dissertation final draft edit

72
Soldiers in Petticoats: a glimpse into the Suffragette Movement during the First World War May 2015 ESH365 English Dissertation Student Number: 120061037 / le12020

Upload: becky-hipkiss

Post on 23-Jan-2017

30 views

Category:

Documents


0 download

TRANSCRIPT

 

 

Soldiers  in  Petticoats:  a  glimpse  into  the  Suffragette  Movement  during  the  First  World  War  

   

May  2015    

ESH365  English  Dissertation  Student  Number:  120061037  /  le12020  

                 

 

120061037     le12020  

2  

Contents    

 List  of  Figures   3  

Introduction      

6      

Chapter  1  –  A  family  torn  apart  by  war:  the  voice  of  the  Pankhurst  sisters                                                    Sylvia  Pankhurst,  the  Pacifist                                                    From  Suffragette  to  Britannia                                                    The  German  Threat:  Two  Sides  of  the  Same  Coin    

11    

12    

18    

21  

 Chapter  2  –  The  Suffragette  Movement  through  the  eyes  of  the  British                                                    public                                                    Sylvia  Pankhurst:  A  Recount                                                    Cartoon  Politics                                                      The  Nation’s  Newspapers                                                    Postcard  Propaganda  

 26      

28    

29    

32    35  

   Conclusion  

   

42      

 Appendix  

 44      

 Bibliography  

 71  

 

120061037     le12020  

3  

List  of  Figures    

   Fig.  1  –  A  letter  from  Sylvia  Pankhurst  describing  being  force-­‐fed   12  

Fig.  2  –  Advertisement  of  a  ‘Cost-­‐Price  Restaurant’   14  

Fig.  3  –  ‘Victims  of  War’,  The  Women’s  Dreadnought   14  

Fig.  4  –  ‘Conscription’,  The  Women’s  Dreadnought   16  

Fig.  5  –  Cover  pages  of  Britannia,  15  Oct  1915  and  3  Dec  1915   18  

Fig.  6  –  Recruitment  advertisement:    ‘Every  girl  will  do  her  duty’   19  

Fig.  7  –  Notice:  ‘W.S.P.U.  removing  to  West  End’   21  

Fig.  8  –  ‘Appeal  for  Help’,  The  Times     27  

Fig.  9  –  Cartoon:  ‘At  Last’,  Punch   30  

Fig.  10  –  Cartoon:  ‘For  what  you  about  to  receive…’,  The  Daily  Herald   30  

Fig.  11  –  Cartoon:  ‘The  New  Advocate’,  The  Daily  Herald   32  

Fig.  12  –  ‘The  Sophistries  of  Suffragettism’,  Anti-­‐Suffrage  Review   33  

Fig.  13  –  ‘Childish  Tactics’,  The  Sheffield  Daily  Telegraph   34  

Fig.  14  –  ‘Our  Magazine’,  Yorkshire  Telegraph  and  Star   34  

Fig.  15  –  Postcard:  ‘Because  you  are  women’   36  

Fig.  16  –  Postcard:  ‘Rights  of  Women’   36  

Fig.  17  –  Postcard:  ‘Waiting  for  a  living  wage’   36  

Fig.  18  –  Postcard:  ‘In  this  sign  conquer’   37  

Fig.  19  –  Postcard:  ‘The  Appeal  of  Womanhood’   37  

Fig.  20  –  Postcard:  ‘Suffragettes  go  to  Parliament’   38  

Fig.  21  -­‐  Postcard:  ‘Miss  Hissy’   38  

Fig.  22  -­‐  Postcard:  ‘Stand  Up  for  Women’s  Rights’   38  

120061037     le12020  

4  

   

Fig.  23  -­‐  Postcard:  ‘A  Perfect  Woman’   38  

Fig.  24  -­‐  Postcard:  ‘Votes  for  Women’   39  

Fig.  25  -­‐  Postcard:  ‘So  your  wife  a  suffragette?’   39  

Fig.  26  –  Postcard:  ‘I’ve  suffered  ever  since!’   39  

Fig  27  -­‐  Postcard:  ‘Rest  for  the  Weary’   40  

                                                                         

120061037     le12020  

5  

Acknowledgments    

 This  dissertation  would  not  have  been  possible  without  the  support  and  

guidance  of  my  supervisor,  Prof.  Peggy  Reynolds.  For  their  encouragement,  

advice  and  occasional  chocolate  bar,  I  am  also  forever  grateful  to  Dr.  Rachael  

Gilmour  and  Prof.  Bill  Schwarz.  These  past  three  years  wouldn’t  have  been  the  

same  without  you.  

 

I  dedicate  this  thesis  to  Sylvia  Pankhurst,  a  woman  who  was  unceasingly  mindful  

of  the  world’s  innocent  victims  and  revolutionised  the  East  End.  In  turn,  I  also  

dedicate  this  thesis  to  all  the  inspirational  women  in  my  own  life.    

You  know  who  you  are.  

 

 

   

                                                 

120061037     le12020  

6  

Introduction    

 On Saturday 14th December 1918, over seven million women made their way

to cast their first ever vote in a parliamentary election.1 It was the result of the passing

of a Bill, which, although limited, gave votes to all women over the age of thirty who

met the property qualification. It was also a moment that signaled a significant breach

in the sex barrier and led to the entire electorate increasing from eight to twenty one

million. Among those seven million women were the Pankhursts - Emmeline, and her

daughters, Christabel and Sylvia - whose countless sacrifices and faithful

campaigning, amongst thousands of other suffragettes, had resulted in this very

moment.

The battle for female enfranchisement had begun four decades earlier when

two women, Emily Davies and Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, presented a women’s

suffrage petition to Parliament, thus marking the beginning of the organised women’s

suffrage movement.2 Yet it was Emmeline Pankhurst’s formation of the Women’s

Social and Political Union (W.S.P.U.) in 1903 that saw the beginning of the militant

phase within the movement, as demonstrated through its motto: “Deeds, not words”.3

Militancy acted as a rebellion against Edwardian gender roles and their restriction on

personal freedom. Christabel herself insisted she didn’t want the vote to simply be

given to women; they would be empowered only if they forced the Government to

concede it.4 The W.S.P.U. grew from strength to strength, generating considerable

publicity, which increased women’s support for suffrage. However their role in

                                                                                                               1 Sophie A. van Wingerden, The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Britain, 1866-1928 (London: Macmillan Press, 2003) p.1 2 van Wingerden, The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Britain, 1866-1928, p.1 3 Harold L. Smith, The British Women’s Suffrage Campaign 1866-1928 (London: Longman, 1998) p.29 4 Smith, The British Women’s Suffrage Campaign 1866-1928, p.29 Italics for effect

120061037     le12020  

7  

achieving women’s enfranchisement remains controversial. Harold L. Smith argues,

“historians are much more skeptical about [their] contribution… it is generally agreed

that at first the W.S.P.U. revitalised the suffrage campaign, but that after 1910 its

escalation of militancy impeded reform”.5 By 1913, militancy had reached new

heights as it escalated rapidly from civil disobedience, to destruction of property,

before reaching its arsenic climax.

There had been much critical debate in regards to the women’s suffrage movement

and the war. As stated, many historians view the W.S.P.U.’s involvement as a

hindrance rather than a catalyst to the eventual enfranchisement in 1918. Although

much has been written on in regards to the Pankhurst family and their suffrage

involvement, there has been little research and close analysis on their wartime

writings, perhaps the most notable being Angela K. Smith’s anthology of Women’s

writing in the First World War and its corresponding article: ‘The Pankhurst and the

War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War Propaganda’.6 She refers to their

wartime periodical publishing as texts that, despite articulating views that are

uncomfortable in their extremism, hold “undeniable passionate belief” and standing.7

However, it is Michelle Elizabeth Tusan’s Women Making News: Gender and

Journalism in Modern Britain that has proved pivotal in recognising the

underrepresented role of the women’s press during the war, in particular focusing on

the Pankhursts’ own organs: The Women’s Dreadnought and the Britannia. Tusan

argues that with the war came “the rise of a truly mass media” with women being

confronted with “an array of news sources that vied for their loyalty”, as the question

                                                                                                               5 Smith, The British Women’s Suffrage Campaign 1866-1928, p.28 6 Women’s Writing in the First World War: An Anthology, ed. by Angela K. Smith (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000) 7 Angela K. Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War Propaganda’ (2003), Women’s History Review, 12:1, pp.103-118

120061037     le12020  

8  

of the female’s voice, and its representation, emerged.8 Owing to the increase of

women’s newspapers, and the publishing of wartime propaganda, this female press

“invented a world that continued to place the woman activist at the centre of political

and social change”.9

1914 marked a turbulent year for the Pankhurst family. Following Sylvia’s

establishment of the East London Federation of Suffragettes (E.L.F.S.), which

championed socialism and the working class, she later decided to split from the

Woman’s Social and Political Union, on the basis of her increasing disillusionment. In

particular she did not approve of their arson campaign or their refusal to acknowledge

the force and needs of working class women. She was also unhappy about what she

saw as their abandonment of socialism. The onset of war brought about a complete

break that was a long time coming, and signaled the altering change to their positions.

