coalpot and canawi traditional creole pottery in the contemporary commonwealth caribbean
TRANSCRIPT
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Coalpot and Canawi: Traditional Creole Pottery in the
Contemporary Commonwealth Caribbean
Patricia J. Fay, Associate Professor of Art, Florida Gulf Coast University
Abstract
The functional clay vessels created in the labor communities of the Caribbean are a
poerful reminder of the core purpose of the ceramic enterprise! to facilitate the
health and sustenance of human society. "espite the long years of slavery and
indentured servitude, traditional potters in the Commonealth Caribbean have
retained ceramic technologies from Africa, #ndia, and $urope, and an e%amination of
their or& yields fascinating insights into the evolution of Creole culture. Pottery
communities in 't. (ucia, Antigua, )evis, *amaica, +arbados, and Trinidad
demonstrate the resilience of traditional culture, yet struggle today for survival ithinan environment of mass mar&et tourism and rapid moderniation.
-ey ords! Caribbean pottery, omen potters, Creole, AfroCaribbean pottery
Introduction: beyond tourism
The mar&eting language of tourism artfully sells the lands bordering the Caribbean
'ea as a private paradise, travel destinations ith little purpose other than serving
fantasies of sunlit indolence. +ehind the fa/ade of these picture postcards, hoever, is
a region ith a fascinating history and a uni0ue demographic mi%. The inhabitants of
the Caribbean have included indigenous and migratory Amerindian peoples1 $uropeancon0uerors, merchants, and settlers1 African slaves from diverse tribes across the
continent1 indentured plantation or&ers from #ndia1 and more recent arrivals from
China, (ebanon, 'yria, and other countries around the globe. The merging and
blending of influences from these diverse sources has created the dynamic Creole
culture of the contemporary Caribbean. The or& produced today by traditional
Caribbean potters opens a indo into a rich historical narrative of resistance,
adaptation, and survival.
Fig 1. Coalpot and canawi, 't. (ucia.Fig 2. (arge face planter, #rena
Alphonse, 't. (ucia.
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2apid demographic shifts before and after the advent of $uropean coloniation have
created a uni0ue confrontation and amalgamation of cultural forces in the region.
Amerindian groups inhabiting the 3indard and (eeard #slands ere progressively
decimated in the si%teenth and seventeenth centuries by $uropean con0uest and
imported diseases, severely limiting their ongoing contributions to Caribbean material
culture. The introduction of slave and indentured labor from Africa and Asia thatfolloed generated an intensive acculturation process against the bac&drop of the
$uropeanoned sugar plantations. From the nineteenth century onards the material
culture of the region has continued to evolve ithin the sphere of Amerindian,
$uropean, African, and Asian influences. The many countries and territories of the
region are divided into the language groups attached to the colonial process, and
follo historical patterns established by 'panish, French, "utch, and +ritish
coloniers. 4Creole5 is a cultural and linguistic term used to refer to this syncretic
regional society, and ithin its definition of local birth the ord carries ith it the
same commitment to the landscape implied by 4indigenous5 hile defining a time
frame covering the last 677 years. The 4Commonealth Caribbean5 refers to the
$nglishspea&ing former +ritish colonies, and is a more accurate classification thanthe no defunct political designation of the 3est #ndies. 4Traditional5 is my chosen
label to describe the straightforard yet highly s&illed practices of Caribbean potters,
and avoids the cultural baggage embedded in the ord 4primitive5 as applied to
pottery made in lotechnology environments.
Fig . 2astafarian potter
'panishton, *amaica.
Fig !. Pottery firing in Choiseul, 't. (ucia.
