eye on municipal democracy
TRANSCRIPT
26 / OGRA MILESTONES WINTER ISSUE
On October 27th, Ontarians went to
the polls to elect their municipal
governments. Whether they live in
large urban centres, remote northern
communities, or midsized rural towns,
all were eligible to cast a ballot for a
representative within their community
– not some legislature in a faraway
land. For this reason, municipal
elections take on a life of their own;
the focus is directed internally rather
than externally.
In federal and provincial elections,
there are party leaders that the entire
country or province is watching and
whom usually determine how voters
will cast their ballots at the riding
level. A leader can single handedly win
or lose an election (see: Jack Layton)
for everyone running under the party
banner. However, at the municipal
level there is a smorgasbord of
candidates running at the ward and
city/town/township levels and the
affi liations between mayoral and
council candidates are much looser.
Th e result is a bunch of candidates
that the general electorate has likely
never heard of.
Outside major urban centres such as
Toronto and Ottawa, the media
coverage is quite limited. Other than
smaller local media outlets, the
mainstream media has neither the
time nor appetite to report on the
various races happening all over the
province. Residents of smaller
municipalities are more likely to know
the issues and candidates in the
Toronto election than their own –
solely as a result of the coverage that
particular election receives on
provincial and national level news
cycles. To receive information on
municipal elections one must either be
incredibly engaged in municipal
governance or receive the majority of
news from local media outlets.
Th is concoction of internally focused
races, lack of candidate name
recognition, and limited media
coverage of local races typically results
in two signifi cant things: a major
advantage for incumbents, and an
extremely low voter turnout. It is
imperative to address these issues in
order to cure our ailing democracy.
EYE ON MUNICIPAL DEMOCRACY
By Th omas Barakat, OGRA Policy Advisor
OGRA MILESTONES WINTER ISSUE / 27
180 Ram Forest Road,Gormley, OntarioL0H 1G0
Ph. 905.727.3948Cel. 416.678.2215Fax. 1.888.785.6607
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w.lecol.com
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.lecol.com
The Incumbent Advantage
Barring some sort of major scandal,
incumbents at all levels of politics
normally have an advantage over
newcomers. Campaigns are much
easier for incumbents, as they’ve had
at least four years to build up political
contacts, secure fi nancial backers, and
mobilize a team of support staff . Th e
experience of having gone through and
won an election is not to be
underestimated.
One factor which is amplifi ed at the
municipal level is name recognition.
Incumbents have enjoyed at least four
years of local media coverage,
exposure at community events, and
face-to-face interaction with
constituents. Although the same can
be said for incumbents at all levels of
government, newcomers face a much
larger hurdle at the municipal level.
Th ere is no party providing campaign
support, exposure through a party
leader, or brand that voters recognize.
It is up to each individual to defi ne
themselves and communicate their
ideas to voters. However, this can be
diffi cult in municipal elections as
citizens are generally less engaged at
the municipal level and many do not
even bother to vote – this will be
discussed further below. Lower voter
turnout also generally benefi ts the
incumbent as he/she likely has a base
of support as well as an idea of who to
mobilize in “get out the vote”
initiatives on Election Day.
Name recognition is so valuable in
municipal elections that even being a
member of an incumbent’s family is an
advantage. For example, in
Mississauga’s Ward 8, Matt Mahoney
was recently elected as a newcomer
with 43.89% of the vote. Th is is likely
because Mahoney’s father Steve held
the ward from 1978-1987 as well as
his mother Katie since 1992. Th e
Mahoney “brand” is strong in the ward
and many can’t recall the last time a
councillor without that name
represented them.
Th e most successful municipal
newcomers are those which have
established their own brand prior to
becoming a candidate. Th is could be
done by leaving another level of
government and running at the
municipal level just as Linda Jeff rey
did by resigning from the provincial
cabinet and running for the mayoralty
in Brampton. Newly-elected Toronto
Ward 20 Councillor Joe Cressy is
another case. He was not even elected
at the federal level but fought a
by-election as an NDP candidate for
the Trinity-Spadina riding against
former Toronto city councillor Adam
Vaughan. He lost the by-election, but
gained tremendous media exposure
and won the city councillor position
with 42% of the vote.