Sylvia’s pacifism contrasted markedly with Christabel and Emmeline’s support for

the conflict. Although both sides were motivated by the war to insist upon the need

for female enfranchisement, they both used different methods and saw different

priorities.

Through a historical exploration and in-depth close analysis of primary archival

sources, this dissertation seeks to identify each woman’s position and determine to

what extent the 1914-18 war was an altering change to their own stance. It will also

explore not only their consciously projected representations of themselves through

their own periodicals, but the mirroring contemporary reactions to the suffrage

movement in its entirety. The first chapter of this dissertation will think further about                                                                                                                8 Michelle Elizabeth Tusan, Women Making News: Gender and Journalism in Modern Britain, (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2005) p.188 9 Tusan, Women Making News: Gender and Journalism in Modern Britain, p.189

120061037     le12020  

9  

what Tusan refers to as the newspapers’ “greatest challenge”, as the onset of war

provided both sides of the Pankhurst family a periodical platform from which to

showcase their own agendas. This creates an interesting tension, as Sylvia, despite her

unwavering pacifism, uses the outbreak of war to her advantage in revealing working

class social problems that, if not for the conflict, would have remained invisible to the

public eye. In contrast, Christabel, through the Britannia, uses the war as a platform to

celebrate the temporary female enfranchisement as a result of hundreds of women

going into war work, whilst endorsing Government-issued propaganda in regards to

conscription and munitions work - something Sylvia later referred to as “a tragic

betrayal” against the peace they had advocated for so long.10 In the second chapter,

contemporary reactions to the suffrage movement will be explored through a variety

of forms, including cartoons, newspaper articles and postcards. In doing so, I will

demonstrate how the verbal debate of the women’s campaign was firmly bound to the

corresponding pictorial representations of the suffrage movement.

This thesis is also significant in its modern relevance. 2015 is a year that is witness to

one of the most contested General Election in history, as voter apathy remains a

controversial issue. It is also a year that aptly coincides with the release of the greatly

anticipated Suffragette movie in October - the first to be granted permission to film

within the House of Commons, suggesting a sanctification of the movement. 2015

also poignantly marks the approach to the 100 year anniversary of 1917

Enfranchisement Bill. The sacrifices that these women, and hundreds of others, made

in order to secure women the vote is, in some ways, incomprehensible. As Sylvia

                                                                                                               10 E. Sylvia Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals (London: Virago History, 1972) p.595

120061037     le12020  

10  

herself stated in 1977, “the young women of to-day scarcely realise the great changes

which have already taken place”.11

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

                                                                                                               11 Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.609

120061037     le12020  

11  

Chapter  1  A  family  torn  apart  by  war:  the  voice  of  the  

Pankhurst  sisters    

As touched upon in my introduction, 1914 proved a significant year for the

Pankhursts. Following Sylvia’s establishment of the East London Federation of

Suffragettes (E.L.F.S.), Christabel and Emmeline Pankhurst expelled her from the

Woman’s Social and Political Union (W.S.P.U) after a disagreement on the

legitimacy of working-class representation in the suffragette movement. The news of

the separation was met with indignation within the East End, as clearly demonstrated

through their defiant tone in the first issue of The Women’s Dreadnought – published

on 8 March 2014, to coincide with International Women’s Day:

“Some people say that the lives of working women are too hard and their education too small for them to become a powerful voice in winning the vote. Such people have forgotten their history”.12

The split was further driven by the onset of war in August 1914, as Sylvia’s

commitment to pacifism differed significantly with Christabel and Emmeline’s

patriotic support for the conflict. Although both sides were driven by the war to insist

upon the need for female enfranchisement, they both used different approaches and

saw different priorities.

                                                                                                               12 The Women’s Dreadnought (8 March 1914) LSE Women’s Library – n.b. all further references to The Women’s Dreadnought are sourced from LSE Women’s Library

120061037     le12020  

12  

Sylvia  Pankhurst,  the  Pacifist  

In order to contextualise the women’s situation before the war – long before

patriotism took hold of Christabel and Emmeline – we need to explore the

suffragettes’ position - in particular, the position of Sylvia Pankhurst. In the early

months of 1914 alone, Sylvia had been imprisoned nine times under the ‘Cat and

Mouse Act’, which allowed the early release of prisoners who were so weakened by

hunger striking that they were at risk of death.13 They were then recalled back to

prison once their health had sufficiently recovered, where the process would begin

again. The purpose of the hunger strike, from the point of view of the suffragette

victim, was an assertion of their individual will against the establishment.14

Sylvia’s experience was a harrowing one. In a letter written by Sylvia Pankhurst in

1913 (see fig.1), she describes the trauma of force-feeding whilst in prison.15 The

“friend” she addresses is ambiguous - however, as it is part of the Independent Labour

Party archive, it is likely to be Kier Hardie, the leader and founder, with whom she

had a close relationship. This is illustrated through her words, “you must guess the

rest”, suggesting a loyalty and trust between the addresser and addressee.16 The

desperate tone of the letter is striking, making it difficult to read emotionally as she

states “I have hoped in the minor will become major to get me out” - alluding to the

all-important 1913 ‘Cat and Mouse’ Act, as she prays her “minor” illness will become

severe enough to secure her release.17 Her humour remains in tact however, as

                                                                                                               13 ‘British Feminism in the Twentieth Century’, ed. by Harold Smith (Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press, 1990), p.7 14 ‘British Feminism in the Twentieth Century, ed. by Harold Smith, p.16 15 Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325) LSE Women’s Library 16 Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325) 17 Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325)

120061037     le12020  

13  

declares herself as a “rat in a trap”.18 Sylvia’s sentences seem frenzied and short - a

possible effect of her weakening health. As an educated woman, the effects of the

force feeding are clearly evident upon her spelling as she spells “too” wrong, and later

she states “Oh, I can’t spell!”.19 The diagram she includes further exemplifies her

struggle with words - perhaps she felt she failed to express in words the dire

circumstances in which she was force-fed. However, despite the evident desperation,

her resolve is reaffirmed through the words “I never cease to fight”, reminding us of

the battle the suffragettes faced as unofficial soldiers of equality.20 The words,

underlined, portray a woman of conviction. Her main concern however, is

demonstrated towards the end of letter, constantly repeating the words “I” and

“worry” in relation to her East End federation - clearly indicating where her priorities

lay, even before war broke out.21

Sylvia’s priorities remain the same, evidenced through the newspaper she edited: The

Women’s Dreadnought. The name itself is an interesting choice. Dating back from

1573, it defines itself as both “a type of battleship” and “a fearless person” -

somewhat apt considering its war context and its suffrage motives - literally and

figuratively declaring battle against the government and the “propaganda press” being

churned out by the Britannia.22 Even during the very beginning of the war in The

Women’s Dreadnought, there is a lack of focus upon actual war itself - despite the

novelty and obvious distress being caused to the country. Instead, many articles

focused on the war were placed towards the end of newspaper. It is evident that

                                                                                                               18 Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325) 19 Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325) 20 Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325) 21 Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325) 22 Oxford English Dictionary Online, ‘dreadnought’, <http://0-www.oed.com.catalogue.ulrls.lon.ac.uk/view/Entry/57596?redirectedFrom=dreadnought#eid> [last accessed 26/03/15]

120061037     le12020  

14  

Sylvia, in her role as editor, is more concerned with using the publication and the war

as a platform for social problems to be brought into the spotlight - especially in the

East End - as she proudly proclaims, “In the East End, hardship from the war rose

immediately - the poor gallantly helping the poor”.23 She continues to promote her

own causes through the media, showing her working class priorities – something that

is also demonstrated through its name change to The Worker’s Dreadnought in 1917.