The functional clay vessels created in the labor communities of the Caribbean are a poerful reminder of the core purpose of the ceramic enterprise! to facilitate the
health and sustenance of human society. +efore the recent introduction of metal and
plastic &itchenare, clay pottery in the Caribbean served as the principal mechanism
for the domestic tas&s of storage, coo&ing, and serving needs. Fine $uropean china
and status dinnerare ere imported for plantation &itchens and tables, but many of
the ceramic pots for coo&ing and storage ere formed and fired using the abundant
earthenare clays of the region. "innerare made locally for personal use mimic&ed
the forms and even the names of the imported &itchen and table ares, and the use of
unglaed earthenare pottery in the home continued in many locations to ithin
living memory.
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Fig ". (ocal tableare, 't. (ucia Fig #. $8on&ey% 9ug, +arbados
For the past fourteen years # have been fortunate to meet traditional Creole potters
throughout the Caribbean region. As both a potter and an academic, my intention has
been to e%amine the ceramic technologies used as evidence of cultural continuity ith
pottery traditions practiced in countries of origin. 8y particular focus has been givento omen potters in the Commonealth states of 't. (ucia, Antigua, )evis, and
*amaica ho today use forming and firing techni0ues long practiced in 3est Africa.
The ma9ority of the folloing article addresses the 4AfroCaribbean5 pottery tradition
once endemic to the region. As counterpoint, # have included discussions of the male
potters of *amaica, +arbados and Trinidad, here the introduction of heel and &iln
technologies from $ngland and #ndia have generated complementary colonial
traditions. Gender roles in ceramics follo remar&ably consistent patterns : omen
potters are dominant in handbuilding and bonfire traditions, and generally pursue
ceramic production for supplementary household income in agricultural communities.
#nvariably, hoever, the introduction of heel and &iln methods, often accompanied
by the removal of pottery production from the domestic environment, initiates a shiftfrom female to male potters, and promotes the groth of a maledominated class of
specialied artisans.
Fig &. *ane Fauchier coilbuilding a
coalpot Choiseul, 't. (ucia.Fig '. 3heel throing at 2adi&a;s
Pottery, Chaguanas, Trinidad.
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$A(ro)Caribbean% ceramics
3ith the advent of $uropean con0uest, the rich and comple% history of Amerindian
ceramics in the Caribbean came to an abrupt end. +y the time of the escalation of the
African slave trade in the seventeenth century, Araa&, Taino, and Carib #ndian
populations in the region had been effectively eliminated through arfare, disease,and relocation, leaving limited opportunities for transfer or preservation of cultural
traditions.
+y loo&ing specifically at contemporary pottery production, closely related African
based traditions can be recognied in the technologies employed by omen potters on
the islands of 't. (ucia, Antigua, *amaica, and )evis. These omen or& entirely
ith local materials, build utilitarian vessel forms by hand using a soft coil techni0ue,
and fire the unglaed ares in open bonfires. #n the summer of ?777 # as able to
visit the 3est African country of Cote d5#voire for a monthlong e%ploration of
traditional craft practices, including demonstrations at several pottery villages. "irect
observations of the clay processing, handbuilding, and firing practices used by the
omen potters clearly indicated strong similarities to specific techni0ues used by
potters in the Caribbean. And hile the argument can be made that comparable
methods are employed in many ceramic settings orldide, at times the hand and body movements of the African potters not to mention the familiar sound of 4suc&ing
the teeth5 for emphasis ere simply identical. #n particular, atching the pounding of
the et clay prior to use ith a idebased ooden pestle convinced me that heritage
practices can be retained ithin the physical memory of the human body, and have
been transmitted from mother to daughter across time and space.
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Fig *. -oua A9a, +aule potter, Tanou
'a&assou, Cote d;#voire.
Fig 1+. #rena Alphonse pounding clay,
Choiseul, 't. (ucia.
