.~,

__ lIlI,d"'1llF-as, the Cradle, the CrossThe Christ'mas is 'm,OTe the Cl'adle than the Cross. With 'its

prox'imity to the l.VeUJ Year, Christmas and its Cradle suggest birth and-rebirth, the precocious hopes of a 1Le1U beginning, the seed-time oftomorrOIV. In the lovelYlvords the Benedictus, the birthday of Christhas always been "the dayspring on high . .. to give light to them thatsit in dar-kness, ... to guide ou'r' feet into the way of peace."

Yet the Ct·oss has never been far f'rorn the Cradle, as March is neverfar from Decembe'l", as the tragedy of Golgotha twas only thirty-three yearsfrom the beauty of Bethlehem. Implicit in every birth is death, harbored inevery hope is the threat of despairr, ovel"hanging every cradle is a cross.The meaning of life must al1vays be found 'within the polar extremes ofgood and evil.

So it is over A merica, the cradle of freedom, Hthe last, best hope ofearth," that the Cross of judgment broods, disturbing her conscience, con­fronting her 'with the 'mandate, HLive as free men u'Vl,der God, or else! ... "Always implicit in freedom is the loss of it. It takes no great span tochange free men into slaves.

And yet it 'was only three days fro1r~ the Cross of Christ to the Cradleof Hope again, and the Cross itself was transformed into the symbol ofhope. The Cross itself became a new Cradle. If it takes danger to makemen alert, the threat of loss to lead men to find themselves, then the chal­lenge of the Cross over a dying civilization can rouse it to life again. TheCross can become OUR Cradle.

Indeed, it is only 'Loith the deep meanings symbolized by the Cross ­the sacrificial love, the conviction, the redeeming will- that there can bea real Christmas of renewing hope and a fresh birth of freedom. Then theCross and the Cradle together beco'me Htke dayspring frotn on high . .. togive light to them that sit in darkness. ... "

~#~

FAITH AND FREEDOIVI is published by Spir­itual Mobilization, a national nonprofit, non­partisan, nonsectarian organization foundedin 1935. James C. Ingebretsen, President.James W. Fifield, Jr., ChairIllan.

SUBSCRIPTIONS: sent without charge tothose who ask for it. If you wish to pay foryour subscription, a $5 con tribu tion covers alittle lllore than cost; a contribution over $5pays for subscriptions for libraries, clergylllen,students and those not able to pay for theirsubscriptions.

EXTRA COPIES: 25c each up to ten; 20c eachover ten. Introductory copies win be sent freeto those you suggest. Should you suggest one

or more, we would appreciate a contributionto cover the cost of Illailing.

GIFT SUBSCRIPTIONS: sent with an ap­propriate card telling the recipient of yourthoughtfulness. Just send us the naInes andaddresses with an appropriate contribution.

CHANGE OF ADDRESS: be sure to give yourcomplete forITler address (print or type,please).

STAFF: The Hey. Edward W. Greenfield, Ed­itor; C. C. Johnston, Business Manager.

Published by Spiritual l\'lobilization fronlsix to eight times a year, at Carnpbell House,P.O. Box 877, San Jacinto, California. Copy­right 1958. All rights reserved.

Vol. IX., No.2 1958-59

BUSINESSMEN IN THE BALANCE· JAMES C. INGEBRETSEN

M1·. Ingebretsen is a Cong'regational layman and a deacon of his church.Several yea'NJ ago, he withdrew from his business interests and a partnership inone of the count'ry's noted law firms to become Spiritual Mobilization's president.

His extensi'L'e civic and 'religious activities have included the Presidency of HarborCommissioners for the Port of Los Angeles; and services as a Director of the RedCross, Cancer Society, Heart Association. and Y.M.C.A.

Occasionally a readerwill suggest that Spiri­tual Mobilization seems"to find sinners onlyamong labor organiza­tions" while ignoring"the sins of manage­ment." (See the new"Friends and Critics"correspondence columnin this issue.) Such crit­ics, more often than not,have only a friendly con­cern that Faith and Free­dom shall be a fair andhonest publication, as weourselves are sincerelytrying to make it.

Bias of the UnbiasedThe sins of man, in management or

out, are indeed many. But SpiritualMobilization exists not for the purposeof curing an the ins of the world, but ofapplying the moral values of freedomto institutions and ideas. As our editordeclares in his note of reply in the cor­respondence column, "Our job in Spirit­ual Mobilization is to judge the organ­izations of management, labor, govern­ment, religion, or others by their fruits."He goes on to point out that we makeno secret of, and offer no apology for,our bias "on the side of freedom underGod, which, among other things, in-

eludes free enterprise,"and he states that "wewill challenge threats tothese freedoms whereverthey appear."

We arethen, to evaluatezational ends and means,rather than persons,against the moral stand­ards which are inherentin our Judeo-Christianheritage. webelieve that there is anhonorable place in a freesociety for as~

sociations of craftsmenor other workers,ing the same status be-

fore the law as other privatetions, devoted to training,bargaining, and other services for will­ing members, and restrained, as areother groups, from interfering in anyway with the property, persons, or live­lihood of those who are not members. 1

We believe, further, that there arebasic moral differences in meanstween those organizations which

1 Readers who know of union officers ororganizers who advocate this useful unionismwould do us ,a favor by bringing their namesto our attention.

3

on voluntary acceptance in competitivemarkets to achieve their purposes, andthose which rely on threats, coercion,and compulsion.

And there are basic moral differ­ences in ends between the idea of poolingcapital, tools, and labor to produce goodsfor consumers, and the idea of poolingcoercive power to forcibly advance thespecial interests of some workersagainst their fellow workers. 2

The Real DifferenceIt is on the basis of these differences

that we have been outspoken against thepractices and privileges which charac­terize today's unions. In the light ofthese basic moral differences, it is diffi­cult to see how even the most personallyupright of union leaders can avoidcourting disaster for our free society ifthey continue to promote special-interestpractices of compulsion, coercion, andpolitical privilege. Equally threateningis the fact that there can be no economicjustification for these practices that isnot socialist in its implications, whetherunion leaders, or those who supportthem, know it or not.

The more intelligent do know it. TheReligion and Labor Foundation, Inc. isan organization financed largely bylabor unions, and boasts on its executiveboard the membership of a large num-

2 Organizers and officers of unions claim,and many others uncritically believe, that whenunions get for their members what they other­wise would not have received, this gain comesfrom the pockets of owners and investors whoare supposed to have wrongfully withheld itfrom the workers in the first place. However,statistical evidence is l'apidly accumulating toshow, and time will make crystal clear, thatthe monopoly-positioned and politically privi­leged union can gain little for its members thatdoes not come from other workers. Those wholose most are the ones forced into unemploy­ment by artifically high wage rates, and allworkers suffer as consumers. Insofar as politi­cal programs and inflationary fiscal policiesare resorted to in efforts to conceal the damagebeing done, those who are dependent uponfixed incomes or savings also suffer. Theseneglected truths will be dealt with at lengthin subsequent FAITH and FREEDOM articlesas a part of the series initiated in the LaborDay issue with the outline of ten moralstandards by which the problems of unionpower must be judged.