Sylvia takes a different angle on war, instead promoting sympathy for those left

behind. Despite her being a committed pacifist and firmly against the war, it is

interesting how it undoubtedly served her interests to some extent, to bring such social

inequality and the problems of the working class into public view. For instance, she

promoted and argued for cost-price restaurants, a profit-free toy factory and the

working conditions of female munitions workers (see fig. 2).24

One article, titled ‘Victims of War’ (see fig. 3) which focuses on an inquest into a

death of a “Southwark baby”, is particularly poignant as it reveals the family “had no

relief… on account of the War” and the author scathingly comments on the coroner’s

verdict of “death from natural causes”. 25 The short length of the text seems deliberate:

it is frank yet powerful. It mixes poignancy and harrowing truth to great effect,

speaking to its women readers’ maternal instincts as it states: “His baby, at 15 months,

weighed 7lb 6 oz. instead of 18lbs or 20lbs as it should have done”.26 The use of cold,

harsh numbers powerfully conveys the graveness of the family’s circumstances. The

author’s indignation at the situation is clear, as she bluntly summarises her argument

                                                                                                               23 Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.592 24 The Women’s Dreadnought (5 Sept 1914) 25 ‘The Women’s Dreadnought (12 Dec 1914) 26 ‘The Women’s Dreadnought (12 Dec 1914)

120061037     le12020  

15  

with a reference to the “women - wives and mothers whose babies are dying of

starvation through the effects of War”.27

A second article, titled ‘The Sweating Scandal’ also focuses on the exploitation faced

by the women workers, thrust into the industry on account of war. Sylvia lays down

the brutal facts of such work, detailing not only the painstaking labour the women

undertake, but also the minimal “2¼d. an hour” pay: “For factory work the main

essential is speed… the women… twist wire around the bundle, push it into a hole in

the wooden brush back and fasten off with wire behind: 163 little bundles must they

make and wire and fix into 163 holes for one penny”.28 As Angela K. Smith argues,

“Sylvia’s articles tend to be more complex and fully argued… She draws upon

material evidence, statistics and acts of parliament, in order to prove her point, and

relates all her ideas back to social inequality”.29 Smith’s observations are borne out by

a close analysis of Sylvia Pankhurst’s articles, as Sylvia – in the ‘Sweating Scandal’ -

ends by scornfully attacking the argument by those who defend the sweated rates of

pay to women - “half a loaf is better than no bread” - with the question “But why

should no bread or half the bread that is necessary, be the choice of the daughters of

the richest country in the world?”.30 Her style carries conviction and a demand for the

women reading her articles to “not bolster up the sweating scandal”, as its appeal is

reinforced by a consciously inserted anecdote of a woman exploited by a charity,

which precedes the attack: “On Monday I was paid 4s 6d. for seven days work. The

                                                                                                               27 ‘The Women’s Dreadnought (12 Dec 1914) 28 The Women’s Dreadnought (24 Oct 1914) 29 Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.110 30 The Women’s Dreadnought (24 Oct 1914)

120061037     le12020  

16  

woman who used to do the work that I did was paid 2s. a day, and she had a husband

in regular employment. I am a widow”.31

As it became increasingly evident that the war wouldn’t ‘be over by Christmas’, The

Women’s Dreadnought does indeed become more war-focused - yet the work in the

East End, and the continued suffragette movement, continues to take centre stage - as

illustrated by the items incorporated on the cover pages: social gatherings, ongoing

suffrage movement updates, mother and babies and cost-price restaurants. As the war

goes on, later editions begin to place much more emphasis on “political activism”,

often teamed with the welfare of the local women “to give a greater poignancy to the

politics”.32 An article titled ‘Conscription’ (see fig. 4) is just one example of the extent

of opposition to the war found in the newspaper.33 It was written by Sylvia herself,

suggesting that she writes the main pieces, or the articles she considers most

important or which might make the greater impact. Her use of rhetorical techniques,

similar to those used for years in her rallying suffragette speeches, are clearly evident,

with repeated use of the pronouns “We” and “our”, as she battles to rouse indignant

opposition to the bill: “We must oppose conscription with all our force. We must take

our stand by the young men”.34

A longer, more developed article titled ‘The Military Service Bill’ published two

weeks later then follows up the article.35 The article follows the release of Lord

Derby’s statement a week earlier, imposing conscription on all single men aged 18 to

41, with exemptions for those in essential war time employment, those deemed

                                                                                                               31 The Women’s Dreadnought (24 Oct 1914) 32 Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.108 33 The Women’s Dreadnought (1 Jan 1916) 34 The Women’s Dreadnought (1 Jan 1916) 35 The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916)

120061037     le12020  

17  

medically unfit, religious ministers, and conscientious objectors.36 The title is now the

official name of the bill, and its length is more than double it’s predecessor. Sylvia’s

use of powerful and insistent language – “What a dishonest piece of absurdity!” -

along with the continuation of her characteristic use of collective pronouns “We” and

“our”, convey her insistent condemning opinion on “the most amazing pieces of bluff

and effrontery committed even by this Government”.37 The Bill is transformed into

the enemy, personified as an evil that should “be fought, until it has been destroyed”.38

This, coupled with her use of martial language such as “under cover”, “command”

and “bodies”, transcends the Bill into belonging to almost German enemy territory, as

her language suggests a need to attack it. Her use of figures eerily predict exactly

what we know did end up happening: “Soon we are likely to find that a boy of 16,

whose physique appears to be that of 19, may be called up as a conscript”, as she

directly addresses those “Mothers and fathers” affected.39 As the article goes on, its

paragraphs become shorter and shorter, illustrating the author’s incredulous tone,

whilst the lyrical nature of repeated plosive sounds emphasises her eloquence: “It

appears to us peculiarly mean that middle-aged politicians, from their well-paid

security, should be endeavoring to exercise compulsion against young lads who are

still under the legal age of maturity and may not vote”.40

As we might expect, Sylvia reverts back to her political voting agenda, now extending

her sympathies to not only women, but also the underage “lads”, both of whom she

deems vulnerable members of the contemporary war-driven patriarchal society.41 The

                                                                                                               36 ‘Called to Active Service…’, Parliamentary Archives, <http://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/parliamentary-archives/archives-highlights/archives-ww1-conscription/> [last accessed 29/04/15] 37 The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916) 38 The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916) 39 The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916) 40 The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916) 41 The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916)

120061037     le12020  

18  

use of the word ‘lads’ not only emphasises their youth, but also suggests feelings of

affection towards the boys affected by the Bill, within her East End community.

Sylvia later compares the Bill as akin to a “chain of compulsion”.42 Again, the

alliteration resonates years of propaganda speeches. But, it is the connotations that

accompany such an image: restriction, fear, and an impossibility to break free, that are

brought to the forefront. This is even more tragic considering we are simultaneously

informed that the Government strives “to entangle us”.43

From  Suffragette  to  Britannia  

Such articles are a far cry from the rallying calls that were concurrently emerging

from the Britannia (formally The Suffragette). Edited by Christabel Pankhurst, the

newspaper, labeled the ‘official organ of the W.S.P.U.’, uses the war as a platform to

celebrate the arguably temporary female enfranchisement as a result of hundreds of

women going into war work. Its patriotism is clearly illustrated through its choice of

cover images (see fig. 5). Its bold appearance, along with its large, striking and

emotive cover images, captures the eye of the reader. The issue of 15 October 1915

represents the patriotic nature of the publication through the famous symbol of the

woman carrier, “thus encompassing both strands of the Pankhurst dogma”.44 Both the

image and the smaller, yet still bold, words that head the page appeal to the patriotic

conscience. The second issue, from 3 December 1915 is one of the more unique

covers, in that it incorporates a substantial chunk of text alongside a bold headline and

the simple, yet effective, image of a map. The areas ominously shaded black indicates

                                                                                                               42 The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916) 43 The Women’s Dreadnought (15 Jan 1916) 44 Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.107 Britannia, (15 Oct 1915) LSE Women’s Library – n.b. all further references to the Britannia are sourced from LSE Women’s Library

120061037     le12020  

19  

the possible territory the Germans are to occupy if, as Christabel argues, Britain

allows them a “free hand to destroy Serbia and get the Balkans under their control”.45

Both sisters use the war to engage with female enfranchisement but both have

different methods and priorities - their similarities significantly outweighed by the

passion of their difference. The war signaled an end to active militancy as Christabel

issued a statement through the Press that such violence would be rendered “less

effective” in contrast with the greater violence of war, and that work for the vote

would be “futile”, therefore the Union was to suspend all activities.46 Christabel

shrewdly realised that patriotic sacrifice could greatly enhance women’s claim to

citizenship and began to wage her own war. She demanded the military conscription

of men and the industrial conscription of women - “national service” as it was termed

- through a campaign that saw Christabel and Emmeline delivering recruitment

speeches, and handing out white feathers, whilst touring the country. In her memoir,

Sylvia states, “When I first read in the Press that Mrs. Pankhurst and Christabel were

returning to England for a recruitment campaign I wept”. She continues, describing

the twist in events as a “tragic betrayal”.47

The Britannia also published government propaganda within their newspaper, urging

both women and men to present themselves in the name of the war effort. No longer a

mouthpiece for the W.S.P.U., the Britannia quickly became an organ for the

government itself, as advertisements (see fig. 6) began to appear in an attempt to

recruit women for much-needed war work: “England expects every girl will do her

                                                                                                               45 Britannia, (3 Dec 1915) 46 Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.591 47 Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, pp.594-5

120061037     le12020  

20  

duty”. 48 Sylvia dryly stated in response: “Lloyd George, whom Christabel had

regarded as the most bitter and dangerous enemy for women, was now the one

politician in whom she and Mrs. Pankhurst placed confidence in”.49 Unlike Sylvia,

who was also pleased that women too were finally being offered similar working

opportunities for men, Christabel and Emmeline neglected to focus on the exploitation

that many girls faced at this time. Instead it was The Women’s Dreadnought who

continually featured such key issues, including the battle for living wage and long

hours. As Smith argues, “Christabel conveniently brushes aside questions of workers’

welfare and conditions”.50 After years of suffrage campaigning, it seems slightly

disappointing to see Christabel be so quick to sweep aside such concerns. Instead she

ironically uses the war as a platform to achieve good working relations with the

government for her own motives - possibly thinking the eventual outcome they hope

for outweighs the present situation.