,t. -ucia: at the heart o( traditional Caribbean cra(t
The landscape of southern 't. (ucia is breathta&ing. The tin volcanic pea&s of the
Pitons, recently designated a 3orld Beritage site, rise abruptly and ma9estically from
the sea to the s&y. The province of Choiseul seeps southard behind the Pitons and
around the Caribbean coastline, its steep rural hillsides carefully cultivated ith fields
of dasheen, plantain, potato and yam by descendants of African slaves and Carib
#ndians. The geologic history of Choiseul provides easily accessible surface clays,
ith the unusual combination of e%cellent plasticity and a coarse particle structure.
The result is a clay body ideally suited to rapid handbuilding methods and intense
bonfires, and to the production of pottery made for successful e%posure to direct
flame. 3ith such e%cellent resources close at hand, Choiseul is here the potters are,as ell as the furniture ma&ers, boat builders, and bas&et eavers. This area is an
e%traordinary e%ample of the independent farming and fishing communities that
emerged ith the end of slavery, and today 't. (ucians consider Choiseul to be the
true heart of traditional island culture.
Fig 11. "aphne 'tephen, stra bas&ets,
Choiseul, 't. (ucia.Fig 12. +lanc Alphonse, traditional
chairs, Choiseul, 't. (ucia.
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't. (ucia has a contentious colonial past mar&ed first by battles ith highly resistant
Carib #ndians, and later by one hundred and fifty years of conflict beteen the French
and the $nglish over possession of this strategically located island. 't. (ucia as
definitively claimed claimed by the +ritish in >7D but as a result of this turbulent
history the sugar colony established earlier by the French achieved only marginal
levels of economic success. The completion of emancipation in >E left the small population of thirteen thousand former African slaves and one thousand to hundred
hite landoners little opportunity beyond subsistence agriculture. As a result of their
dual colonial histories, most 't. (ucians today spea& both $nglish as taught in school,
and a French3est African Creole patois spo&en socially. 3ith the establishment of
the +ritish capital of Castries in northern 't. (ucia in >>D, the Frenchinfluenced
south as largely abandoned, and the postemancipation communities that gre out
of the southern plantation system developed a high degree of selfsufficiency.
"emographic evidence and landholding records indicate some level of continuous
Carib #ndian presence in 't. (ucia, particularly in the area of Choiseul called 4(a
Pointe Carabe5. 3hile it is clear that by the time of the intensive importation of the
African slaves in the late >H77s there ere relatively fe Carib #ndians remaining in't. (ucia, the resilience of the small Carib community may ell have provided a
social role model that promoted the distinctive independence and selfreliance of the
people of Choiseul.
Fig 1. *ulianna and (ucina Thomas,
CaribAfrican heritage, Choiseul.
Fig 1!. Traditional 't. (ucian &ettle.
"uring a family vacation to 't. (ucia in 8arch >IIE # purchased an unglaed pottery
&ettle from a mar&et vendor in the northern capital city of Castries1 the lady said it
came from Choiseul, and little else. 8y attempts to unravel the mystery of this small
clay pot have ta&en my life in several very une%pected directions, and completely
changed the course of my career in ceramics. Under the auspices of a Fulbright
'cholar Grant # moved to 't. (ucia, and in the fall of >IID # spent my 3ednesdays
sitting beside Choiseul potter Catty
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my friends, pursue various &iln building pro9ects and craft development opportunities,
and to continue ceramic research throughout the Caribbean.
Fig 1". Catty
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Fig 1&. Public transport, Castries, 't. (ucia. Fig 1'. Cruise ship doc&ed in
Castries.
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hich are embellished ith incised decoration, fluted rims, or sculptural faces. #t is
important to understand that the forms chosen for production by the potter are mar&et
driven, and are the province of the client. Ceramic production methods, hoever,
remain at the heart of cultural tradition, refined and passed along through the
generations, mother to daughter, hand to hand.
Fig 1*. Coalpots in action. Fig 2+. Goblet and kawaf .
Pottery production in ,t. -ucia
#n the steep open hills of Choiseul, or&able clays can be found close to the surface in
most locations, and are typical of coarse, overly plastic volcanic clays. "ue to the
large particle sies and the presence of 0uart inclusions in the clay, potters in 't.