4

ber of America's best-known labor lead­ers and religious "social actionists." TheSeptember, 1958, issue of its Bulletincarries a biting review of a book whichought to be read, E. L. Dayton's WalterReuther: The Autocrat of the Bargain­ing Table (Devin-Adair, $4.50). Afterwarning his "unwary" readers to becareful of the book, "since there is muchof undoubted fact and absorbing in­terest between its covers," the reviewercontinues with this revealing conces­sion: "Occasionally there are genuineinsights, as when the author says: 'Onefact not clearly understood by contem­'poraries is that socialism and tradeunionism have come down the yearshand in hand. Both are products ofrevolt against capitalism'."

Not Personalities But PhilosophiesThus, the political ideas and powers

of a union leader such as WalterReuther, whose socialist leanings arewell documented in the book, are notmade less dangerous to freed am by thefact that he may not drink, smoke, orsteal, does not seem to be greedy formoney, and has recently joined achurch! The problem is not one of per­sonalitie.~ and their virtues or lack ofvirtue, but of social philosophies and themeans of implementing the philosophy!

The present practices, privileges,and immunities of labor union monopolydo constitute a "revolt against capital­ism." It is the accumulating evidence onevery hand of this fact that throws ashadow over the future of our freesociety and determines the focus ofSpiritual Mobilization's interest.

That is why we pay no more atten­tion to individual malpractices amongbusinessmen than we do the same sinsamong union leaders. While wrongdoingand misappropriation of funds are to becondemned wherever they appear, wetend to agree that many of the chargesaired by the McClellan Committee areirrelevant to the real issues of industrialrelations. Rather, the ones upon whoma wary eye must be kept are those who,in any way, use violence, coercion, orcompulsion, even wh~n clothed withlegal immunity or privilege, and espec..

dominance of union monopoly powerand the inflationary ruin of our eco­nomic system and loss of liberty.

But the political activity now urgedcould develop into a brutal power strug­gle and intensified class warfare if whatbusiness has to offer is not based uponmoral principles as well as economictheory. Business leadership has in itsfavor the long heritage of our Consti­tutional form of limited government,the amazing of private en­terprise in a free market system, andthe philosophy of liberty for the indi­vidual to which America is still funda­

committed. But business lead-must sh(Yw and

this sys-il its on

is to thethe Americans!

The Business Man's Moral FailureThat businessmen are to be increas-

ingly to meet this need isfrom a thought-provoking

article in the September, 1958, issue ofnone other than F'Iortune magazine. Thisarticle, "The Businessman's Moral Fail­ure," written by the eminent JewishRabbi and scholar, Dr. Louis Finkel­stein, in some regards, so thoroughlyin line with our own sentiments andobservations that we can do no betterthan to from it at length.

~'Too many businessmen," says Dr.Finkelstein, "never stop to ponder what

are the need forare satisfied to be

when need to be wise.worry about their on the economic

but are not concerned Cl~~·Mh"",,,n·n"U",,Y

,vith whether the civilization in whichwork is to They can

defeat a local competitor, but may wellbe defeated by the competitor of us all,which is moral decay....

"Ask the U.S. businessman why he issuccessful today, and he may explain toyou the advantages of capitalism, theprofit motive, and the 'American sys­tem.' He may, with due modesty, pointout the superiority of his own productsand marketing. But he will largelyignore the philosophic foundation of the

ially when directed against the validityand vitality of free enterprise.The Shift of Power

This, to a frightening degree, is thesituation in today's labor union move­ment. The privileges and immunities inthe hands of labor leaders must beprotested as vigorously as were the

privileges and imn1unitiessought and often obtained business-men at the turn of the Thisgovernmental favoritism for business­men is now virtually extinct. If anyonecan show us where evil and,"""",..."...' ..... "il-'r"...' of the same ... "".... ,... ....,... ,,"'.'U''-.J

exist outside the unionwill not hesitate to lift our ,.....",..n-+-'"~C'i+-

all the at our command.That there has been this shift

in the nature of the industrialnow us seems to

have been almost lost upon manyotherwise and dedicated lead-ers in the and educationalfields, and even in business and ...--r.I,V-'r>C'i

How else can we account for the factthat some of our leaders, noting evil inall walks of life and properly condemn­ing it, so often blandly affirm that unionsoperated for special-interest coercivebargaining are as beneficial to society asinstitutions organized for the produc­tion and distribution of goods and ser­vices to consumers? There has insome way, a terrible failure of com-munication and betweenthose who could convey inthis field and the men and women whocarry the of lead-

in a free busi-nessmen are to be blamed for their sharein this and we have never hesi-tated to this out.Politics not Enough

It is encouraging that some busi­nessmen are now urging other business­men to develop better programs ofeconomic education and to enter thepolitical arena as an antidote for, and acounterattack upon, the formidablepolitical activity of organized labor. Weagree that the failure of businessmento take more initiative in this regardhas had much to do with the growing

5

American system. He tends to ignorethe great ethical laws as they applyimmediately to his work. The truth isthat he is preoccupied chiefly with gain,coasting on the spiritual momentum ofthe past, divorced from our sources ofinspiration. He is the leading citizen ofa largely hedonistic nation propelled bymeaningless drives toward materialisticand frequently meaningless goals."Destruction by Default

Happily there are notable exceptionsto this general picture of modern busi­ness executives, as there may be also inthe labor union field. The trouble is thatthere are not enough such exceptions,and the businessman's lack of a sustain­ing philosophy of life and of society, andof a thoroughgoing moral code to gowith it, can be fully as dangerous,through default, as the underminingphilosophies and Machiavellian moralswhich, from other directions, are stead­i Iy eroding the foundations of our freesociety.

If Dr. Finkelstein rightly singles outthe American businessman for indict­ment when the businessman is probablyno more materialistic than anyone else,it is "because of the responsibility hebears, because his role in Americansociety is so great.... " So long as thegains and goals of business are solargely materialistic, it should not besurprising to find the gains and goals oforganized labor - and even of thechurch - being measured in the samecoin!

Putting Ethics on the A~enda

But Dr. Finkelstein does not stopwith rebuking businessmen for theirfaults. Fully acknowledging that "themajority of the American business com­munity are not evil men, and want to doright," he goes on to a constructivealternative. He urges that the Americanbusinessman "should literally place ethicson the agenda-for himself at homeand in the office, for his company andtrade association." Indeed, "today'scrisis demands the businessman's lead­ership in the area of human behavior.The kind of criticism with which en­lightened businessmen could confrontphilosophers and theologians could be a

6

challenge.... Morally sensitive andinformed businessmen can compelAmerican philosophy and religion tofocus on the basic problems troublingmankind.

"We Americans will then no longerwarrant William James' description ofus as worshippers of 'the bitch-goddess,Success.' Our best young minds wouldstrive for genuine, rather than appar­ent, achievement. If we can overcomethe tendency to measure intellectualproductivity by quantity rather thanquality, America might produce worksand insights into the ethical realm com­parable to the eternal creations thathave emerged from other civilizations.Without such creations, rallying thespiritual energies of all men, Americaand the Free World will not endure.