This is far removed from her mother’s strategy and the Emmeline that stated, “It is the

government that is our enemy; it is not the MPs, it is not the men of this country; it is

the Government in power alone that can give us the vote”, in 1913. 51 Sylvia

Pankhurst’s attitude could not be more different, as illustrated earlier through her

various attempts to expose failed pay and conditions many working men and women

faced during the war. In an article titled ‘Lloyd George in Wonderland’, she again

quotes statistical evidence to back up her accusations, arguing that many women were

working weeks of up to ninety hours, up to thirty more than the number recommended

                                                                                                               48 Britannia (22 Oct 1915) 49 Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.594 50 Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.113 51 ‘British Feminism in the Twentieth Century’, ed. by Harold Smith, p.15

120061037     le12020  

21  

by the Health of Munitions Workers Committee.52 These attitudes, which take up a

polar opposition in terms of ideas and principles, led to the consequence of the

breaking up of a family originally united in their drive to achieve female

enfranchisement. Their conflict is even crudely illustrated (but with a certain amount

of underlying humour) through the notice in the Britannia (see fig.7), announcing the

W.S.P.U’s move West, thus putting the family at complete geographical opposites.53

The Britannia was notoriously ferocious when it came to attacking ‘pacifist

publications’ - The Women’s Dreadnought being a prime example - and Sylvia was

often publicly repudiated by Mrs. Pankhurst through the medium of the press: “A

Message from Mrs. Pankhurst… Hearing of a demonstration recently held in

Trafalgar Square [she] strongly repudiates and condemns Sylvia’s foolish behaviour

and unpatriotic conduct. Regret I cannot prevent the use of name”.54 For many modern

readers, this public and personal attack seems shocking, yet despite both Christabel

and Emmeline’s apparent extremism, it is important to remember that much of the

propaganda expressed within the Britannia were closely aligned to those found in the

contemporary mainstream press.55

The  German  Threat:  Two  Sides  of  the  Same  Coin  

By juxtaposing an article from each newspaper in regards to the German threat, we

can identity to what extent their conflicting beliefs affected their journalism. ‘The

East End Air Raid’, published in The Women’s Dreadnought, provides an excellent

example of Sylvia’s impassioned, yet calm, journalistic style: “To see the result of the                                                                                                                52 ‘Munition Workers Hours’, House of Lords debate, 30 March 1916 (vol 21, cc576-80) <http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1916/mar/30/munition-workers-hours> [last accessed 26/03/15] 53 Britannia (15 Oct 1915) 54 Britannia, (28 April,1916) 55 Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.109

120061037     le12020  

22  

German Air Raid, numbers of unaccustomed visitors came flocking to East London,

well-dressed people in motor cars and taxis”.56 Her tone is mocking, as they traverse

unfamiliar streets in search for bomb damage, as the East End is depicted as a mere

tourist attraction: “Impatient passengers on the tops of buses were heard asking ‘Is

this the East End?’ before had got past Bishopsgate”.57 However Sylvia does not

allow them to find any - instead forcing them to confront the neglected conditions of

everyday life. It is the “miserable conditions dwellings, far from fit for housing

human creatures poorly clad women with sad work-worn faces, other women just

covered, no more, in horrid rags, hopeless, unhappy beings, half clothes neglected

looking little children a sadder sight” that the tourists discover and shocks them the

most, as Sylvia shuns the war.58 Instead, her agenda is the opportunity to publicise the

social consequences of such havoc. The fleeting image of tourists at a zoo is conjured

through her words, as her list structure evokes the feeling of a never-ending

depressing scene. The “poorly clad women” are immediately juxtaposed with “the

pretty ladies in dainty dresses”, as Sylvia’s mockery continues.59 However, the article

suddenly shifts its focus from the air raid damage - falsely alluded to by the article’s

title in a hope to draw in an unsuspecting reader - to a recent anti-German riot which

climaxes with the destruction of a German’s baker shop and the beating of its

occupants.

Here, she drops the ironic tone. Her refusal to shy away from the vivid violent

imagery that follows has the intention to shock, and indeed it does:

                                                                                                               56 The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915) 57 The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915) 58 The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915) 59 The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)

120061037     le12020  

23  

“A big man in clothes dusty with flour is struggling in the grasp of several other, his mouth full of blood… A woman with streaming hair is grabbed at by many people. A big man, who has been drinking, throws her to the ground. Someone cries out ‘They are kicking her’. She is lost to sight in the midst of a struggling mass of people”.60

It is the ignorance of the soldier that holds the most power in reaching out to the

reader’s conscience, as when asked to rescue her, the demand is purposely ignored:

“He laughs, ‘Why should I?’”.61 As the trouble comes to an end, the ironic tone

returns, as Sylvia consciously drops in a reminder of the German’s obvious London

roots: “The men who are holding the captive by the collar wrench and jerk at it…

each time they do it he says: ‘All right gov’er, all right,’ in reasoning Cockney

tones”.62

Sylvia defends the innocents of war, equating the helpless German victims in line

with her East End vulnerable working class, and in doing so attacks the government in

“failing to protect the defenseless aliens, and will not even give them the safe-keeping

of an internment camp”.63 Her use of the word “aliens” is significant – an ironic label

to convey what she views as ridiculous treatment to human beings. Or perhaps she is

reassuring her readers of her basic alliance with Britain by consciously labeling the

German victims as ‘the other’. Finally, she ends with an attack towards the

“prominent newspapers [that] fill their columns with articles intended to inflame the

populace to anti-German riots, articles which consume ignorant, nervous, excitable

people with suspicious terror that transforms for them the poor Hoxton baker and his

                                                                                                               60 The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915) 61 The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915) 62 The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915) 63 The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915)

120061037     le12020  

24  

old mother into powerful spies, able at will to summon fleets of Zeppelins” - the very

propagandist press to which her mother and sister contribute to so significantly.64

Elsewhere, the Britannia published an article titled ‘The German Peril’ - an article

that could easily inflame into suspicious terror.65 Its intent is indisputable as the sub-

heading leads with “the Germans are a menace to civilisation”.66 However it is

interesting to note that Christabel didn’t write the article, surprising considering its

venom. Perhaps she felt anything she wrote would not match the scathing passion of

her sister. Instead the article in the Britannia is simply a republishing of passages

from an address delivered by M. Camille Flammarion, the famous astronomer, to the

Assemblee Generale de la Societe Astronomique de France - meaning it is a

translation. Its argument is incredibly patriotic, and in places, stretched as he states,

“Moreover the very name of German means men of war: Ger-man; and the French

word Guerre is of Germanic origin derived from Guerra and werra from the German

wehr”.67 This kind of folk etymology can sound far fetched in the eyes of a modern

reader, yet it would have been patriotic music to the ears of millions of anti-German

Britons in 1916, as morale no doubt began to drop.

It is difficult to say just how much of an impact both newspapers had on the public,

yet it is certain that these women, constantly in the public eye, must have been hard to

ignore.68 However what clearly comes over from the pages of these two publications

is passionate belief. Despite a huge contrast in each agenda - the patriotic zeal of the

Britannia and the social radicalism of The Women’s Dreadnought - both never forget

                                                                                                               64 The Women’s Dreadnought (5 June 1915) 65 Britannia, (14 April 1916) 66 Britannia, (14 April 1916) 67 Britannia, (14 April 1916) 68 Smith, ‘The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War propaganda’, p.115

120061037     le12020  

25  

the important need for female enfranchisement, and the women’s vote. War

undeniably marks a shift in agenda, providing a crucial platform to prove that not only

could women positively contribute to society, but also for empowering women to earn

the vote that they believed was lawfully theirs.