(ucia do not need to add additional tempering materials. Clays are generally dug on
family property1 some potters find their clay from a single site, others ill combinestic&y grey clay from one spot ith sandy red clay from another. The ra clay is
sloly sla&ed don over the course of a ee& in covered pits ne%t to the or&shop.
To prepare the clay, a long handled pestle or 4pilon5 in patois is used to pound the
et clay, brea&ing up any dry particles and homogeniing the mi% prior to use. The
mass of clay is piled up on a hard stone or ood surface and pounded from the
outside to the center ith a vigorous fullbody motion1 this process is repeated to :
three times. The clay is then mounded up indoors ne%t to the potter5s chair, and
covered in plastic andor damp fabric to prevent drying. As the clay is used, it is first
manipulated in the hands to remove any roc&s, roots, or other large particles that
ould disrupt the handbuilding process and threaten the integrity of the vessel alls.
Fig 21. =olcanic surface clay in Choiseul. Fig 22. *ane Fauchier preparing clay, 't. (ucia.
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4Coiling and modeling5 are terms that have been used to label this type of
handbuilding, but from a ceramic production standpoint, they do not provide an
effective description of the continuous rapid motions employed. 4Coiling5 refers to
using individual building units made from a fairly stiff clay body that have a scale
relationship to the idth of the vessel alls. 48odeling5 is more accurately applied to
the solid forming of discrete elements. A more precise ay to refer to the buildingmethod employed in 't. (ucia might be to call it the 4soft coil5 techni0ue. Thic& rough
coils of soft clay are loosely rolled out beteen the hands and siftly blended
together : the vessel all is constructed, thinned and shaped simultaneously, ith
further refinement and stretching of the all performed ith calabash or plastic ribs.
The form of the vessel is constructed very rapidly in a single session on a board
turned by hand in the lap of the seated potter. The speed of this process cannot be
ade0uately described : Catty J minutes. Generally, the coil is held in the right hand and pushed into
the vessel all hile it is supported by the left hand. After the coils are added, the
potter pulls her flattened right &nuc&le up the outside of the form to thoroughly 9oin
the coils and thin the all. A piece of et cloth is placed on the finished rim of the pot, and carefully dran around the edge several times to define and compress this
critical structural area. 3hen the vessel is complete the forms are transferred off the
board and onto to the or&shop floor. After a suitable period of drying usually ?D
hours each pot is again stretched and smoothed ith calabash ribs, completing and
refining the form. Bandles are added at this stage, holes are cut out on coal pots and
candle lanterns, and incised decorative mar&s are added to &ettles and floer pots.
3hen fully dry, the outside surfaces of the pots are roughly burnished ith smooth
river stones to compress the surface and 4ma&e them nice5, as the potters say.
Fig 2. *ulianna (eopole, building acoalpot.
Fig 2!. Catty
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breee and encouraged by the actions of the potter ho flips the burning logs toards
the 4bac&5 of the stac& as the firing progresses. A long ooden stic& is used to
manipulate pots and ood, and the potter must bundle up in several layers of clothing
to protect herself from the blaing bonfire. The scale of production determines the
sie of the firing1 bonfires in 't. (ucia can be 0uite large, ith as many as to
hundred pots stac&ed in four or five layers. "ue to the rugged composition of thenaturally tempered 't. (ucian clay no preheat is necessary, and the pots are able to
ithstand the sudden and intense heat of the to to four hour bonfire. 3hen all the
ood has been consumed and the pots e%hibit the desired color and surface, the firing
is left to cool several hours or overnight. 't. (ucian pottery is usually made to order,
and finished pots are soon delivered to craft shops and mar&et vendors.
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Fig 2&. -iln building or&shop, >II6,
8orne 'ion, Choiseul 't. (ucia.