"Civilization needs men and womenwhose every act and decision will bearthe stamp of responsibility. The worldcannot long survive, at least in freedom,if decisions are made irresponsibly ­that is, without disciplined considera­tion of individual and general conse­quences. To rise to his full stature, theAmerican businessman - who at hisbest embodies many of the Propheticvirtues-must shoulder a unique burdenof responsibility. The fate of the worldhangs on his decisions, for, above all,the world needs ethical leadership frointhose it respects as supremely practical."Whose Responsibility?

We do not know that Dr. Finkelsteinholds to other points of Spiritual Mobili­zation's credo-perhaps not-but noone could have better stated these par­ticular dimensions of our moral andspiritual purposes. We hold that laborunion leadership is emerging as a men­ace to free society largely because of afailure of spiritual vision and moralconviction on the part of business aswell as religious leadership. If manyreligious leaders have been insensitiveto the economic and political problemswhich concern our business leaders,perhaps the greater responsibility lieswith those who have been so involvedwith production for its own sake thatthey have not felt the need of any othermoral sanction, or even to inquirewhether such exists.

THE PERIL RIVILEGED PO EREDWARD W. GREENFIELD

is'"voluntary" con­

tributions, usually announced as onedollar from each of the approximatelysixteen to seventeen million union mem­bers in America. Union leaders do notpretend to be able to secure more thanabout $3,000,000 by this method; in1956, they were able to raise only$1,000,000. As explained by JosephRauh, attorney for the UAW, before theSupreme Court in 1956, "The only fundsavailable to a union [for political ac­tivity] are those that come from dues.. . . The small amount that has beenable to be collected as voluntary dollarshas all gone as contributions to the can­didates.... When he has paid his dues,[a union man] thinks he has paid forbargaining, for legislation, and for po­litical activity. He doesn't feel he shouldpay a second time for political activity."2

Yet the AFL-CIO was able, accordingto reports officially filed with the Secre-

prices and taxes, peace or war, fair em­ployment laws, adequate social security,civil rights, labor legislation."There is no open partisanship as toparty; the fact that union political ac­·tivity has found a congenial vehicle inthe Democratic Party does not rule outat least occasional support of Republi­cans who represent a "good labor vote."Union leaders will endorse and lend fi­nancial to any candidate orissue favorable to their interests. Yetone needs to read the handbook torecognize one of the most importantfactors in the tremendous election sweep

the Democratic COPE meansUU.Oll.Al'C';:'O. and it knows how to go aboutits business! And the conclusion seemsinescapable that its purposes lead to­ward a union-dominated government.

Unlimit!~d

In the heat of political campaigningand its aftern1ath of bitterness on oneside and on the it is

difficult to sift fact from .... v •.I .. 'U'J....

truth from propaganda. Thetruth tends always to appear on the sidewe favor, and only "the other side"

to distortion and lies.The editor of Faith and Freedom is

aware of this as he writesthis third in the series on "Moral Stand­ards and Union Po\ver." He thereforedoes not presume to evaluate the resultsof the 1958 election season; at leastone observation may bemade: the labor unions have entered the

lists with full armor on andbattle-axes "nY.,,,.,.,... ,,,.,.,,,,,

The Union PoliticalUnion leaders make no secret of their

~'U'JlAVAV~" purposes. In a hand-How to the

AFL-CIO Committee on Political Edu-cation , President

declares in his Foreword:"The labor has made at the col-lective table are threatenedin the halls of andthe State Legislatures. To meet that"' .... 'U,AJl'C'Jlll.JI.:;,'C, effective hasof become a vital of effec-tive trade unionism.... It is my hopethat this book will be of assistance in the

task the has set for it-self: To advance and the gen-eral welfare of America effectivepolitical education."

The book itself makes it abundantlyclear that "the general welfare" is re­garded as identical with the cause oflabor unions and with the deceptivelyattractive social reforms endorsed bythe unions: "the bread and butterissues ... better homes and schools, fair

7

tary of State, to spend nearly $2,000,000for defeat of the Right-to-Work Amend­ment in California alone! Almost thesame amount was spent in Ohio. Theestimated total for the states in whichthe right to work \vas directly or indi­rectlya specific issue must have been inexcess of $10,000,000. These figures donot include salaries to political workers,estimated at $20.00 per day, contribu­tions to or in behalf of favored candi­dates in each of the forty-nine states,and the continuous barrage of political"education" through union publications.A conservative estimate of total politicalexpenditures by labor unions would ex­ceed $20,000,000 for the 1958 politicalseason - from three to five times asmuch as was available in various statesto the opposition!

While accurate figures are not pos­sible, the October, 1958, issue of TheReader's Digest cites CongressmanRalnh W. Gwinn as estimating fundsavailable for union political activity asten per cent of the more than $600,000,­000 received annually in dues - at leasta $60,000,000 political kitty! The pre­tense of poverty as over against "bigbusiness ... pouring millions of dollarsinto campaign advertising to influencepublic opinion and to help elect big busi­ness candidates" is sheer fiction. 3

The Third Indictment

The foregoing provides substance forthe third indictment made under thetitle, "Moral Standards and UnionPower," in the Labor Day issue of Faithand Freedom. 4 That statement reads inpart: "The union labor movement mustbe judged according to its deliberateeffort to add to the already existing im­munities and political privileges highlypartial to its special cause. . . . Seeingthe advantage in governmental favor­itism, labor leaders are currently en­gaged in extensive political activities,both to prevent limiting legislation andto secure a still more privileged positionunder law."

Who can have watched the 1958 polit­ical campaigns throughout Americawithout recognizing that this is true!

8

Union leaders have become the heirs­apparent for rulership of the nation!The Pageant of Privilege

What they are seeking, and that theyare seeking it, can best be seen againstthe background of what they havealready sought - and gained. It is nothere disputed that during an earlier erapolitical privilege ,vas sought and inlarge degree enjoyed by industry. Thestory of political privilege and immuni­ties sought and obtained by favoredindividuals and groups, ranging fromclergymen to capitalists, from doctorsto diplomats, from soldiers to sons ofnobility, from congressmen to kings, isone of the more disturbing features ofhuman history.