120061037     le12020  

26  

Chapter  2  The  Suffragette  Movement  through  the  eyes  

of  the  British  public    

In my last chapter, I explored how Sylvia Pankhurst’s pacifism contrasted distinctly

with Christabel and Emmeline’s patriotic support for the conflict, and how they

represented themselves and the suffragette movement through their individual

publications: The Women’s Dreadnought and the Britannia. In this following chapter,

I will examine how the contemporary public reacted to the suffragettes as a mirror

alternative to my first. The view of the suffragette movement as a whole during the

war period was predominantly mixed, leaning towards the negative, with many

deeming it selfish for them to continue waging an enfranchisement war with the

government when the entire nation was facing a far more important battle.

Following the declaration of war on August 12th 1914, Christabel’s original

periodical, The Suffragette failed to appear, as Emmeline issued a press statement

from the W.S.P.U. stating that “militancy would be rendered ‘less effective’ in

contrast with the greater violence of war, [and] that work for the vote on the lines of

peaceful argument being, ‘as we know, futile’, [so] the Union would suspend

activities”.69 The contemporary negative reaction towards the movement, and the

decrease in public interest, for reasons gestured to by the W.S.P.U’s statement, is

evidenced through the number of articles published by the Press between 1914-1918

containing the word ‘suffragette’. According to the British Newspaper Archive, in

1914, there were 9,105 articles published within the UK’s newspapers containing the

                                                                                                               69 Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.591

120061037     le12020  

27  

word ‘suffragette’. By 1915, this had dropped to a staggeringly underwhelming 631.70

Presumably, the British press was more concerned by the acceleration of the war as

opposed to the women’s fight for the vote. When we delve further into the presses

representation of the Pankhursts themselves during this period, we can identify a

similar pattern. In 1914, there were 2,246 occurrences of the word ‘Pankhurst’ within

the British press; by 1915 this had dropped to just 545, and again to 368 in 1916.71

There is a notable amount of mentions of ‘Mrs. Pankhurst’ and ‘Christabel’ and their

Government-led war efforts, however there is little mention of Sylvia, except the

occasional ‘appeal for help’ within The Times. Her East End working class priorities

remain steadfast as she pleas “urgently for milk and eggs… for hundreds of babies are

in danger of dying because their mothers cannot buy milk for them” (see fig.8).72

Perhaps the decreasing presence of Sylvia within the press was because she continued

to urge the enfranchisement of both sexes, and therefore bore the brunt of public

criticism. Her views are markedly opposite to those of Christabel who stated that

women’s enfranchisement “would arise again in practical shape after the victories of

the Allies”.73 The Britannia, through its suffrage press propaganda, was the reason

“many women found themselves first introduced to the idea of war work as a patriotic

duty for women” - thus redeeming itself in the eyes of the public, for years of

disruptive suffrage work.74 But what actually were the contemporary reactions to the

suffragettes? Just “childish tactics” as deemed by The Sheffield Daily Independent or,

a genuine empathy with their fight for enfranchisement?75

                                                                                                               70 ‘Suffragette’, British Newspaper Archive, <http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk> [last accessed 02.05.15] 71 ‘Pankhurst’, British Newspaper Archive, <http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk> [last accessed 02.05.15] 72 ‘How To Be Useful In War Time’ (25 Aug 1914), The Times Digital Archive [last accessed 02.05.2015] 73 Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.601 74 Tusan, Women Making News: Gender and Journalism in Modern Britain, p.195 75 The Sheffield Daily Independent, (14 Feb 1908), LSE Women’s Library: Box FL936

120061037     le12020  

28  

Sylvia  Pankhurst:  A  Recount  

Recounts and diaries can offer an insightful look into the genuine reactions of the

British public during this period, away from the bias of the press. One example of a

contemporary view, in regards to Sylvia in particular, can be gained through the

writing of the Macleod sisters, who recall a bitter exchange between Sylvia and some

wounded soldiers during a public meeting in Cambridge, as she demands for an end to

the war. For her unrelenting, vigorous campaigns, she inevitably earned the disdain of

the many more patriotic members of society, as demonstrated through the sisters’

immediate branding of “her twaddly opinions”.76 The use of the adjective “twaddly”

suggests a mockery of her “violent Anti Compulsion, Stop the War at once speech”,

as the ironic use of the word ‘violent’ suggests a disdainful attitude and an accusation

of hypocrisy towards Sylvia.77 The recount offers us an insight into the public

reception of Sylvia on an anti-conscription platform, as it states, “the crowd were not

having any [of it]”.78 The sarcastic tones identified so often in Sylvia’s owns derisive

articles towards the establishment is now used against her, as the sisters state: “After

proving (to herself) the evils of conscription other countries, she said tragically ‘And

now England has had conscription forced upon her’ ‘Hooray’ from the crowd”.79

The details within the recount suggest the crowd to be a majority of pro-war citizens,

as Sylvia’s words are met with “Roars of derision”.80 The questioning from the crowd,

accusatory and centred on “Why aren’t you making munitions?”, is also telling in

                                                                                                               76 Elizabeth A. and Mary L. Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, Women’s Writing of the First World War: An Anthology, ed. by Angela K. Smith (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000) p.85 77 Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.85 78 Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.85 79 Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, pp.85-6 80 Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.86

120061037     le12020  

29  

revealing what the public deem to be ‘a woman’s duty’ during the war.81 Their words

suggest that, in their eyes, a woman’s rightful place is to be in a factory contributing

to the war effort. Sylvia repeatedly addresses the crowd as “my friends”, something

that is immediately chastised by one soldier with the words “You’re an enemy”, thus

indicating her attempts to be in vain.82 The rowdy crowd’s loyalty is implied by their

actions, “She then said that the men who had been fighting had been merely wasting

time: the crowd promptly gave three cheers for the wounded, and next for all

soldiers”, indicating a battle wound to be a symbol of honour amongst civilians.83 As

the meeting disperses, Sylvia continues her advocation for the working class,

appealing for “funds (pennies) for her Milk for Babies fund in E.London”.84 In

response to this, the sisters wryly comment, “After her other sentiment she didn’t get

much”, before closing with the words: “Altogether a very entertaining afternoon, and

we hope it will give Sylvia Pankhurst a lesson”.85 This clearly indicates a lack of

sincerity towards Sylvia and promotes the idea of her being mere entertainment and

not to be taken seriously. However, it is important to note the speech’s Cambridge

setting and middle-class audience - Sylvia’s words may not have received the same

reaction if surrounded by her loyal East London working class community, whom she

had aided for so long.

Cartoon  Politics  

One of the most popular mediums in which to illustrate contemporary attitudes

towards the suffragette movement at the time was through cartoons. Cartoons often

had the power to be duplicitous, with their surface humour often masking underlying                                                                                                                81 Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.86 82 Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.86 83 Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, pp.86-7 84 Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.87 85 Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, p.87

120061037     le12020  

30  

messages. The first, titled ‘At Last!’ (see fig.9), was published in ‘Punch’ on January

23rd, 1918.86 It portrays a positive view of the movement, as it gestures towards the

recent passing of a Bill on December 7th, 1917, which “gave votes to approximately

six times the number of women whose enfranchisement had been attempted under the

pre-War Conciliation Bills”.87 It depicts a solitary figure ‘flying the flag’ both literally

and figuratively for women’s suffrage and is representative of their long-awaited

achievement. The light that emanates from the woman, along with her

disproportionately large size, elevates her and suggests her to be saint-like, paving the

way forward for a more equal society. This notion is reinforced through her pose,

looking up towards the heavens, and surrounded by nature, suggesting the woman’s

right to vote to be a natural one. Yet despite this, her clothes and stance remain

masculine, implying that for a woman to be suitable to vote she must possess the

similar qualities of a man. Her military attire, including a sword, alludes to both the

country’s current state of war, and the suffragettes’ own war with the establishment.

This simple, and yet effective cartoon represents the radical turn of events within the

women’s suffrage movement, whilst also subtly suggesting that those at Punch were

supportive of votes being granted to women.

The Daily Herald was another publication that was notable for its suffrage cartoons. I

have selected two of the more famous illustrations from the newspaper, in order to

compare the juxtaposing attitudes within both. The first (see fig.10) emits a level of

sympathy for those made victim to the cruel act of force-feeding, as described by

Sylvia’s letter in my previous chapter.88 It is captioned:

                                                                                                               86 ‘At Last!’, Punch (28 Jan 1918) LSE Women’s Library – ref. no: TWL.2002.222 87 Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.607 88 Will Dyson, ‘For what you are about to receive…’, The Daily Herald (24 May 1913), The British Cartoon Archive - ref. no: WDN0109

120061037     le12020  

31  

"For what you are about to receive..." [Mr. McKenna Forcible-Feeder-in-Chief to the Cabinet, has described with moving candour the loving and chivalrous care, the almost pious delicacy, with which the Government treats those of its Suffragist enemies who fall into its tender hands.] McKenna, F.-F.-in-C. (to the World at Large): - "Observe how we treat every case With the Chivalrous Tact of our Race - How before we proceed To forcibly feed, We NEVER omit to say Grace!"