Being an incumbent doesn’t guarantee
re-election, as many were defeated this
time around. However, to deny that
there is no advantage to incumbency is
ridiculous. How can newcomers
challenge the incumbent advantage?
Other than parachuting into a race
with a well-known brand, newcomers
must be well-supported and have a
good ground game. Solid support
consists of a team of volunteers who
can help spread ideas and take care of
tasks that allow the candidate to be
out in neighbourhoods knocking on
doors. Th ese volunteers could also play
an essential component in “get out the
vote” initiatives.
As a result of the lack of media
coverage, the ground game becomes
vital in municipal election campaigns.
28 / OGRA MILESTONES WINTER ISSUE
When candidates canvass
communities to talk to constituents
they are building relationships with
potential voters. Many are simply
pleased that someone is paying
attention to their individual concerns.
Th ey are then able to put a personality
and face behind the name on the
ballot.
Th is basic door-to-door style of
campaigning is also eff ective in
mobilizing citizens who traditionally
do not vote. In Toronto, the Ford
brothers proved that pursuing this
type of strategy can work. In the case
of the Ford brothers it also resulted in
a very loyal base of supporters –
individuals who felt disenfranchised
by the system but felt re-enfranchised
by these anti-establishment
candidates who listened to their
issues.
Voter Turnout
Unfortunately, the number of people
staying home on election night
remains far too high. Th e average voter
turnout in this year’s elections was a
measly 43.12%. Th e variance between
jurisdictions was massive: the highest
turnout was 86.63% while the lowest
was 10%. Can a mayor and council
even claim legitimacy at 10%?
Why are citizens not exercising their
right to vote? Th ere’s a myriad of
reasons provided by scholars,
journalists, politicians, citizens, and
activists. Other than the lack of media
coverage surrounding municipal
elections, there are a few which are
fairly obvious. Many believe their vote
will not make a diff erence and that
nothing will change regardless of who
is elected. Th is group of people is fairly
diverse and spans diff erent socio-
economic classes.
In some municipalities, the race is just
not exciting. Th is could be because the
mayor is just so eff ective at their job
that everyone knows they will win by a
landslide (see: Hazel McCallion).
Conversely, there is a common
misperception perpetuated by 24/7
news media in search of ratings: that
all politicians are corrupt. Exposing
scandals is an easy way to guarantee
people will tune in to political news in
an era where many simply do not care
about the work governments do.
However, there isn’t a balance between
the airtime given to scandals when
OGRA MILESTONES WINTER ISSUE / 29
compared to the good work done by
governments.
Others are simply turned off by the
way government is run. Even if they
are generally interested in certain
issues, they may watch their council in
session and witness the childish and
petty antics which sometimes prevail
between certain individuals and decide
it’s a waste of time. Th is type of
response is a result of the disconnect
between how citizens expect their
politicians to act versus how they
actually act. However, politicians
should not always be blamed for this.
Perhaps citizens should change the
way they expect their representatives
to act.
Politics is a unique domain in and of
itself – no other line of work is
remotely similar. Yet many expect
their politicians to behave like others
in diff erent industries. Is it fair to
assume that a doctor should act like a
businessperson? Th en why is it
expected that politicians do so?
Politics is a battle for power, a blood
sport – except the residents of Canada
have it so well that no blood is actually
drawn. In other places across the
world, many are not as lucky.
Consequently, politicians will always
attempt to gain the upper hand
against their opponents as the nature
of the fi eld is to gain and maintain
power. However, there are always
exceptions. Some politicians choose to
act like juvenile delinquents and these
are the individuals making the 6:00
pm news for their antics and
continuously turning people off from
politics. No citizen should have to put
up with this type of politician.
Solutions
Th ere is no panacea which would
address both the incumbent advantage
and low voter turnout; however, there
are several options which could alter
the way the municipal political sphere
is operated.
Party System: Th e Ontario Municipal
Elections Act does not permit the
formation of parties to fi eld
candidates in municipal elections.
