pound

shipment of Zirconiun1 metal marked "mountain climbing equipment".

This was meant for Pakistan's indigenous fuel-production

programma.. The purchaser of the material was Dr Sir Faiaz Mir,

a retired Pakistani army colonel and the actual attempt to

export was made by lUber A. Goldberg, head of National Tsonies

Company. Both man's eyport privileges were revoked

102 103

104

105

i:.felssman""and Krosney, n. 45, p. 187. Sreedhar, n. 82, p. 20.

Ib 1 d • ' p e 21.

Spector, n. 20, pp. 38-39.

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106 "indefinitely". Details of the US role in Pakistan's nuclear

progrannne have been taken up in Chapter III,

In June 1984, one N azir Ahmed Vaid was arrested along

w1 th two accomplices by US custom off! ces for trying to smuggle

50 KN-22 krytrons {high speed electronic used in atomic weapon 107

trigger). He was deported to Pakistan in November 1985.

In ~~;anada Abdul Aziz Khan, a Pakistani born engineer with

Canadian citizenship partly working on A.Q. Khan's project from

1977-1.980 was arrested at Hontreal' s Marable Airport in August

1980 with his two accomplics who were trying to export nineteen

boxes of inverters with components marked "condensers and

resisters". Nine such items had already eluded the authorities, 108

All these were indicted for exporting inverters without license,

In \.Jest Germany, Higule, head of a firm, CES Kalthroff

mmH was on 6 l'-1arc h 1985 sentenced to eight months imprisonment 109

for illegal export of equipments to Pakistan, In the same

year, the Dutch Government sentenced Leanl{ Silber, head of a

Dutch firm, to one year term in prison for trying to export

some equipment to Pakistan by m:t.slabell1nt; it through a firm 110

in UAR.

106 "US Penalizes two who tried to ship metal to Pakistan", ~SbJ,Qgto~, 21 November 1981; "Zia' s Hallow Steel Sphere", l_:_n R~:Qorts (London), 12 February 1982'~

107 Seymour Hersh, "Pakistani in US sought to ship A-bomb trigger"' n~ Yo;r:k Itmu, 25 February 1985.

108 Spector, n. 20, p. 27.

109 Ibid., p. 22.

110 Fgr~\gn Af!ali§.B~~att, 19 July 1985o

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The mastermind behind the uranium enrichment plan

A.~. Khan -- was sentenced to four years prison term on 111

14 November 1983 by the Dutch Government. However charges 112

were dropped against him in June 1986.

As far as success to enrichment programme 1s concerned,

Dr. A.Q. Khan announced in 1984 that Pakistan had succeeded in

producing enriched uranium but did not specify the level 113

obtained. Gen. Zia said in an interview that Pakistan 114

had enriched uranium to 5 per cent. Senator Cranston is of

the view that Pw<istan bas completed construction of 1000

centrifuge units at Kahuta -- enough to produce 15 kg. of 115

highly enriched uran-ium annually.

Whatever may be the level, the fact remains that

Pakistan is capable of enriching uranium.

-------111 Khan, however, dismissed this as illegal. See

interview, N~ya-1-W§q~, 10 February 1984; translated in JPRS/Nuclear Development Proliferation, 8 }larch 1984.

112 J2~w:n, 26 June 1986.

113 "Scientist Affirms Pakistan Capable of Uranium Enrichment, Weapons Productio~·:, li~~a-~, 10 February 1984. translation 1nJPRSt~DP, 8 ~chll984.

114 Cbr1li!JW S.c·~~Q.Dllg,t_(Nevt York), 1 March 1985.

115 Alan Cranston, "Nuclear Proliferation and US N at1onal Secur1 ty Interests", .Q.9D&as§.lgnt:'-·~~ (US Government .. Printing Office, \vashington D.C.~ 21 June 1984, Po S 7901.