demandas de secesión, el caso de catalunya

61
Alberto LÓPEZ BASAGUREN Catedrático de Derecho Constitucional Universidad del País Vasco (UPV/EHU) 1

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Alberto LÓPEZ BASAGUREN

Catedrático de Derecho Constitucional Universidad del País Vasco (UPV/EHU)

1

II. Secesión: ¿un callejón sin salida?

¿Derecho de autodeterminación?

“Catalunya és una nació. (…)

Una nació que no ha renunciat

mai als seus drets inherents

com a poble, ni tampoc al dret

a l’autodeterminació, i que

sempre ha anhelat les

màximes cotes d’autogovern”

II. Secesión: ¿un callejón sin salida?

Tratados de Paz (Versalles, 1919): ¿principio de las nacionalidades?

4

5

6

Los Tratados de Minorías

7

IIª Guerra Mundial: consecuencias

“Thanks to war,

occupation, boundary

adjustments,

expulsions and

genocide, almost

everybody now lived in

their own country,

among their own

people”

8

Declaration on the Granting of

Independence to Colonial

Countries and Peoples (UN GA

Resolution 1514 (XV) 14.12.1960)

Declaration on Principles of

International Law concerning

Friendly Relations and Co-

operation among States in

accordance with the Charter of

the United Nations (UN GA,

Resolution 2625 (XXV)

24.10.1970)

9

“(…) the international law right to self-determination only

generates, at best, a right to external self-determination in

situations of former colonies; where a people is oppressed,

as for example under

foreign military

occupation; or where

a definable group is

denied meaningful

access to

government to

pursue their political,

economic, social

and cultural

development”

Supreme Court of Canada. Reference Quebec Secession (1998)

10

“In all three situations, the people in question are entitled to a

right to external self-determination because they have been

denied the ability to

exert internally their

right to self-

determination.

Such exceptional

circumstances are

manifestly

inapplicable to

Quebec under

existing conditions”

Supreme Court of Canada. Reference Quebec Secession (1998)

11

“… a rethought and

modernised concept of

nation…”

“…difficult, not to say

impossible, to arrive to a

common definition of the

concept of nation…”

The concept of “nation”

(13.12.2005) Consejo de

Europa – Asamblea

Parlamentaria

El orden europeo

12

“… groups of people who are at the same time

citizens of the same state or civic nation, but who

belong to or are part of different cultural nations.

As compared with the biggest group of citizens

having the same ethno-cultural background, those

group, who are relatively

smaller, constitute and

are called national

minorities”

The concept of “nation” (13.12.2005)

Consejo de Europa – Asamblea

Parlamentaria

El orden europeo

13

“These national minorities or communities (…)

which represent a constitutive part and a co-founding

entity of the nation-state of which their members are

subjects as citizens, enjoy their rights in order to

preserve, express

and foster their

national identity”

El orden europeo

The concept of “nation”

(13.12.2005) Consejo de

Europa – Asamblea

Parlamentaria

14

“… necessary to strengthen recognition of every

European citizen’s links with his identity, culture,

traditions and history, to allow any individual to

define himself as member of a cultural ‘nation’,

irrespective of his country of citizenship or the civicnation whose he belongs as a

citizen, and more specifically,

to satisfy the growing

aspirations of minorities which

have a heightened sense of

belonging to a certain cultural

nation”

El orden europeo

15

“What is important, from both a political and a legal

standpoint, is to encourage a more tolerant approach

to the issue of relation between the State and national

minorities, culminating in genuine acceptance of every

individual’s right to belong to the nation he feelshe belongs to, whether

in terms of citizenship or

language, culture and

traditions”

El orden europeo

The concept of “nation” (13.12.2005)

Consejo de Europa – Asamblea

Parlamentaria

16

Consejo de Europa

Convenio Marco para la

Protección de las

Minorías Nacionales

(1995)

- Ratificado por España:

1995

- Entrada en vigor: 1998

17

… protect within their

respective territories

the existence of national

minorities;

… the upheavals of

European history have

shown that the protection

of national minorities is essential to stability, democratic

security and peace…;

… a pluralistic and genuinely democratic society should

not only respect the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and

religious identity of each person belonging to a national

minority, but also create appropriate conditions

enabling them to express, preserve and develop this

identity;

18

belonging to those

minorities, within the

rule of law,

respecting the

territorial integrity

and national

sovereignty of

states;

… the principles to be respected and the obligations

which flow from them, in order to ensure, in the

member States (…) the effective protection of national

minorities and of the rights and freedoms of persons

19

Article 3

1. Every person

belonging to a

national minority

shall have the right

freely to choose to

be treated or not to

be treated as such

and no disadvantage shall result from this choice or

from the exercise of the rights which are connected to

that choice.