However, in other jurisdictions
including Vancouver, Montreal, New
York, Tokyo, Stockholm, Rome, Berlin,
and London, political parties exist at
the municipal level. Advocates for a
party system argue that parties would
help focus the issues during a
campaign and make elections in
individual wards less about a
particular pothole or a broken
streetlight and more about a broad
vision. Th ey also argue that political
parties generally drive people to vote
as they provide an organizational
structure to maintain membership
lists, identify the vote, organize
volunteers and provide a base of
people to knock on doors, canvass, and
get out the vote on Election Day.
Parties also provide voters with a clear
way of determining where a politician
stands on an issue. Critics argue that
splitting councillors into opposing
“teams” discourages them from
working together. In the provincial
and federal governments, the
opposition’s duty is to take the
contrary position, whereas at the
municipal level, they must fi nd a way
to work together.
Municipal Term Limits: Th ere are
currently no restrictions to the
number of terms a mayor or councillor
may run in. Some argue that setting
term limits would ensure that new
ideas and fresh perspectives would
fi nd their way into municipal councils
while simultaneously reducing the
incumbent advantage and increasing
voter turnout. Cities with term limits
include New York, Los Angeles,
Houston, and San Diego. Critics of
such a scheme respond by arguing that
term limits reduce accountability as
those facing their limit would not have
to face voters again. Furthermore,
legislative positions on city councils
are well-served by members who are
experienced.
continued on page 34
34 / OGRA MILESTONES WINTER ISSUE
Governance, bureaucracy, and politics
can be confusing and there is great
value in having experienced
individuals guide newer politicians –
as well as the public – through issues.
Ranked Ballot Electoral System: Th e
current fi rst-past-the-post system
overcompensates winners and
undercompensates winners. Th e result
is widespread civic disengagement as
many believe their voices are being
shut out by the democratic system.
Under a ranked ballot system, the
candidate would need to secure a
minimum of 50% of the vote.
Campaigning would change
dramatically under a ranked ballot
system as candidates would not want
to alienate voters who would
potentially rank them second on their
ballot. Th is would discourage
candidates from running negative
campaigns – especially against
candidates who share similar views.
Cities which currently utilize a form of
ranked balloting include San
Francisco, Oakland, Minneapolis,
Saint Paul, and London. Critics of
ranked balloting argue that it will
further encourage brokerage politics
as candidates will be forced to water
down their platforms in an attempt to
appeal to more voters.
Mandatory Voting: Mandatory voting
would simply solve the problem of low
voter turnout, but it would not
necessarily solve the root causes of
why citizens choose not to exercise
their right to vote. However, it would
eliminate many of the negatives
associated with turnout-based politics.
In Australia and Singapore, voting at
the national level is mandatory.
Proponents of mandatory voting argue
that it would force the majority into
actually learning the issues and voting
for the candidate whom best
represents them. Critics argue that
forcing people to vote would do the
opposite, and would result in a bunch
of “ignorant” people voting only
because they have to, without learning
the issues and positions of candidates.
Electronic Voting: Electronic voting
has the potential to render the voting
process easier and more accessible to
voters. It could give voters the option
of voting at times convenient to them,
help encourage young people to vote,
and produce faster and more accurate
election results. Th ese factors would
likely have a positive impact on overall
voter turnout. However, there are a
number of drawbacks to electronic
voting, namely security. If the public’s
perception is that the system isn’t
secure, it could aff ect the legitimacy of
elections which would have the
opposite eff ect on voter turnout. A
number of municipal governments
have already adopted a form of
electronic voting including
Leamington, Markham, and Ajax.
Th ere are many diff erent options that
Ontario’s municipalities have to try
and cure their ailing democracy. Some
are moving quicker than others in
adopting some of the above-
mentioned solutions. Th e cost of doing
nothing is too high. For this, it is
important to encourage citizens to run
for local offi ce by leveling the playing
fi eld against incumbents. Th e longer-
term goal should be to get more
citizens excited and engaged in
municipal government so they take
fi ve minutes to show up to vote once
every four years.
continued from page 29