Fig 2'. #rena Alphonse firing her &iln at
home, 8artin, Choiseul, 't. (ucia.
Pottery production in Antigua and e/is
3hen # visited Antigua in the summer of >III, there ere si% potters still or&ing in
the ell&non community of 'eavie Farm. As in 't. (ucia, the Antiguan potters
are all omen trained through motherdaughter apprenticeships, or&ing at home in
separate outbuildings ithin the family compound. Clay is dug from selected local
sites, and is sla&ed don and used relatively stiff ithout any additional processing
other than pic&ing out roc&s and organic materials.
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both studio and retail space, and earned income is dramatically higher through direct
sales to tourists. #nteraction ith the customer base has also encouraged
e%perimentation, and the range of functional and sculptural forms produced are
beautifully crafted and impressive in scope. 'haring resources has led to
improvements in clay processing, ith truc&loads of ra clay delivered to the pottery
for sla&ing in large cement bins. The clay is either used directly or mi%ed morethoroughly in a temperamental electric pug mill purchased by the cooperative. The
construction method is a soft coil techni0ue similar to that used in 't. (ucia, but the
pots are rotated by turning them on a et table surface, rather than on a board in the
lap. 3hen ade0uately stiff, e%cess clay is shaved off the bottoms of the pots to
complete the form, as in Antigua. A finishing coat of a bright iron red slip is brushed
on the surface before burnishing, and the location of the source of the material used
has been carefully preserved across generations of potters. After a thirtyminute
preheating stage, the pots are fired in a single layer in an outdoor bonfire, using
readily available coconut ood and hus&s from a former copra plantation nearby.
After cooling and cleaning they are displayed on shelves in the retail area at the front
of the or&shop, here they command prices many times higher than other AfroCaribbean ares. The added value of atching the potters at or& has made
)ecastle Pottery a prime tourist destination on this small island.
Fig 1. )ecastle Pottery, )evis. Fig 2. +onfire preheat, )ecastle
Pottery.
Jamaica: two separate A(rican traditions0
Archeological evidence from late seventeenth century *amaica clearly indicates the
presence of at least to types of locallymade earthenares! Africaninfluenced
coo&ing and storage vessels, and &ilnfired, specialied plantation forms such as sugar
molds and tobacco pipes. #n *amaica today, to distinctively different styles of
traditional pottery are also produced! the familiar AfroCaribbean functional bonfired
or&, and uni0ue handbuilt and &ilnfired gardenare ith a syncretic provenance.
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Fig . $arthenare vessel, *amaica c.
>H77.
Fig !. 'ugar mold, *amaica c. >H77.
The 'panishton area of -ingston as at the center of the AfroCaribbean pottery
tradition in *amaica, but sadly only a fe potters continue to ma&e the characteristic
coal stoves, coo&ing pots, 4mon&ey5 9ugs, and the ide bols called yabbas . (i&e
canawi in 't. (ucia, yabba is also a generic term for handbuilt pottery in *amaica.
From the >I67s until her death in >II?, yabba are in *amaica as synonymous ith
'panishton potter (ucy *ones, &no to all as 8a (ou. Ber dedication to the practice
made her a national cultural icon, and today her daughter 8arlene 48unchie5
2hoden continues her mother5s or&. The finer grained *amaican clays are mi%ed
ith river sand to improve thermal shoc& resistance, and an iron ash is used on the
surface of the finished pieces for a smooth, bright finish. The coil building process is
essentially the same, but includes the use of a roundbottom fired support base called
a 4&e&e5 hich allos the potter to easily turn the vessel hile under construction.
The bonfire is prepared by carefully stac&ing the dry pots in one or more layers, and
then completely surrounding the pile ith ood and dried co manure. A calm,indless day is preferred, for the firing is lit simultaneously from all sides and left to
burn freely for one : to hours. 3hen the fire has burned don, the pots are carefully
removed to cool, and chec&ed for crac&s or imperfections.