20

Article 5

1 … to promote the

conditions necessary for

persons belonging to

national minorities to

maintain and develop

their culture, and to

preserve the essential elements of their identity

namely their religion, language, traditions and

cultural heritage.

21

The Advisory Committee

notes that Spain

continues to view Roma

as the only group to be

protected under the

Framework Convention.

(…) has not been informed

of specific demands from

other groupswhose culture, language and traditions are different to

that of the majority, even though it considers that the

Framework Convention may also benefit them (…)

It encourages the authorities to make a determined

effort to promote awareness of the Framework

Convention throughout the population.

22

Regions and territories with special status in Europe

RESOLUTION 361 (2013)

“…special regional autonomy status can be an

effective counterbalance to secessionist tendencies

(…) This will require the political will to pursue

peaceful political dialogue to identify and negotiate

suitable legal and constitutional solutions and

develop satisfactory models of decentralised

democratic governance for the regions concerned”

Congress of Local and Regional

Authorities

Chamber of Regions

CPR(25)2FINAL - 30 October

2013

23

Regions and territories with special status in Europe

RECOMMENDATION 346 (2013)

“…much of the future of the European space, its future

peaceful and prosperous development will depend on making

greater progress in conflict prevention and resolution, which will

require the political will to pursue peaceful political dialogue

and to move forward on identifying and negotiating legal and

constitutional solutions, to develop satisfactory models of

decentralised democratic governance for regions with specific

issues and identities”

Congress of Local and Regional

Authorities

Chamber of Regions

CPR(25)2FINAL - 30 October 2013

24

1. Susupensión de la autonomía por las autoridades serbias

(1989)

2. Declaración unilateral de independencia (DUI) (1989)

3. Intervención militar de la OTAN contra Serbia

4. Resolución 1244 (1999) (CS UN), de 10 de junio, poniendo

esta provincia bajo adminis-

tración civil y militar de UN

5. Reafirmación del principio de la

integridad territorial de la

República Serbia; objetivo: “el

establecimiento de una

autonomía y un autogobierno

sustanciales”

25

6. Nombramiento de un Representante Especial del SG UN:

Martti Ahtisaari

7. 2006: M. Ahtisaari presenta un plan de negociación que las

autoridades serbias rechazan

8. M. Ahtisaari propone la independencia de Kosovo como

única salida viable

9. 2008: los representantes de Kosovo declaran la indepen-

dencia unilateralmente

10. 2008: la AG UN solicita

Dictamen al TIJ acerca de

si la DUI había sido

realizada de acuerdo al

Derecho Internacional

26

ICJ, Advisory Opinion, 22 July 2010: Accordance with the

International Law of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence

in respect of Kosovo

-Par. 56: “…the task which the Court is called upon to perform is

to determine whether or not the declaration of independence

was adopted in

violation of

international law”

27

Par. 56: “The Court is not required (…) to take a position on

whether international law conferred a positive entitlement on

Kosovo unilaterally to declare its independence or, a fortiori, on

whether international law generally confers an entitlement on

entities situated within a State unilaterally to break away from it.

- Par. 56: Indeed, it is entirely possible for a particular act ⎯such as a unilateral declaration of independence ⎯ not to be in

violation of international

law without necessarily

constituting the exercise of

a right conferred by it. The

Court has been asked for an

opinion on the first point, not

the second.”

28

Par. 82: “A number of participants in the present proceedings

have claimed, although in almost every instance only as a

secondary argument, that the population of Kosovo has the

right to create an independent State either as a manifestation of

a right to self-determination or pursuant to what they described

as a right of “remedial secession” in the face of the situation in

Kosovo”

- Par. 83: “The Court considers that it is

not necessary to resolve these

questions in the present case.

The General Assembly has requested

the Court’s opinion only on whether or

not the declaration of independence is

in accordance with international law”

29

“Nous allons demander aux élus de cette Chambre

de voter sur une motion qui reconnaît la nation

québécoise (…) Les nations ont des droits, dont

celui d'orienter elles-mêmes leur développement”.

Giles DUCEPPE, Bloc québecois

22.11.2006

Cámara de los Comunes

Parlamento Federal de Canadá

Motion: Que cette Chambre

reconnaisse que les Québécoises

et les Québécois forment une

nation

30

“The true intention of the Bloc leader and the

sovereignist camp is perfectly clear. It is not to

recognize what the Québécois are, but what the

sovereignists would like them to be. For the Bloc, this

is not about Quebec as a nation; the National

Assembly has already pronounced on that. This is

about separation. To them, nation means separation”.