The story has been carefully outlinedby Roscoe Pound, former Dean and Pro­fessor Emeritus of the Harvard LawSchool, in his chapter "Legal Immun­ities of Labor Unions," in Labor Unionsand Public Policy. 5 After detailing thesharp decline in special privileges underlaw for virtually every other vv'alk oflife, Dean Pound points to the laborunions as the new privileged segment ofsociety. A graphic chronological historyof the rise of legal privilege for theunions is further detailed in DonaldRichberg's Labor Union Monopoly.6Another that goes into more exhaustivedetail is Sylvester Petro's The LaborPolicy of the Free Society. 7 These are"must" reading for anyone seeking tounderstand what is happening in thelabor union movement.No Real Law

The evolution of labor relations law istoo complex and confused for anyonebut experts in law to follow. The totaleffect of such evolution, however, has ledProfessor Petro to observe: "There is,properly speaking, no law of labor rela­tions today. It is not true in labor rela­tions that 'every man is entitled to hisday in court,' or that an effective remedyis available for every wrong. The ruleof law indispensable to any free societysimply does not exist."8 What we have,instead, is largely a series of makeshiftsin both Congressional enactment andCourt decisions whose effects have been

were to be­the benefice of

theset upNational Labor Relations

.r....".""" .... ,"',.,,., and used to settle ,-.1,,..,.,,,,,,,+-,,,,.,

v.L'l..,~l'J~J'l""''''T in favor of the unionsfor the merits in­

volved, the ranks of organized laborg-rew from less than 4,000,000 in 1935to more than 14,000,000 by 1945. Someof the methods used to achieve this spec­tacular growth were such as to give thealleged "sins of management" the colorof sainthood and martyrdom! In the

Winning With the Wagner ActThe resort of the labor unions to gov­

ernment for immunities and privilegesin gaining an economic strangleholdcame into its own with the NationalLabor Relations (Wagner) Act of 1935.The Wagner Act not only protected theunions; its design was to p1"omote themand to prevent even reasonable protec­tion of industry against them. A list of"unfair labor practices" was chargeableagainst management, even preventingemployers from presenting their side ofa labor vvhile granting theunions license to do whatpleased.

It is often argued that unions arenecessary to offset the power in thehands of employers. Though this argu-,ment is too often accepted uncritically,the point is that with the VIagner Actthe balance of power was thrownpolitical dispensation to the union side.Not was to become thevictim of union aggression; under thecoercions ofrnillions of workers,come victims! Under

being the first successful attempt oforganized labor to use the power of gov­ernment for its own benefit.

In 1926 the benefit conferred by gov­ernment represented a balancing ofpowers which considered the interestsof management and the public as well asof organized labor. In later years thesame political strategy, combined withan ambitious Federal Administration,was to be used to throw the balance ofpower increasingly on the side of theunions 1,vithout concern for industry andthe public!

illl;;;!,f>O ....T.tIl1l"·iF of Political '.'."t1.. ..,,"·""'""'y~

The secondunions came with theAct of 1926. Donald ofthe for this law as "one of the mostcritical battles over laborever in " at atime when such fundamental ",.. ,.",.,..-,"'",,.,as workers to ",""',,,,,,on-,,,,..,,,,,

be to engagein collective bargaining, and to establishU'LJl F, trade agreements were still be-

h"+'+""voIYT debated. a mech-anism for settling labor-managementdisputes, the Act is not of current signi­ficance in itself, for it has long beenabandoned. The significance lies in its

excessive exception-making, resulting inspecial privileges and immunities forunions on the one hand and govern­mental intervention into private enter­prise on the other.

The beginnings of political actionnearly fifty years ago were for the legi­timate protection of unions. The ClaytonAnti-trust Act of 1914 gained recogni­tion of the legitimacy of unions bydeclaring that they were not to be re­garded as conspiracies in restraint oftrade. At the time, this was a just andrelatively innocent protection of unionsfrom prosecution under the anti-trustlaws. It was not until some years laterthat this with the N orris­LaGuardia Act of 1932, was interpretedas a shield for the rise of unions to mon­opoly status. Favored the immunityconferred these Acts in days whenunions were weak, they march today\vith monopoly power in large segmentsof the American economy, ruling indus­try-wide empires in the trucking, steel,railroad, mining, automobile, and otherindustries. Under present interpreta­tion of the Clayton and Norris-La­Guardia Acts, the unions arefrom the anti-monopoly laws which re­strain industrial monopolies. Industrialleaders generally recognize the justiceof the anti-trust laws as applied to them­selves; the major leaders of organizedlabor, on the other hand, vigorouslyresist every effort to extend the anti-trust laws to union !

9

words of V. Orval Watts, "Under theWagner Act, the National Labor Rela­tions Board became an agency forlicensing racketeering in the name ofunionism."

Catalogue of Immunities

The immunities and privileges en­joyed in this ten-year period - and stillenjoyed with minor exceptions imposedby the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 - arelegion. The most obvious, and currentlythe most seriously challenged, is theprivilege of exacting a contract agree­ment requiring union membership and/or payment of dues as a condition of em­ployment. No other individual or groupin our society has so tyrannical a privi­lege. In no other private relationshipmaya contract be drawn to bind a thirdparty without his consent. Yet bothCongress and the Supreme Court havenot only refused to withdraw, but havepositively promoted, this special privi­lege for organizations of labor. 9

The only concession to individualfreedom is recognition of the right ofthe states to pass their own right-to­work laws - a troublesome provision ofthe Taft-Hartley Act which, immedi­ately upon learning the favorable resultsof the 1958 political campaign, unionofficials announced their hopes to haveremoved. Ironically, but typically, it isthe provision for state right-to-worklaws that has been the chief cause of theclaim by union officialdom that Taft­Hartley is a "slave-labor law" !

Power Without Responsibility

A broader privilege is found in theexemption of labor unions from liabilityfor wrongful acts and practices. Thebasic reason for this immunity is therefusal of unions to incorporate. Accord­ing to the general "law of agency," em­ployers or corporations are responsiblefor ,vhat their employees do in thecourse of their employment. Not so witha union. A union is not easily held liablefor what is done under its jurisdictionby its members. It is claimed that theunions must be "guarded against a po­tentially crushing liability." Yet, as Dr.

10

Pound observes, "no one else has protec­tion against liability for wrong-doinglest it crush him financially. A manu­facturer can be put in bankruptcy byhaving to pay for wrong done third per­sons by negligence of his employees."'o

As an example, drawn again from theeditor's experience in Princeton, Indi­ana, the union was not liable for any ofthe physical damages by pickets onpicket-duty, or for violation of the "nostrike" clause in the union's contractwith the company - not to speak of theterrible depredations away from thepicket lines and the financial disruptionsuffered by the entire community! Forall practical purposes, even under breachof contract, the union was not liable forfinancial and other losses to anyone. 11

In short, despite their tremendouscorporate strength and-financial re­sources, the unions are not required toassume full corporate status or full legalresponsibility, nor do they want suchlegal status with all the regulations thatare brought to bear upon corporations.They enjoy, and intend to keep on en­joying, all the advantages of corporatestrength with none of the disadvan­tages!

It may be that company liability forinj ury or damage inflicted by companypersonnel is at least part of the reasonthat virtually no acts of violence havebeen chargeable against employers .inthe past 20 or 25 years in labor disputes,though such acts were undoubtedly com­mitted before the Wagner Act. If thisbe true, the argument is all the strongerfor removal of the existing immunity oflabor unions in the face of literallythousands of violent acts committed bythem since the Wagner Act. As observedin an earlier article in this series, amonstrous "double standard" exists inboth the legal and moral spheres withregard to criminal behavior when per­petrated in the name of organized labor.The Public Be Damned!

In regard to the duties of public ser­vice, the unions again enjoy a specialexemption. Public service organiza­tions, such as telephone, electric power,transportation, and hospital, are re-

exposed by the McClellan Committee. Asyet, there have been no prosecutions forsuch misappropriation of union funds,and the recent failed to pro­vide legislation under which actionwould be possible.