Fig ". 8unchie 2odin starting a pot,
'panishton, *amaica.
Fig #. Coilbuilding in the &e&e.
A complementary ceramic tradition hose methods indicate both colonial $uropean
and alternative African origins continues to sustain itself in urban settings in and
around -ingston, *amaica. "ubbed 4the al&around style5, male potters or&ing ine%tended communities in the Trenchton area build the alls of their pots by al&ing
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around the pot as they are constructing it. The soft coils are rapidly added hile
bac&ing around the stationary vessel in one direction, then blended vertically as the
potter bac&s in the opposite direction. This ingenious method allos for the rapid
production of large numbers of pots made in the varied forms of $nglish garden are.
'ome of the smaller, simpler forms are made by coiling into onepiece fired clay
molds, a method li&ely used centuries before on the plantations to ma&e sugar molds.After a brief drying period, the pots are fired ith ood in a rudimentary circular &iln
made from salvaged bric&s and scrap iron and roofed ith galvanied sheet metal and
shards of bro&en bric&. The firing lasts five to si% hours, and includes an initial
4steaming5 period that drives off the moisture in the recently made pots. 'everal
decades ago leadglaing as also a part of this tradition, but the &ilns are used today
to enhance the durability and clear orange color of the unglaed floer pots. The
many potters of the Trenchton community have found a successful mar&et niche
selling their or& on the ee&ends along the streets of the ealthier neighborhoods of
-ingston.
Fig &. +uilding in the ;al&aroundstyle;, Trenchton-ingston, *amaica.
Fig '. 'tac&ing the oodfired &iln.
$uropean influences in the *amaican 4al&around5 tradition can be seen both in the
archeological record and in the documented use of &ilns, molds, and lead glae. The
forming process, hoever, has a clear precedent in several 3est African handbuilding
systems, most notably those demonstrated by renoned )igerian potter (adi -ali
c>I?6>ID ho built her pots in a comparable fashion by al&ing around a central
stand hile constructing the vessel. 4*amaica5s 8aster Potter5 Cecil +augh >I7
?776 as trained in -ingston and 'panishton by both male and female traditional
potters early in his career. Be ould go on to or& ith +ernard (each in $ngland
and to establish heel throing and stoneare glaing bac& home in *amaica.
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Parallels to this tradition can also be seen amongst the Bausa of )igeria and the 8ossi
of +ur&ina Faso, here male potters build their ares using molds and fire in a
remar&ably similar circular &iln.6 3ith both African and $uropean elements, and in
direct comparison to the more broadly distributed omen5s Africanbased
handbuilding tradition, the uni0ue *amaican al&around style provides a fascinating
e%ample of the comple% issues of cultural attribution in the Caribbean.
arbados: the pottery o( $-ittle ngland%
+arbados, dubbed 4(ittle $ngland5 early in its history for cultural fidelity to the home
country, e%perienced three hundred and fifty years of uninterrupted colonial
governance. 3ith abundant supplies of high 0uality earthenare clays in +arbados,
pottery production as introduced very early in the island5s history, and archeological
evidence indicates local ceramic manufacture by the >J67s. AfroCaribbean bonfire
methods appear to have been used in +arbados, but ere eclipsed by the heel and
&iln traditions of colonial $ngland. The combination of e%cellent natural resources
and advanced production technologies gave rise to a lively regional ceramics industryin +arbados, and today the island hosts a large and successful contemporary pottery
community.
Fig *. Contemporary cornarees and
mon&ey 9ugs, Chal&y 8ount, +arbados.
Fig !+. Plate from $arthor&s
Pottery, 't. Thomas, +arbados.