Although its caption is humorous to an extent, which can be seen through labelling

Mr. McKenna as “Forcible-Feed-In-Chief”, there is an underlying sinister message for

its readers; depicting just how brutal and cruel the act of force- feeding was. The

sarcastic tone of the caption as it describes “the loving and chivalrous care” of the

Government, is a direct condemnation of its actions. The reference to saying ‘Grace’

alludes to the idea of its actions being unholy, going directly against God’s own

doctrine, as the suffragette would definitely not have been thankful for the food she

was about to receive. The male figure in the picture, who is illustrated to be forcing

the funnel down the poor woman’s throat, is presented as a stereotypical butler in his

attire. This conveys the idea of orders being carried out by ‘puppets’, who are forced

in turn to succumb to orders from above. This is possibly in sympathy to the

suffragettes, and illustrates unwillingness from the male figure, as the establishment is

portrayed as subjecting others to do their unsavoury work for them. The woman’s

bedraggled state of servant attire connotes the idea of women being forced into their

‘rightful’ domestic place within society, as the funnel symbolises, both literally and

figuratively, the suffragettes being forced to swallow society’s patriarchy rule.

120061037     le12020  

32  

The ‘For what we are about to receive…’ cartoon’s main aim is to promote sympathy

for the suffragettes and this contrasts heavily with the later ‘The New Advocate’

cartoon (see fig. 11).89 Despite being penned by the same artist, Will Dyson, the

change in attitude towards the women is significant. Here, another solitary figure is

portrayed, but as a frail skeleton. Its stooped shoulders suggest an air of resignation,

as the bony frame connotes futility - the idea of there being no end in sight for the

suffragette movement. The cartoon essentially criticises the suffragette’s actions as

being in vain – similar to the depiction of force-feeding in the previous cartoon.

Unlike the Punch cartoon, for which victory has resulted in a masculine woman

figure, here the figure is portrayed as ultimately feminine. From the long dress, and

inappropriately high heels for such walking, it is a sharp reminder of their low status

within society due to their gender. Again, similar to The Daily Herald’s ‘For what we

are about to receive…’ cartoon, there is an underlying allusion to God through the

presence of a church in the background. Perhaps this is a miniature symbol of a

religious advocating towards their cause. Its caption, ‘The New Advocate’, is intended

to be ironic, given the old bones of the figure, suggesting The Daily Herald to be

labeling the movement as past its time. It is important to remember however, that the

cartoons do not necessarily illustrate Dyson’s own views on the suffragette

movement. Instead they act to chart society’s mix of attitudes towards the women.

The  Nation’s  Newspapers  

The British press as a medium was incredibly influential in swaying public opinion on

the suffragettes. As expected, the Anti-Suffrage press were quick to express their own

views on the movement. The Women’s Anti-Suffrage League launched the Anti-

                                                                                                               89 Will Dyson, ‘The New Advocate’, The Daily Herald (11 June 1913), The British Cartoon Archive - ref. no: WDN0046

120061037     le12020  

33  

Suffrage Review in December 1908, which ran until 1918. The pamphlet “denounced

the behaviour of the suffragettes for their unfemininity, violence, sexual deviance,

hysteria, unnaturalness and threat to other women she represented as exposing women

to ridicule and insult”.90 In its heyday it had over 9000 subscriptions, suggesting it to

have substantial influence. Their attitude towards the suffragettes is as expected, and

one particularly good example of their views is through an article titled ‘The

Sophistries of Suffragettism’, published February 1914 (see fig. 12).91

Written by Arch. Gibbs, the article ultimately criticises the movement, accusing them

of “falsehoods and sophistries”.92 His tone is derisive and withering towards their

actions, accusing them of possessing a “jargon which is quite their own, and in which

terms bear no kind of relation to their general connotation”.93 Thus, he argues:

“to break a window is said to be ‘sending a message’, a wretch who slashes a man across the face with a dog-whip is states to have ‘interviewed’ him, while a fiend in human shape who hurls a hatchet into a carriage filled with people is declared to have ‘symbolically dropped’ it”.94

By referring to the suffragettes collectively as ‘wretches’ and ‘fiends’, Arch. Gibbs

therefore declares them to be somewhat sub-human, considering their actions to be

against human nature as they often endanger others. The alliteration of “hurls a

hatchet” increases the violence of the action, as the verb itself connotes the idea of

impulse, suggesting the suffragettes to lack any consideration towards the

consequences of their “criminal lunacy”.95

                                                                                                               90 ‘Anti-Suffrage’, The Suffragettes <http://www.thesuffragettes.org/history/anti-suffrage/> [last accessed: 22/04/15] 91 ‘The Sophistries of Suffragettism’, Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914) Box 133, LSE Women’s Library 92 Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914) 93 Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914) 94 Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914) 95 Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914)

120061037     le12020  

34  

Although these views may seem a tad extreme in hindsight to the modern reader, it

was an opinion shared by many across Britain. The Sheffield Daily Independent

declared the suffragettes to be using “childish tactics” and responsible for “laughable

incidents” in one headline (see fig. 13), whilst the Yorkshire Telegraph dedicated a

double page spread to the mocked “Modern Martyrs” (see fig. 14).96 The coverage,

resonating of Hogarth’s A Harlot’s Progress as it depicts the suffragettes’ own

downfall, acts as a timeline of events. First it begins with the “drive from the

Westminster Police Courts”, describing the smashing of windows on arrival, before

ending with “two months’ imprisonment”. 97 The Yorkshire Telegraph’s closing

remark, “Two months’ imprisonment each should satisfy even their fierce craving

martyrdom”, suggests the pair (Mrs. Marie Leigh and Miss Edith New) to be

deserving of their punishment, and echoes back to the similar contemptuous attitude

of ‘learning a lesson’ that the Macleod sisters exhibited in their recount of Sylvia

Pankhurst.98 The use of the word “craving” is significant as it expresses the notion of

greed and intense desire. It also contradicts the “martyrdom” which they seek:

something that is achieved, predominantly on the grounds of selflessness.99

The recognisable mocking tones of the press return with gusto within this article, as

the image captions suggest the paper’s viewpoint towards the movement to be

disparaging - the sarcastic third caption in particular exemplifies its opinion:

                                                                                                               96 The Sheffield Daily Independent, (14 Feb 1908), LSE Women’s Library: Box FL936 Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908) LSE Women’s Library: Box FL936 97 Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908) 98 Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908) Macleod, ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, Women’s Writing of the First World War 99 Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908)

120061037     le12020  

35  

“The noise of the glazier putting in fresh panes of glass in the windows of 10, Downing Street, broken by the Suffragettes, disturbed the Premier’s slumbers early yesterday. The fact is hardly likely to prejudice him in favour of ‘Votes for Women’.100

Again, it is the militant tactics that the suffrage movement employs that are subject to

condemnation and scorn. The aim of the movement itself - the enfranchisement of

women - is scarcely mentioned in the press. Thus my earlier musing on the

significance of the abrupt drop in ‘suffragette’ press coverage as Britain entered the

war is explained. The war essentially signaled an end to the militancy, as they instead

used their own newspapers and publications – including The Women’s Dreadnought

and the Britannia - to replace the propaganda of actions. Consequently it became a

campaign of words – as explored in Chapter One - effectively “developing a

multifaceted female public identity through the continued representation of women as

political actors within their pages” and “promoting a model of tactical cooperation

between readers and government”.101

Postcard  Propaganda  

Similar to cartoons, the use of postcards also offers us an insight into the attitudes

towards the suffragette movement at the time. As Norman Watson argues, “pictorial

representations became a powerful instrument in winning sympathy to the women’s

cause, as well as fuelling opposition against the movement”.102 By examining a

sample of postcards, I determined there were four main entrenched visual themes -

pro-suffrage, women portrayed as animals, the stereotypical female, and the inversion

of gender roles - thus I have divided my analysis as such.