No business organization enjoys suchimmunity! By persistent and successfulresistance to ,,,ouldmake them theunions haveselves with an .. .....,."",... .. ."." ...."" ,n..... .,. ,'''"-"",-,,..-<1

other organization inthe United

ness.

ment!

such a .... r.·..,.,.,,"" .. "..... """r

to be astrictedwhich labordowed by federal law.Y~

So glaring was this failure of theCourt to apply federal anti-trust lawsto a union's abuse of power, that Mr.,Justice Jackson, in ex­claimed: "With this decision the labormovement has come full circle. TJ Afterpointing to the long struggle of workersfor freedom, the Justice went on: "ThisCourt now sustains the claim of a unionto the right to deny participation in theeconomic world to an employer 'simplybecause the union dislikes him. ThisCourt permits to employees the samearbitrary dominance over the economicsphere which they control that labor solong, so bitterly, and so rightly assertedshould belong to no man!"

The Drive Toward Union .GovernmentIt is against the background of such

privilege and immunity that union polit-

pub-lic others from takingtheir while so hold upthe ~nt'1e'tn1~tej~1J even in breach ofa no-strike in their collective

Picketing,which can or close even a hos-

is not to effective legalrestraint. The duties of the em-

toward the remain inforce while those of a union do not!

Wealth WithoutOnce

exist with to expenditures andcontributions for political purposes.The of the Federal CorruptPractices Act to control political use ofmoney to unions as well as to car­

as a practical matter,union officials have found it possible toengage on a large scale in questionableactivities. The restraints of public, em­nloyee, and stock-holder opinion whichkeep a corporation's Board of Directorsfrom even that degree of political actionwhich is allowable under law seem notto operate against union officials. Thisimmunity from responsibility before theopinions and wishes of others is espe­cially true -- and all the more reprehen­sible - in situations in which assess­ments and dues are compulsory underunion shop agreements. Union officersare able with impunity to avoid account­ability to their members for political useof union funds.

Much the same situation exists in re­gard to trust funds in the hands of unionleaders, most of these funds, also, com­ing from compulsory dues, fees, andassessments. It is misuse of these fundsthat has created many of the scandals

quired by law to perform continuously areasonable service to the public, and areliable in damages if they fail to performtheir public duty, even in the face of astrike. Public utilities are forbidden toabandon their services even if unprofit­able.

Yet, under existing immunities, thepublic character and responsibility ofunion employees in these serviceenterprises are not law.According to Dean Pound,em~1Jl,01/~ees can (';()')nmdo.l. S;r;()rlnJ(J'r(J~

I'

ical activity must be understood. Thecry is raised by union leaders that theTaft-Hartley Act is a "slave-labor law"and that state right-to-work laws aredesigned to "wreck" unions. What theymean is that some restraint has been putupon the unbridled march to power en­joyed in the decade before Taft.Hartley,though the continuing growth instrength of numbers, financial re­sources, and political influence is ampleevidence that the restraint has beenneither severe nor effective. That unionleaders have resented even such minorrestraints as have been attemptedagainst them seems a clear indication ofwhat they are after.

The purpose of union political activityis quite clearly to enlarge rather thandiminish the favored position of unions,seeking the p01ver of government behindthe full S1veep of their program for dom­ination of the A1nerican economy.

Nowhere was this more glaringly il­lustrated than in California. A union­dictated plank - at least written in be­half of unions - in the 1958 platform ofthe winning political party in that statedeclares that legislation should be en­acted to prevent state and county agen­cies from purchasing materials fromproducers "charged with unfair laborpractices or against whom a strike isbeing conducted by a bona fide laborunion." In asking for such outrageouslegislation, the party platform registersthe trend of union ambitions, namely, toput the power of government behind theunions in every labor dispute!

Nor would this power be in the handsof the workers themselves. Under thesystenl of compulsory membership, nowapparently on its way to full realization,control could rest nowhere than in thehands of union officials. The unmistak­able and announced purpose of a num­ber of union leaders is control of atleast enough of the work-force to controlin turn both the economic and politicallife of America - in short, to establisha labor government whose ruling cliquewould combine political and economicpower surpassing anything known out­side the Communist Politburo! So grave

12

is this growing concentration of powerthat it will require separate treatmentin the next issue of Faith and Freedom.

Meanwhile, the words of DonaldRichberg, so long a friend of the un­ions, need to be heeded: "Instead of be­ing a movement of workers bandedtogether for the protection and advance­ment of their legitimate interests in afree economy, the labor movement hasnov" become a political movement withthe objective of establishing a socialistlabor government in control of the eco­nomic and social life of the nation....Sincere labor leaders have become con­vinced that only through political power- the control of law-making and en­forcement - can they achieve the long­standing and legitimate goals of thelabor movement. Unfortunately, thesincerity and good intentions of some ofthe builders of the labor monopoly donot lessen the dangers of the power com­plex they have helped to establish."14The erstwhile "champions of the ex­ploited" are becoming the exploiters!

The Glaring ContrastThe need is present, and desperate,

for limitation of the unparalleled andgrowing power before too late. DeanPound pointedly illustrates the need bycomparing the legal status of the unionswith that of business and industry. "TheInterstate Commerce Commission existsnot to protect railroads or other carriersin immunities, but to protect the publicfrom them; banking commissions arenot to uphold immunities of bankers butto protect the public from them.... " Soalso with government agencies in rela­tion to financial institutions, trade asso­ciations, insurance companies, and cor­porations. The governrnent regulatesthese business establishments to protectthe public from possible depredationsand exploitation. It is probable thatthese enterprises are over-regulated,and many of them feel the pinch of gov­ernmental restraint of competition andtrade to a degree that is itself a threatto free enterprise.

But, whether justified or not, the reg­ulations imposed upon business stand insharp contrast to the immunities en-

738

to Work,"p. 24.

815 16th St. I'LW. y1 Available fromWashington 6, D.

2 See "Rightness ofSpiritual Mobilization

;) Compare the$1,811,296.00 forpaign in California alone inown statement: "In the 1954elections [in all 48 states] l forindividual business r>~'''+-.... ' h"f-."yv>"

$1,434,084.30 the !{el)ublIC2LTIto Win, p. 39).

4 A limited number of still availablefrom Spiritual Mobilization, each.

5 By Chamberlin, Bradley, Reilly, andAmerican Enterprise Association, 1012St. N.W., Washington 5, D. C., 1958.

6 Henry Regnery Co., Chicago, 1957.7 The Ronald Press Co., New York, 1957.8 Op cit, p. 262.9 See especially the National Railway Labor

Act of 1952 and the Supreme Court decision of1956 in Railway Employees v. Hanson.

lOOp cit., p. 149.11 An exception to this arose in 1958

decision of the Supreme Court lostwages and damages from a strike to an em­ployee who sued his union_ This is the firstbreak in many years in a long-standing unionimmunity, yet it must be recognized that thisis only money damages to a single unionmember and is in no way a recompense of bothmaterial and intangible damages suffered byall concerned in the strike itself.