Stephen HARPER, 22.11.2006

Cámara de los Comunes

Parlamento Federal de Canadá

31

“…tout ce que le Bloc québécois tente de faire, c'est

de nous diviser (…) Au fond, encore une fois, en

essayant de s'approprier ce débat, les bloquistes

tentent de nous dire qu'ils sont les seuls à défendre

les intérêts québécois. Pourquoi le Bloc et le Parti

québécois essaient-ils de nous demander de choisir

entre nos deux identités? (…) Pourquoi?”

Lucienne ROBILLARD, 22.11.2006

Cámara de los Comunes

Parlamento Federal de Canadá

32

“…en tant que Québécoise, je suis très fière de voir

que mes collègues parlementaires de partout au

pays sont prêts à reconnaître la spécificité du

Québec. Cela fait vraiment chaud au coeur à

l'ensemble des Québécois et des Québécoises. ”

Lucienne ROBILLARD, 22.11.2006

Cámara de los Comunes

Parlamento Federal de Canadá

33

“ Comme d'habitude, ils [los jefes independentistas]

veulent jouer de la confusion des mots pour

introduire la confusion dans les esprits”

Stéphane DION, 27.11.2006

Cámara de los Comunes

Parlamento Federal de Canadá

34

“Cette motion ne réglera pas

le problème de l'unité, et

nous devons nous assurer

Stéphane DION, 27.09.2006

Cámara de los Comunes

Parlamento Federal de Canadá

qu'elle n'entraîne pas une détérioration de l'unité

canadienne. J'implore tous ceux qui croient dans le

Canada de ne pas accorder trop d'importance à ce

genre de motion. Je ne crois pas que ce soit la

meilleure façon de promouvoir notre pays. Ce n'est

pas ce que je souhaite faire, mais (…) je dois réagir

aujourd'hui à cette motion (…)"

35

“That this House recognize that the Québécois form a

nation within a united Canada”

“Que cette Chambre reconnaisse que les

Québécoises et les Québécois forment une nation au

sein d'un Canada uni”

Parliament of Canada

House of Commons

27.11.2006

36

Preámbulo:

Proteger a todos los

españoles y pueblos de

España en el ejercicio de

los derechos humanos,

sus culturas y

tradiciones, lenguas e

instituciones.

37

Artículo 2.

La Constitución se

fundamenta en la

indisoluble unidad de la

Nación española, patria

común e indivisible de

todos los españoles,

y reconoce y garantiza el

derecho a la autonomía

de las nacionalidades

y regiones que la

integran y la solidaridad

entre todas ellas.

38

“De la nación puede, en efecto, hablarse como una

realidad cultural, histórica, lingüística, sociológica y

hasta religiosa. Pero la nación que aquí importa es

única y exclusivamente la nación en sentido

jurídico-constitucional. Y en ese específico sentido

la Constitución no conoce otra que la Nación

española”

Sentencia del Tribunal

Constitucional 31/2010,

de 28 de junio, sobre la

reforma del Estatuto de

Autonomía de Cataluña

39

“… ni pueden tampoco, al amparo de una polisemia

por completo irrelevante en el contexto jurídico-

constitucional que para este Tribunal es el único que

debe atender, referir el término «nación» a otro

sujeto que no sea el pueblo titular de la

soberanía”

Sentencia del Tribunal

Constitucional 31/2010,

de 28 de junio, sobre la

reforma del Estatuto de

Autonomía de Cataluña

40

- W. Seward (Secretary of State): "But the

Southern states regard the organization

of the Union as a more casual affair. As

they entered it of their own free will so

they can leave it“

- Abraham Lincoln: "But no provision was

ever made in the Constitution for their

leaving it.”

- Seward: "They say this right is implicit.“

- Lincoln: "Nothing so astounding and fundamental

would not be spelled out in the Constitution.“

II. Secesión: ¿un callejón sin salida?¿Derecho a la secesión/Derecho a decidir?

41

-US Supreme Court. Texas v. White (1869)

The Constitution “in all its provisions, looks to an

indestructible Union composed of indestructible States.

When, therefore, Texas became one of the United States,

II. Secesión: ¿un callejón sin salida?¿Derecho a la secesión/Derecho a decidir?

she entered into an

indissoluble relation. All the

obligations of perpetual

union, and all the guaranties

of republican government in

the Union, attached at once

to the State. (…)

42

-US Supreme Court. Texas v. White (1869)

(…) The act which consummated her admission into the

Union was something more than a compact; it was the

incorporation of a new member into the political body.