+oth unglaed and lead glaed domestic pots ere made by African slave potters and
their descendants in +arbados through the mid >I67s, ith production focused in the
potters5 village of Chal&y 8ount. The heel used to thro the pots as a
characteristic 4cran&shafted5 style ell documented in archival photographs of$nglish country pottery. Potters5 children and apprentices ould spend long hours
pushing the cran&shaft to drive the spinning heel head as the potter made a variety
of forms including the 4mon&ey5 9ug for cooling and serving ater, and a tall 9ar for
pic&ling and steing meats called a 4cornaree5 a variation of the ord 4canari5. +oth
glaed and unglaed pottery as finished in small oodfired &ilns derived from the
round ban& &ilns used for centuries in Great +ritain. -ilns ere needed to reach lead
glae temperatures, and this partly underground design incorporated the insulating
factor of the hillside ith an arched firebo% and a replaceable roof made of shards.
The pots ere glaed by first coating the form ith molasses, and then dusting the pot
ith a poder ground from scraps of melted lead. #n both $ngland and +arbados, this
type of lead glaing as abandoned after the 'econd 3orld 3ar. Contemporary
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potters use sophisticated gas and oilfired &ilns, and or& in both earthenare and
stoneare temperature ranges.
Fig !1. $arly ?7th c lead glaed pots. Fig !2. Chal&y 8ount potter ith
traditional &iln.
Trinidad: $ast Indian 3est Indians%
The island of Trinidad sits far to the south in the Caribbean, only seven miles from the
coast of =eneuela. $uropean settlement came late to the island, and under +ritish
colonial rule Trinidad invested heavily in sugar cultivation. 3ith the end of slavery in
>E the ne plantation oners began a frantic search for a replacement labor force
and turned to importing indentured or&ers from #ndia. $ast #ndian descendants no
comprise half the population of Trinidad. To brothers ith the family name of
Persad arrived on the island in >I, and founded an entire dynasty of potters in the
central ton of Chaguanas. #n this case there is no 0uestion as to cultural antecedents,
and in the heel and &iln technologies used in Trinidad there is direct continuity iththe ceramic traditions of #ndia. The potters are men, but it is the omen of the family
ho are often in charge of the large production studios, coordinate the orders, and
deal ith the retail trade. 3omen are also fre0uently involved in creating the
decorative carved and stamped surfaces on the pots, but in most cases it is men ho
do the throing. # have visited 2adi&a5s Pottery in Chaguanas several times over the
years, and # am alays astonished at the e%traordinary facility of the throers,
hether ma&ing a tiny oil lamp or a hundred pound vase.
Fig !. Throing deyas at 2adi&a;s Pottery,
Chaguanas vase.
Fig !!. 'tamped decoration on a
large heelthron vase.
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The e%cellent, fine bodied clays of the central plains of Trinidad are mi%ed ith the
feet as in #ndia, although in the carnival culture of this lively island the practice is
referred to as 4dancing5 the clay. The bread and butter item in Bindudominated
Trinidad is the deya, a small coconut oil lamp that ta&es a good potter appro%imately
si% seconds to thro for a total of five thousand on a good day. The deyas are used to
celebrate the Bindu festival of "iali in )ovember to honor (a&shmi, the goddess of prosperity. The potters ill stoc&pile deyas throughout the year in order to meet the
enormous demand. Trinidadian potters use an ingenious homemade heel constructed
from a small electric motor and an automobile transmission, shifting the gears to
produce a range of tor0ue and speed settings. -iln technology also came ith the
#ndian laborers, and has been adapted for Trinidadian fuels and production schedules.
The lo alls of the circular &ilns are piled high ith pots, and roofed either ith
sheet metal and shards, or ith the more traditional covering of stra and mud. After
an initial slo preheat, large burning logs are pushed under the perforated bric& arch
of the &iln floor to bring the unglaed pottery to temperature in about si% hours. #n
addition to the deyas, potters ma&e floer pots in a diying assortment of sies and
shapes, decorative 9ars, carved lanterns, and sculptural pieces. 8any potters are noalso using electric &ilns for additional applications of lo temperature glae on
decorative gift products.