12 Gp cit., p. 162. Emphasis added.13 Richberg, 0]). cit., pp. 86f.14 Gp. cit., Foreword, p. VII.15 Gp. cit., pp. 170f. Emphasis added.

that continues to regard labor unionsand their leaders as Theprivileged position of unions before thelaw, and often in of is a be-trayal of Christian and of ourdemocratic form of Free-dom in all its forms is whenany group or class is permitted to exer­cise its power without regard for therights of others. As moral indignationrecognized and spoke against such flag­rant abuse of power in the revolutionagainst the British crown in 1776,against the slaveholders in the middle ofthe last century, and against irrespon­sible business and industrial leaders inthe earlier part of the ~.".,n.C'r'Y'l1- n£1. ...'1-11I""' ... 1"

so must conscience be "T14"Y'n.l""n.l1~I"T

against the new lords of privilegedpo\ver. The imbalance must be redressedbefore this nation, too, succumbs to apoverty and slavery of its own !

joyed by organized labor. "By contrast,"Dean Pound observes, "the NationalLabor Relations Board and like admin­istrative agencies in the states, alongwith the legitimate function of assuringequality in collective bargaining be­tween employer and employee and secur­ing the right of employees in thatrelation, have also a functionof upholding immunities labor organ-izations and their leaders tlt the expenseof the They do not thepubl1:C. . . . protect labor n"",nrt'lIllj~'n

tions and labor leaders AGAINST thepublic!"15

There is a further contrast whichmakes the situation even worse. Lawsexist and are strictly enforced to protectnot only the public but also the membersof, and investors in, a corporation fromtheir own organizers and officers. Butno such exists for workersand dues-paying union members againsttheir organizers and who mayuse and and evenbe guilty of the most corrup-tion, with no recourse for the

£Y'£Y'1I"'1CHy,o,rI and defrauded members. Re-peatedly in the before the Mc­Clellan Committee the effects of existing

or of the failure ofwere shown not to un­ion members from their officers but to

the officers fromthe and even from those whodid not want to be members in the first

!

Need For aNew ConscienceIf such immunities and political priv­

ileges were, sonle fiat, re­stored to business and industry, themoral leadership of America woulds\viftly and properly make its voice ofmoral indignation heard. It was the cryof moral protest that erased the formerpolitical privileges of business and in­dustry from the law of the land. In asociety which believes in equal freedomand justice before the law, no group hasa moral right to special priVilege. TheChristian and democratic consciencemust stand against the granting of aprivileged position in law to anyone.

It can be nothing but moral blindness

13

AUTOMATION COMES TOWASHINGTONROBERT VERNON ANDELSON

The follou)ing delightful satire, like every true parable, can but evokea variety of disturbing reflections upon the political trend of our times. Theauthor is visiting lecturer in social ethics at California Baptist TheologicalSeminary, and is completing his doctorate for the Southern CaliforniaSchool of Religion.

I. The Senator "Blunders"

The era of automation in politics ac­tually first began when Senator Sellwinrealized how grossly he had miscalcu­lated. He had made some mistakes, ofcourse, early in his career, but neveranything maj or. This time he had madea serious tactical blunder.

He leaned slightly fo.rward in hisleather swivel chair, a portly man withfleshy earlobes flat against a ruddy neck.Heaped before him in two piles on hisdesk were the letters. Letters from hisconstituency about the Sellwin-JepsonBill, which he had helped initiate theweek before. One pile was very large,the other very small. The large pile wasmade up of letters against the bill, andagainst him for his part in it. Theywere, he knew, the doing of the Feder­ated Voters' Council. They had beenflowing in for days in a constantly en­larging stream, until at last theyreached a virtual torrent. The lettersfavoring the bill had never amountedto more than a thin trickle, despite theboastful promises of the leaders of theAmalgamated Citizens' League.

The senator's fleshy earlobes reddenedwith chagrin. The Amalgamated Citi­zens' League! Phonies! They had trickedhim into going out on a limb on behalfof the bill, tricked him with talk of mas­sive demonstrations and gigantic mailcampaigns. And yet they couldn't evenget their own membership to send himenough post cards to make a decent

14

showing of support. On the other hand,the deluge of mail against the bill waswholly unexpected. It upset all the sen­ator's most careful. calculations. Forsomehow the Federated Voters' Councilhad managed to enlist the aid of the Al­lied Labor Associations of America, theNational Taxpayers' Committee, theVeterans' Coalition, Inc., the Senior Cit­izens' Clubs, and a number of smallergroups. Against this combination thesenator knew he had no chance. Hemust reverse himself or face sure de­feat in the primaries three monthshence.

He had been the bill's most vigorouschampion onthe Senate floor. He carednothing now for the opinion of its sup­porters; he had seen their feebleness.When he switched positions they wouldhowl, but there was nothing they coulddo either for or against him. But theFederated Voters' Council was a horseof a different color. How to reverse him­self gracefully? Senator Sellwin pacedhis office until dawn.II. The Great Reversal

Although the set had been installedagainst his protests, Professor Waldrupquickly became accustomed to T.V. "Thewife was right," he thought as he satone evening watching an important tele­cast. "It does me good to keep up withthe world around me. One can't spendall one's life surrounded by transistorsand ohmeter~. Besides, people are al­ways asking me to lend my name to thisor that. It's really incumbent upon me

between library and laboratory. It washis love for abstract humanity whichcaused him to allow his name, justlyeminent in his field, to appear upon theletterheads of noble-sounding groups,concerning the precise goals of which hewas always just a trifle vague. "Now,there's a genuinely humble man," hethought, as Senator Sellwin concludedhis peroration. "If only all the membersof our government could be so self-ef­facing, so ~crupulously devoted, so con­scientiously attuned to the aspiration ofthe body politic!"-III. The Parrot Prophet

"I am but a tabula rasa upon which isdaily inscribed anew the sentiments anddictates of the Common Man." The pri­maries were over, and Senator Sellwinwas putting the finishing touches on hisspeech of acceptance for the nomination.He knew the "tabula rasa" was contraryto every canon of political good form,but the use of Latin phrases gave hima sense of gratification, and he could af­ford to indulge it now. His nominationhad been almost by acclamation, and hiselection assured.

The effect of his reversal had beenaltogether without parallel. He washailed as the prophet of a new gospel,the perfector of Jefferson and Lincoln.Overnight he had become the idol of themasses, and his picture hung in homesthroughout the nation, with underneathit the caption, "Senator Sellwin-The

Voice." Already there was talkof the White House. What he had

as a desperate expedient for~~...o(l-,~, """ himself off the hook had turnedout to be a stroke of to

hir!l into thethe land.

The senator was but some-what when his an-nounced Professor Professor

was a figure of internationalrenown, a scientist of unexcelled dis­tinction. But on Capitol Hill he wasequally famous for his political naivete.He entered, frail and stooped, blinkingbenignly behind old-fashioned gold­rimmed glasses.