And it was final. The union between Texas and the other

II. Secesión: ¿un callejón sin salida?¿Derecho a la secesión/Derecho a decidir?

States was as complete, as

perpetual, and as indissoluble

as the union between the

original States. There was no

place for reconsideration or

revocation, except through

revolution or through consent

of the States".

43

“The secession of a province from Canada must be

considered, in legal terms, to require an amendment to the

Constitution, which perforce requires negotiation”

Supreme Court of Canada. Reference Quebec Secession (1998)

44

“És per aixó que,

sense cap més eina

que la democràcia,

defensem el dret a

decidir sense mes

límit que el que

marqui en cada

moment el poble de

Catalunya”

45

“Coherents a definir

Catalunya com una

nació i a situar la

democràcia com

un valor absolut,

apostem pel dret a

decidir per assolir

l’autogovern que el

poble de Catalunya

reclama i necessita

per viure millor”

46

“The argument that the Constitution may be

legitimately circumvented by resort to a majority vote

in a province-wide referendum is superficially

persuasive, in large measure because it seems to

appeal to some of the

same principles that

underlie the

legitimacy of the

Constitution itself,

namely, democracy

and self-government.

(…)

47

“(...) However, closer analysis reveals that this

argument is unsound, because it misunderstands

the meaning of popular sovereignty

and the

essence of a

constitutional

democracy

(par. 75)”

48

The democratic vote, by however strong a majority,

would have no legal effect on its own and could not

push aside the principles of federalism and the rule of

law, the rights of individuals and minorities, or the

operation of democracy

in the other provinces or

in Canada as a whole.

Democratic rights under

the Constitution cannot

be divorced from

constitutional

obligations.

49

"a functioning democracy requires a continuous

process of discussion" (par. 68)

Reference re on the Secession of Quebec [1998] 2

SCR 217

50

“"Those who quite legitimately insist upon the

importance of upholding the rule of law cannot at the

same time be oblivious to the need to act in

conformity with constitutional principles and values,

and so do their part to contribute to the maintenance

and promotion of

an environment

in which the rule

of law may

flourish." (par.

95)

51

“The Scottish referendum had

shown the danger of ceding too

much ground to your

opponents. If you sit back and

wait till the other lot have taken

so much ground; then you’re

on the back foot” he said. “You pay a heavy price.”

Mr. Alistair DARLING, MP

Leader of Better Together

(3.11.2014)

52

“(…) if passion alone was not enough to realise

independence, reason alone will not be enough to save

the Union in the longer term.

The idea of Union has to

find its way back into

Scots’ hearts – and that’s

going to be a long

journey. And there are big

risks to be overcome”.

Adam TOMKINS: “One year on

(…nearly)”, in Notes from North

Britain. On Law, Politics and the

British Constitution (Blog)

53

¿Es más difícil lograr la reforma de la

Constitución española que la independencia

de Cataluña?

54

55

“Catalunya no ha

produit, ni per ara pot

produir, cap altre tipus

de politic que l’agitador,

propens a la protesta

com el mateix poble i

destre en aprofitar

qualsevol motiu d’ordre

sentimental per a fer

por al adversari mentre

duri la foguerada”Amadeu HURTADO (1875-1950)

56

“… la historia politica de

Catalunya s’ha

descabdellat sempre

amb aquest mateix

patró i al mateix ritme

(…) Però aquesta

vegada semblava que

pel fet de tenir el

Govern d’una

Catalunya autònoma

s’havia d’anar amb

més compte…”

57

“… materialmente el

separatismo requiere,

como obra humana,

como problema a

resolver y como plan a

ejecutar, un esfuerzo

infinitamente mayor

que el exigido por el

intento de influir en la

marcha del Estado

español y modificarlo”

58

“El separatista cree

que es imposible

entenderse con el resto

de los españoles, y

para remediar esta

situación, propone una

cosa más difícil

todavía, que es el

desentenderse

violentamente de

ellos.”Agustí CALVET, Gaziel (1887-1964)

59

“No se siente capaz

de hacer el esfuerzo

necesario para influir

en España, y en

cambio sueña con el

gigantesco propósito

de escapar en

absoluto a su

influencia formidable”

60

“Para salir de una

dificultad crea una

mayor. Pero, ¿si faltan

fuerzas para resolver la

más pequeña cómo

van a tenerse para la

máxima?”

Agustí CALVET, Gaziel (1887-1964)

61

“el separatismo (…) no

hizo más que deshacer

lo hecho, acarreando la

anulación o destrucción

de lo conseguido, y

dejando a Cataluña

desolada e inerme, sin

la más vaga, sin la más

remota, sin la más

quimérica

compensación.”