                                                                                                               100 Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908) 101 Tusan, Women Making News: Gender and Journalism in Modern Britain, pp.187/191 102 Norman Watson, ’Text and Imagery in Suffrage Propaganda’, <http://www.scottishwordimage.org/debatingdifference/WATSON.pdf> [last accessed 23/04/15], p.16

120061037     le12020  

36  

The first group of pro-suffrage postcards (see figs. 15-20) are mostly the product of

the ‘Artists’ Suffrage League’.103 This was an organisation made up of professional

women artists, set up in 1907, with a vision to change parliamentary opinion and

engage with positive propaganda. Figures 15, 16 and 17 all employ stark black and

white tones in an attempt to emphasise the somberness of the issues at hand, whilst

also alluding to the idea of society being faced with a black and white choice in

regards to votes for women. Figure 15 uses capitals to emphasise the overall

reasoning for their injustice of being “left penniless”: “BECAUSE YOU ARE

WOMEN”, whilst also focusing on the younger generation of ladies to gain initial

support.104 Figure 16 meanwhile, continues the trend of illustrating the stalk truth and

holes within the law as it features Mr. John Burns, an MP at the time, delivering the

statement “mothers don’t count as parents”, as the focus on a woman’s lack of rights

within government aims to make the reader question why.105

Figure 17 is possibly the most disturbing of the illustrations, depicting a woman

hunched over in resignation, much like the skeletal figure in The Daily Herald

cartoon, with her hands in clasped in prayer.106 Here, black and white represents the

fine line between life and death and the personified figure of ‘Starvation’ leans over

her ominously, as the caption wryly reads: “Waiting for a living wage”. The border of

chains that encapsulates the image reflects the inescapable situation that the

                                                                                                               103 Postcard Box 2/Cartoon, LSE Women’s Library - n.b. all further references to postcards are sourced from LSE Women’s Library 104 ‘Because you are women’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon 105 ‘Rights of Women’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon Italics used for emphasis 106 ‘Waiting for Living Wage’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon

120061037     le12020  

37  

suffragette has entered, as she remains chained to her purpose, until death if

necessary.

Figure 18 and 19 are similar, both featuring saintly figures with their arms outreached

in a mixed gesture of defiance and welcome. Figure 18 consciously employs the

W.S.P.U.’s colours of purple for dignity, white for purity; and green for hope, as the

woman’s open arms and position within an open window frame literally illustrates its

caption: “To open the eyes”.107 Here, it figuratively urges society to approach the

movement with an open mind. The accompanying words “to bring the prisoner out of

captivity” is both a literal reference to the imprisoned suffragettes and a metaphorical

one in regards to the entire female population and their restrictions within society due

to a lack of enfranchisement. The use of the word “conquer” in particular connotes the

idea of an unwavering struggle, suggesting this to be a long-fought battle between

sexes and one that is unafraid to be violent and seize power.

Figure 19 chooses to use the colour blue, suggesting trust, honesty and loyalty - all

traits that the suffrage community would want to be associated with.108 The central

female figure holds a simple banner stating their demands: “We want the vote to stop

the white slave traffic, sweated labour, and to save the children”. Its words are a

reminder of Sylvia Pankhurst’s continuous advocation for working class women’s

rights, in particular echoing the infamous ‘Sweating Scandal’ article. The background

is filled with distressed women of all ages, clustering around the saintly figure,

suggesting this to be generation-wide issue whose only answer is a belief in the

movement.

                                                                                                               107 ‘In this sign conquer’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon 108 ‘The Appeal of Womanhood’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon

120061037     le12020  

38  

The next grouped theme, of women being likened to hissy geese, can be seen within

Figures 20 and 21. Women involved in the suffragette movement were often

portrayed as geese - its intended connotations obvious. Christabel in particular was

often seen as the driving force, illustrated in Figure 21 as ‘Miss Hissy’.109 Mocking

their intentions was a frequent theme of anti-suffrage postcards, and here the ‘geese’

are shown to be intent on causing trouble, as their frustrated facial expressions

suggest. The act of leading a possession, as seen in Figure 20, suggests a lack of

independent thought and will within the movement, as the women are accused of

simply following the crowd.110 Both postcards feature background shades of green, a

nod towards the W.S.P.U. colours and a referral to nature, where the ‘geese’ belong.

The arrows on ‘Miss Hissy’s’ body suggests the suffragette movement to be lacking

direction, as the captions scornfully play on their campaign jargon: “Miss Hissy

addresses a meeting of the Goose’s Social and Political Union… Is it a question of

gander - I mean gender - to stand between us and the vote?”.111 Again, the word

“gander” connotes the idea of no direction and aimlessness.

In the third themed group of postcards, which exploited the female stereotype, women

were often caricatured as ugly, hysterical, manly or incompetent (see figs. 22-24).

Figure 22 tries to evoke humour as the women literally ‘Stand Up’ on chairs in fear of

a mouse, as opposed to ‘Women’s Rights’.112 A similar hysterical facial expression is

also seen within Figure 23, suggesting women to not be taking their desire for the vote

                                                                                                               109 ‘Miss Hissy’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon 110 ‘Suffragettes going to Parliament’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon 111 ‘Miss Hissy’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon 112 ‘Stand Up for Women’s Rights’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon

120061037     le12020  

39  

seriously.113 Instead it is portrayed as an idea born of a mad woman, ugly and

bucktoothed in a drab dress, waving her arms in hysteria – thus undermining the

movement as a whole and labeling the entire group as ‘hysterical’. Although many of

these postcards were not intentionally anti-suffrage, they were unconsciously

prejudiced and anti-feminist – and, of course, women who objected to the images

were accused of having no sense of humour.114 Figure 24 however is the ultimate

embodiment of a sexist jeer towards the suffrage movement.115 As Mrs. Jones rushes

to save the cake she left in the oven, an illustrated string of chaos is left in her path,

indicating the believed outcome if women were to gain the vote: a society of mayhem

and disorder. Her priorities also suggest the suffrage movement to be a temporary

desire, a fleeting fancy, or a trendy fad to get involved with, implying the suffragettes

to not have considered the long term responsibility that comes with the act of voting -

therefore portraying them as essentially unworthy of the vote.

The stereotyping of gender continues through our next themed collection of postcards

(see figs. 25-27), which promote the idea that gaining the vote would mean the tearing

apart of family life. Postcards in this catergory regularly portrayed domestic strife,

hen-pecked husbands and the consequences of women abandoning the home simply

because they were able to vote. To this end, Watson argues, “anti-suffragists drew

heavily on the Victorian ideology of separate gendered spheres and claimed votes for

women would prove a disaster for families”.116 Figures 25 and 26 depict similar

scenes of a domestic home turned upside down, as the man takes the woman’s place

as a result of her involvement with the suffrage campaign. Here, an underlying

                                                                                                               113 ‘A Perfect Woman’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon 114 Watson, ’Text and Imagery in Suffrage Propaganda’ 115 ‘Votes for Women’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon 116 Watson, ’Text and Imagery in Suffrage Propaganda’

120061037     le12020  

40  

warning to husbands across Britain is clear as they consciously attack a man’s pride.

Both men are wearing an apron, indicating their new domesticated role within the

family. Figure 26 in particular is interesting.117 The room’s purple and green decor

alludes again the W.S.P.U., making its subject instantly recognisable, whilst the

woman depicted is unusually feminine in a floral dress - perhaps making the man’s

situation even more laughable, as he kneels on the floor to physically indicate his

new, lower status within the household. The Edwardian gender roles have switched,

clearly shown through her pinching his ear and wagging her finger in mock

annoyance. Figure 27 is especially condemning, accusing women involved in the

suffrage movement to be hypocrites.118 As opposed to channeling the ‘Down with

Men’ attitude that is scrawled upon their placards, the image instead portrays them as

literally ‘downing’ their placards to engage in illicit trysts, hidden from society by a

tree, with the very men they declare as “tyrants”.

Committed to their cause, picture propaganda such as the cartoons and postcards

explored, acted to make the public aware of the existence of the movement and to

demythologise the suffragettes, as demonstrated through Figures 9-19 and 15-19.

Conversely, the misrepresentation within some illustrations damaged the suffrage

cause, making women appear much worse to the public than they really were, as

depicted through the latter collections of postcards, and ‘The New Advocate’ cartoon

in The Daily Herald. This, coupled with the negative perceptions gained from the

press, often skewed public opinion, as demonstrated by the Macleod sisters’

condemning account of Sylvia Pankhurst. From hissy geese to the warnings of

inverted gender roles, it was an obstacle that prevented people from taking the

                                                                                                               117 ‘I’ve suffered ever since!’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon 118 ‘Rest for the Weary’, Postcard Box 2/Cartoon

120061037     le12020  

41  

movement seriously – few would believe that the hysterical, shrieking creatures of the

illustrators actually had arguments worth listening to.