Senator Sellwin greeted him with

to be informed.""And now, senator," the interviewer

said, "will you tell us exactly whatbrought about your dramatic change ofheart?"

"Well, it was like this." A mellifluousvoice, oozing earnestness, was lifted inreply. "I was sitting at my desk, look­ing at the mail from my constituents.The public had registered its over­whelming opposition to the bill. Sud­denly, this thought came to me: Whatright have I, a public servant, to petty,personal opinions? I was elected to rep­resent the people. Their will is my will.Popular sovereignty! This is the mean­ing of the democratic way of life. Toomany of my colleagues don't understanddemocracy, just as I didn't funy under­stand it until the other night. They thinkthey know more than the voters whoelected them. But I'm here to ten youthat the people are always right! Andhe who seeks to his will above thewin of the electorate has betrayed hiscalling and forfeited his right to office."

"And you detected a change in publicsentiment, and immediately decided toact accordingly. Is that correct?"

"Exactly. The people had spoken. Ibelieve that it is the solemn duty of anelected official to be responsive to everyshift in popular opinion, to reflect as ac­curately as he possibly can, every changeand variation of the public mind.Thomas Jefferson advocated a revolu-tion every years, but I advo-cate a revolution,

to the

re~;DOnS]lbljllt~! That~s

of the reI>re:sentat,iveToo has

been dominated theauthoritarian the mind which pre-sumes to write its own intolegislation. As a member of the Senate,I am the only thing I have a right to be-the passive instrument of the people'swilL Vox populi vox dei."

Professor Waldrup listened with en­thusiasm. Naturally~he loved the people.He led a semi-solitary existence, divided

15

unction. "It is indeed an unexpectedprivilege to be able to welcome you tomy office, my dear professor," he ex­claimed. "And to what happy turn offortune do lowe this honor?"

"I wished to add my modest word ofadmiration," said the professor with acertain shy excitement. "For I too ama believer in representative responsibil­ity. In my own small way I have triedto do my bit to implement your gloriousdoctrine. And I thought you should bethe first to know that Sellwin will beour next senator."

The senator was touched yet at thesame time faintly baffled. There wassomething about' Professor Waldrup'smode of speaking which he could notcomprehend. After all, everybody knewthe election Was in the bag. And whydid he refer to him so strangely in thethird person?

"Not only the next senator," contin­ued the professor, "but also the nextpresident."

"Well," thought Senator Sellwin, feel­ing comfortable and expansive onceagain, "this is more to the point." Hewas about to utter a polite demurral butthe professor had not yet finished.

"The next president," he repeated."Forever and fo~ever."

"Forever?" the senator echoed blank­ly, somewhat disappointed at the exag­gerated turn the conversation had taken.

"Yes, forever. Sellwin will be Senate,House, President and Supreme Court,all at once, forever and forever."

"My dear professor, I appreciate yourinterest, but aren't you allowing yourselfto be carried away? Remember, no manis indispensable."

"Quite so," the scientist replied. "Andthat is precisely why Sellwin will beSenate, House, President and SupremeCourt, all at once, forever and forever.For Selhvin is not a man."

The senator gasped. "Just what am Ithen ?"

"You ?"Professor Waldrup titteredwith embarrassment. "How foolish ofme. You really must forgive me, sen­ator. Of course you couldn't have

16

known. One moment, please." The pro­fessor scurried into the outer office.IV. Pollsters Millennium

When he reappeared, a moment later,he was not alone. With him was a con­traption the like of which the senatorhad never seen before. It was a tallmetal box on wheels, replete with slots,chutes, levers, buttons and lights.

"This is Sellwin," the professor said."I named it in your honor. And now,if you'll allow me, sir .... " He went tothe senator's desk, gathered an armfulof letters, and fed them into a. chute inSellwin's side. Then he pulled a lever.Immediately an odd whirring began, ac­companied by the flashing of variouslycolored lights. The senator watched inawe. Out of a slot issued something liketicker tape. On it was neatly typed athorough analysis of current legislation,with voting instructions based upon thesenator's mail.

The professor glowed vlith pride."Sellwin is' a special automatic politicaltabulating machine," he exclaimed. "Anelectric brain. You see, senator, youhave set a standard of responsiveness tothe popular will which very few politi­cians are capable of living up to. Thepersonal equation is all too apt to enterin. Your self-abnegation is almost ...well, almost inhuman. It's too high agoal for the average public servant.

"But now the personal equation hasbeen eliminated. Sellwin cannot miscal­culate; its reflection of the public will isperfect. Sellwin has no ideas of its ownto interfere with its performance.Human government has now been ren­dered obsolete. A new era is on its way- the era of political automation. Toyou, senator, belongs the real credit forushering in this wonderful new age, and,if you'll forgive me, sir, for paving theway for your own retirement."

Professor Waldrup beamed and leftthe room. The senator, left alone withthe machine, stared at it in a sort ofstupor. On the far side of the office hunga mirror surmounted by a federal eagle.The senator rose, walked across theroom, and stood before the mirror fora long time looking at the machine.

9rienJJ anJ CriticJSpace limits the number of letters to the Editor which may be in

whole or in While most of the mail offers the we needand welcome, this column win be devoted proportionately more to critical commentsas aids to improvement and as opportunities for reply.

Editor's~'U!Jl.iI,IA.U.J;; aHshedfor Social

Rev. Norman S. ReamWauwatosa~ Wisconsin

Editor's Note: It win notrent issue shows. We' aremary emphasis upon this ho\v­ever, because we believe it to be themost pressing need about which some­thing may yet be, and must done.The election results and the lead articlein this issue would seem to ourpresent emphasis.

clergy. I hold that Soeialism is endemicin our culture. ... n

David O. Green.Jasper~ Missouri

Gerald Heard's name mtSS1,nn

this doesn't mean he will nowrite in FAITH AND FREEDOM."

Rev. Oliver J. ~"riedel

Philadelphia, Pa.

Gerald Heard is nO'NGROWING

the Foundationan

educational institution which sharesfacilities with us at House.Mr. Heard's schedule for theyear win include

and conferences in variousof the new album of

~'''V".,.I..... .."..ot- ......,'ln ....,"'.n.n,~r!l,..,......."" and several newMr. Heard are for

release. Readers interested inll't..'V'l..;;iJJl.llJ.p:;. in touch with his activities or

GROWING EDGE should writeFoundation for Social O.Box 877, San California.

U I have been a bit concerned that; 0 ••

the new FAITH AND FREEDOl\1: bealmost de'ooted to the .Q1J.n r

Jlj')tf"T.

labor. that itnot be."

Rev. R. BrauerAllison Park,

Editor's Note Income for the work ofSpiritual Mobilization comes from vir­tually the same sources as that for manyprivate educational and organ-izations, and semi-naries ; from cor-porations, and individuals. AU contri-butions are voluntary, and areboth and received in the clearunderstanding that no are at-tached. Note Dr. Fifield's on theback cover support from allshare our point of view andconcern.