Fig !". "ancing the clay. Fig !#. Firing the large ood &iln at
2adi&a;s.
4n5nown Cra(tsmen 6 and Cra(tswomen
(ittle documentation e%ists regarding the introduction and evolution of pottery
ma&ing in the Caribbean region during the colonial period, and as a result, connecting
historical evidence to contemporary practice remains a sub9ective process. The
absence of decoration or ritual purpose in the functional, unglaed pottery made by
slaves, indentured or&ers, and their descendants has rendered both vessels and
potters largely invisible to the eyes of cultural historians. Met the sheer presence of
these everyday tools for living, both in the archeological record and as made today by
male and female potters in the region, gives potent testimony to cultural continuity in
the living ceramic traditions of the Commonealth Caribbean.
#t is important to recognie traditional pottery communities in the Caribbean as
uni0uely successful e%amples of domestic craft entrepreneurship that came into their
on in the postemancipation period. For hundreds of years, Creole potters have madesubstantial contributions to the economic and social viability of the region through the
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manufacture of an essential commodity. Traditional bonfire pottery is a
0uintessentially local product, and yet today many of its forms serve domestic needs
hich no longer e%ist. 2apid economic groth fueled by the dramatic e%pansion of
the tourist industry over the past three decades has emphasied progress toards a
model of 3estern development, and professions that do not ade0uately serve the
needs of foreign visitors or fit perceived notions of modernity are being abandoned.Foreignfunded pottery development efforts have been largely unsuccessful, but
locallygenerated heritage preservation and celebration efforts that provide direct
support for e%isting practitioners offer hope for the continuing evolution of traditional
Caribbean ceramics.
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)otes
>. +arbara *. Beath, 4Mabbas, 8on&eys, *ugs, and *ars! An Bistorical Conte%t for
AfricanCaribbean Pottery on 't. $ustatius5 in African ites Archaeology in
the !aribbean, Baviser, *ay +., ed., 8ar&us 3iener Publishers, Princeton, )*,
>III, p.>IH. back to text
?. # have collected e%amples of coalpots from a variety of sources throughout the
Caribbean, plus one from Cameroon that in form loo&s very similar to the 't.
(ucian version. #n addition, on p.6 of )igel +arley5s boo& mashing "ots on
African ceramics see references belo there is a blac& coalpot from )igeria
that bears the same characteristic form. The production of fuelefficient
coo&stoves has been actively promoted in many developing countries, and the
0uestion of the time se0uence beteen metal and clay versions of this form is
a fascinating one. back to text
E. *ocelyne $tienne)uguN , !rafts and the Arts of #i$ing in the !ameroon,
(ouisiana 'tate University Press, +aton 2ouge, >I?, p. II. back to text
D. Cecil +augh and (aura Tanna, %augh& 'amaica(s )aster "otter, 'electco
Publications (td, -ingston, *amaica, >IJ, p.66. back to text
6. 2oy, Christopher ". 48ossi Pottery Forming and Firing5, in )an Does Not *o
Naked& Textilien und +andwerk aus Afrikanischen und anderen #andern,
+eate $ngelbrecht and +ernhard Gardi, editors. %aesler %eitrage ur
-thnologie. -thnologisches eminar der /ni$ersitat und )useum fur
0olkerkunde1 +asel, >II. back to text
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7 The copyright of all the images in this article rests with the author unless otherwise
stated
http://www.uwic.ac.uk/icrc/issue010/articles/05.htm#tophttp://www.uwic.ac.uk/icrc/issue010/downloads/Patricia%20J.%20Fayhttp://www.uwic.ac.uk/icrc/issue010/articles/06.htmhttp://www.uwic.ac.uk/icrc/issue010/articles/05.htm#tophttp://www.uwic.ac.uk/icrc/issue010/downloads/Patricia%20J.%20Fayhttp://www.uwic.ac.uk/icrc/issue010/articles/06.htm