                                                     

120061037     le12020  

42  

Conclusion  

Examining both the representations of the Pankhurst family through their own

publications, and the contemporary reactions of the time towards the women and the

suffrage movement, has highlighted the fickleness of attitudes during this period. In

regards to contemporary reactions, it leans towards a generally negative view of the

movement, often declared as futilely selfish given the tragic situation of war. Sylvia is

seen to bear the brunt of both the public and media’s criticism as she gallantly

continues to strive for female enfranchisement, now tied with calls for peace and a

responsibility to those in the East End who had fought alongside the E.L.F.S. in their

battle for equality. Now, the battle that faces them is one between starvation and rent,

as Sylvia herself pledged to “strive to mitigate for them the burden of war”.119

In comparison, Christabel’s obstinate demands for munitions workers, despite the

dangerous conditions highlighted by her own sister, and the W.S.P.U’s recruiting

campaigns, complete with white feathers, seem abhorrent. But it is again important to

remember that this shock from us, the modern reader, is coupled with hindsight of the

generation lost between 1914-18. The public opinion of the period indeed would have

echoed such patriotism, as exemplified by the crude, mocking illustrations and

scornful press reports within Chapter Two. However, what is gained from this

exploration is a deeper understanding of their agendas.

Both sisters, through their respective newspapers, voice undeniable passion and

determination towards the fight for female enfranchisement. Yes, both situate

                                                                                                               119 Pankhurst, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals, p.592

120061037     le12020  

43  

themselves at opposing ends of the spectrum - Sylvia, the revolutionary pacifist and

Christabel, the unwavering patriot - but both possess an unyielding desire to achieve

something momentous in the fight for women’s suffrage. The day the third Bill passed

on December 7th, 1917 signaled this very achievement. The war, as proved

throughout this dissertation, was undoubtedly the altering change: providing a

necessary platform to demonstrate that not only could women successfully contribute

to society, but also to enable women to earn the vote that they believed to be

rightfully theirs.

120061037     le12020  

44  

Appendix  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fig. 1 – A letter from Sylvia Pankhurst describing being force-fed, 1913/320, Women’s Library, LSE - ILP/4/1913/286-325  

 

120061037     le12020  

45  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fig. 2 – Advertisement of a ‘Cost-Price Restaurant’, The Women’s Dreadnought,

5 Sept 1914, Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

120061037     le12020  

46  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fig. 3 – ‘Victims of War’, The Women’s Dreadnought, 12 Dec 1914 Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

120061037     le12020  

47  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fig. 4 – ‘Conscription’, The Women’s Dreadnought, 1 Jan 1916 Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)  

 

 

 

 

120061037     le12020  

48  

 

Fig. 5 – Cover pages of Britannia, 15 Oct 1915 and 3 Dec 1915 Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)  

 

120061037     le12020  

49  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fig. 6 – Recruitment advertisement: ‘Every girl will do her duty’, Britannia (22 Oct 1915), Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)

120061037     le12020  

50  

Fig. 7 - Notice: ‘W.S.P.U. removing to West End’, Britannia, (15 Oct 1915) Women’s Library, LSE (microfilm)

120061037     le12020  

51  

             

Fig. 8 – ‘Appeal for Help’, The Times, [London, England] 25 Aug. 1914: 9. The Times Digital Archive [last accessed 02.05.2015]

                               

120061037     le12020  

52  

 

 

                                                       Fig. 9 – Bernard Partridge, ‘At Last’, Punch (Jan 23, 1918) Women’s Library, LSE - Ref No: TWL.2002.222

120061037     le12020  

53  

                                                                 Fig. 10 – Will Dyson ‘For what you are about to receive…’, The Daily Herald (May 24, 1913) – The British Cartoon Archive, WDN0109

                           

120061037     le12020  

54  

Fig. 11 – Will Dyson ‘The New Advocate’, The Daily Herald (June 11, 1913) – The British Cartoon Archive, WDN0046

120061037     le12020  

55  

 

                                                           Fig. 12 – Arch. Gibbs, ‘The Sophistries of Suffragettism’, The Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914) - Box 133, Fawcault Library via LSE Women’s Library

120061037     le12020  

56  

                                                             Fig. 13 – ‘Childish Tactics’, The Sheffield Daily Telegraph (Feb 14, 1914) - Box FL636 via LSE Women’s Library                    

120061037     le12020  

57  

                                                                                       Fig. 14 – ‘Our Magazine’, The Yorkshire Telegraph and Star (July 2, 1908) - Box FL636 via LSE Women’s Library

120061037     le12020  

58  

                                                                   Fig. 15 – Postcard: ‘Because you are women’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

120061037     le12020  

59  

      Fig. 16 – Postcard: ‘Rights of Women’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library                    

120061037     le12020  

60  

                                                                  Fig. 17 – Postcard: ‘Waiting for a living wage’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

120061037     le12020  

61  

                                                                       Fig. 18 – Postcard: ‘In this sign conquer’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library                      

120061037     le12020  

62  

                                                               Fig. 19 – Postcard: ‘The Appeal of Womanhood’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library                              

120061037     le12020  

63  

             

   Fig. 20 – Postcard: ‘Suffragettes going to Parliament’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library                                    

120061037     le12020  

64  

       

   Fig. 21 – Postcard: ‘Miss Hissy’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library                                          

120061037     le12020  

65  

                                                                 Fig. 22 – Postcard: ‘Stand up for Women’s Rights’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library

120061037     le12020  

66  

                                                         Fig. 23 – Postcard: ‘A Perfect Woman…’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library                                

120061037     le12020  

67  

     

   Fig. 24 – Postcard: ‘Votes for Women’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library                                        

120061037     le12020  

68  

                                                  Fig. 25 – Postcard: ‘So your wife the suffragette?’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library                          

120061037     le12020  

69  

                                  Fig. 26 – Postcard: ‘I’ve suffered ever since!’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library                          

120061037     le12020  

70  

                                                                   Fig. 27 – Postcard: ‘Rest for the Weary’ Postcard Box 2/Cartoons via LSE Women’s Library                          

120061037     le12020  

71  

Bibliography    

 ‘Anti-Suffrage’, The Suffragettes <http://www.thesuffragettes.org/history/anti-suffrage/> [last accessed: 22/04/15] ‘At Last!’, Punch (28 Jan 1918) LSE Women’s Library - ref. no: TWL.2002.222 Britannia, ed. by Christabel Pankhurst (LSE Women’s Library) ‘British Feminism in the Twentieth Century’, ed. by Harold Smith (Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press, 1990) British Newspaper Archive, <http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk> [last accessed 02.05.15] ‘Called to Active Service…’, Parliamentary Archives, <http://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/parliamentary-archives/archives highlights/archives-ww1-conscription/> [last accessed 29/04/15] Dyson, Will, ’For what you are about to receive…’, The Daily Herald (24 May 1913) The British Cartoon Archive - ref. no: WDN0109 Dyson, Will, ’The New Advocate’, The Daily Herald (11 June 1913) The British Cartoon Archive - ref. no: WDN0046 ‘How To Be Useful In War Time’ (25 Aug 1914), The Times Digital Archive [last accessed 02.05.2015] Letter from Sylvia Pankhurst, (1913/320, ILP/4/1913/286-325) LSE Women’s Library Macleod, Elizabeth A. and Mary L., ‘On Sylvia Pankhurst’, Women’s Writing of the First World War: An Anthology, ed. by Angela K. Smith (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000) pp.85-87 ‘Munition Workers Hours’, House of Lords debate, 30 March 1916 (vol 21, cc576-80) <http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1916/mar/30/munition-workers-hours> [last accessed 26/03/15] Oxford English Dictionary Online, ‘dreadnought’, <http://0www.oed.com.catalogue.ulrls.lon.ac.uk/view/Entry/57596?redirectedFrom=d readnought#eid> [last accessed 26/03/15] Pankhurst, E. Sylvia, The Suffrage Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals (London: Virago History, 1972) Postcard Box 2/Cartoon, LSE Women’s Library

120061037     le12020  

72  

Smith, Angela K., ’The Pankhursts and the War: Suffrage Magazines and First World War Propaganda’ (2003), Women’s History Review, 12:1, pp.103-118 Smith, Harold L., The British Women’s Suffrage Campaign 1866-1928 (London: Longman, 1998) The Sheffield Daily Independent (14 Feb 1908), Box FL936, LSE Women’s Library ‘The Sophistries of Suffragettism’, Anti-Suffrage Review (Feb 1914) Box 133, LSE Women’s Library The Women’s Dreadnought, ed. by E. Sylvia Pankhurst (LSE Women’s Library) Tusan, Michelle Elizabeth, Women Making News: Gender and Journalism in Modern Britain, (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2005) Van Wingerden, Sophie A., The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Britain, 1866-1928 (London: Macmillan Press, 2003) Watson, Norman, ‘Text and Imagery in Suffrage Propaganda’, <http://www.scottishwordimage.org/debatingdifference/WATSON.pdf> [last accessed 23/04/15] Women’s Writing in the First World War: An Anthology, ed. by Angela K. Smith (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000) Yorkshire Telegraph and Star, (2 July 1908) Box FL936, LSE Women’s Library