HA copy of your Labor issue ofFAITH AND FREEDOM.. is perhaps thebrightest ray of hope of my sixty-yearvigil, especially since it comes from the

Editor's Note More thanof the first new issue of FAITH ANDFREEDOM were sent out, and more than80,000 of the more recent SUI)plE~m~~nt,

"The of the Right toOur is in anof life. We could much more if wehad the financial resources.

UWhat is the source your income?"Rev. G. S. NicholsAmes, Iowa

H I want to say thanks for giving sucha searching of the labor move­ment in our country today. I personally~vould like to see the congressmen ourcountry receive pamphlets and maga­zines this kind as well as our Presi­dent and his cabinet. I wish also thoseat the'grass roots' level in wouldreceive it."

17

"You have quite a job cut out foryourselves! Keep your emphasis on'right and Iwrong' as contrasted to 'rightand left'."

B. E. HutchinsonJamestown, R. I.

HI don't believe I have seen anywhereany analysis of the labor situation thatcan compare with your excellent discus­sion of it in the current (Labor Day)issue of FAITH AND FREEDOM•.•• Itgives us all a little more courage to meetthe moral situation we face in connec­tion with this threat to free society."

J. H. SinclairPasadena, Calif.

"I have been a u'orking boy and mansince the age of eleven, and a unionmember most of my life; but for severalyears I have thought the leaders unfair,abusive, and exploiting of both member­ship and enterprise. They have gone farbeyond their avowed purpose. In theirinsatiable greed they are becoming areal menace to individual liberty andthe econo'my of the nation. Separationof Organized Labor and State is just asessential as separation of Church andState."

Marion L. ButlerKansas City, Mo.

"I might expect that the editorial pol­icy of a labor organization publicationmight be more likely to point out thesins of management, and a publicationby the manufacturer's organization topoint out the sins of labor. One wouldexpect and account for such a bias. Myquestion is whether this publication isthe spokesman for one or the other ofthese groups, or whether it is honestlytrying, in a difficult situation, to findthe truth, and relate it in such a way asto bring about understanding of thetotal situation. If it continues to be able

to /ind sinners only among labor organ­izations, I must doubt its dedication toFaith and Freedom."

Rev. Roy C. MasonLong Beach, Calif.

Editor's Note: Our job in SpiritualMobilization is to judge the organiza­tions of management, labor, govern­ment, religion, or others by their fruits,not merely by the character of theirleaders and members. Our bias is un­apologetically on the side of freedomunder God, which, among other things,includes free enterprise. We will chal­lenge threats to these freedoms wher­ever they appear. We believe that themajor threat today comes, not simplyfrom corrupt leaders, who may be foundin all groups, but from the philosophyespoused in particular by many unionleaders in favor of coercive, collectivisticcontrol over America's life and economy.Such control, we believe, endangers thewelfare of workers, managers, farmers~and the public in such serious degreethat, except for war, it constitutes thelargest single danger to America today.Weare not the spokesmen for any groupother than our own, and our credo andpurposes are public knowledge.

"There was a time when the great cor­porations of the nation had become am,enace to our American way of life, andthey were regulated and controlled bythe Sherman Anti-Trust Act, the Clay­ton Act, and similar legislation. Buttoday labor unions have become a fargreater menace than was ever posed byb'ig business, and the danger to thenation lies in the fact that politicaldemagogues will not enact the necessarylegislation to control them."

William G. DavissonArdmore, Oklahoma

A number of sermons have been received for the program of awards to clergy­men who dealt with "Moral Standards and Labor Today" during the month of Sep­tember. It ,vas gratifying that so many were submitted; there should have beenmore. None was submitted in claim for the $100 award for a sermon or publicaddress challenging the position taken in the Labor Day issue of Faith and Ereedom.

Decisions of the judges for the first-place award of $100 and the six awards of$50 had not been made in time for publication of this issue. Winners will be notifiedas soon as the decisions are forthcoming, and will be announced in the next Faithand Freedom.

18

Dear Friends

What is lTIan at work for in today1s world? Is work a curseor a bles sing? Can one grow spiritually on his job, or is workin a specialized industrial society silnply a means, the less ofwhich the better, to pile up the leisure time in which alone spir­itual growth is possible? Are there failures of leadership andmisconceptions of work values which may be producing thevacuums into which concentrations of coercive power are mov­ing? Could there be a contemporary philosophy of work whichmight help restore meaning to all aspects of life? What willwork be like in tomorrow1s world? Is there any danger that wemay be less and less aware of our goals the greater our meansand the faster our pace? Can free enterprise be saved, shouldit be saved, and, if so, how?

To search for answers to questions such as these, to statemore concisely the real questions of ends and means facingmodern man at work in an industrial society, these are chal­lenges which we of Spiritual Mobilization would like to probein the company of other searchers. It is not enough today justto show how many things have gone wrong with our economicand political structures and relationships. We must evolve aphilos a method, and a leadership by which what is wrongcan be set right, and which can be not only equal to the needs oftoday but also alert to the promises of tomorrow, while keepingfaith with the accomplishments of the past.

Going back as far as 1951, we have from time to timebrought together small groups of concerned clergymen, educa­tors, and business leaders for conversations on these subjectsoUnder the nevv leader of the Reverend Edward W. Greenfield,we want now to resume at Campbell House, andelsewhere across the where local interest makes

such pos sibleo We urge any reading these pages,e and educator s, who would like to meet

and who assume responsibilities infurthe such , to write at once to the ReverendEdward W. Greenfield so that we can our schedulesfor 1959,

J£~M.ES C~ INGEBl1ETSEI',jPresident

A Word from Dr. Fifield ...

When Spiritual Mobilization was born23 years ago, Dr. Cowling, ProfessorHocking, and I felt that the outcome ofthe collectivist cycle then getting underway would be determined at the spir­itualleveL

This is now obvious. The electionproves there can be no "political salva­tion" without the moral and spiritualprinciples upon which our nation wasfounded. Those who have been holdingthat there can be, ought to be completelydisillusioned.

If the things that matter most in ourcivilization are to be saved for our chil­dren, we must shore up our moral andspiritual foundations, and promptly! Aswitness to the collapse of these founda­tions, recall this last campaign, whereends were thought to justify means,where untruths were common and, for aprice, folks sold out in wholesale fashion.

You can't save the Republic nor worktoward the Kingdom of God with thesort of political degradation that is nowour norm. Moreover, the genus of thispolitical philosophy has been caught upby so many of our schools, and evenmany of our pulpits, that Spiritual Mo­bilization, under the uncompromisingleadership of President Ingebretsen, isabout the only voice I know which aimsstraight at the heart of the problem.

Weren't you thrilled to read the Rev­erend Ed Greenfield's moral evaluationof the present trends in labor unions?Don't you share our conviction thatAmerica's freedoms are worth saving?Will you help provide resource withwhich to lengthen the legs and expandthe voice of the 8M Staff?

When, against the paucity of its re­sources, I view the soundness of the 8Mapproach, the dedication and self-sacri­fice of its Staff, and the urgent need forits witness, I want so deeply to help!I am sending my own check for a hun­dred dollars; but more, much more, mustbe forthcoming through larger andsmaller checks. Win YOU send YOURS-AT ONCE?

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