global dimensions of the african diaspora

Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora

Second Edition

Edited by

Joseph E Harris

Howard University Press Washington D C 1993

Howard University Press Washington DC 20017

Copyright copy 1982 1993 by Howard University Press LA madama francesita A New World Black Spirit Copyright copy 1993 by Angela Jorge All rights reserved Published 1982 Second Edition 1993

No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopying and recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without permission in writing from the publisher Inquiries should be addressed to Howard University Press 1240 Randolph Street NE Washington DC 20017

Manufactured in the United States of America

This book is printed on acid-free paper

10987654 3 2

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Global dimensions of the African diaspora edi ted by Joseph E Harris - 2nd ed

p em Includes papers from the First and Second African Diaspora Studies

Institutes Includes bibliographical references and index ISBN 0-88258-149-X Calk paper) $2495 1 African diaspora- History- Congresses 2 Airica shy

Civilization-Congresses 3 Slavery-Africa-History- Congresses 4 Blacks- Cultural assimilation-Congresses 5 Blacks-Race identity-Congresses 6 Afro-Americans-Africa- HistoryshyCongresses I Harris Joseph E 1929middot II African Diaspora Studies Institute (lsI 1979 Howard University) III African Diaspora Stucties Institute (2nd 1982 Nairobi Kenya) DTl65G581 993 909 04-dc20 93-3755

CIP

Contents

Introd uction JOSEPH E H ARRIS

The Diaspora as Concept and Method 1 The Dialectic Between Diasporas and Homelands

11ELLIOTT P SKINNER

2 African Diaspora Concept and Context 41GEORGE SHEPPERSON

3 Return Movements to West and East Africa A Comparative Approach

51JOSEPH E HARRIS

4 African Religions in America Theoretical Perspectives

ALBERT ) RABOTEAU 65

Settlement Identity and Transformation 5 The Middle Passage and Personality Change Among

Diaspora Africans 83OKON EDET UYA

6 African Culture and Slavery in the United States 99LAWRENCE w LEVINE

7 Howard University and Meharry Medical Schools in the Training of Africa n PhYSicians 1868-1978

109ADELL PATION JR

8 Nro-Mexican Culture and Consciousness During the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

125COLIN PALMER

9 A Lesser-Known Chapter of the African Diaspora West Indians in Costa Rica Central America ROY SIMON BRYCE-LAPORTE ASSISTED BY TREVOR PURCELL 137

v

3

VI CONTENTS

10 Guinea versus Congo La nds Aspects of the Collective Memory in Haiti GUERIN C MONTILUS 159

11 Women of Africa and the African Diaspora Linkages and Influences FILO MENA CHIOMA STEADY 167

12 Race and Class in Brazil Historical Perspectives THOMAS E SKJDMORE 189

13 LA madama francesita A New World Black Spirit ANGELA JORGE 205

14 Blacks in Britain A Historical and Analytical Overview FOLARlN SHYLLON 223

15 The Impact of Afro-Americans on French-Speaking Africans 1919-45 IBRAHIMA B KAKE 249

16 The 1921 Pan-African Congress at Brussels A Background to Belgian Pressures M W KODI 263

17 African Slaves in the Mediterranean World A Neglected Aspect of the African Oiaspora j O HUNWICK 289

18 Africans in Asian History JOSEPH E HARRIS 325

Return to the Homeland

19 The Sierra Leone Krios A Reappraisal from the Perspective of the African Oiaspora AKINTOLA 1 G WYSE 339

20 The Role of African American Women in the Founding of Uberia DEBRA NEWMAN HAM 369

21 Afro-American Influence in Colonial Malawi 1891-1945 KINGS M PHIRl 387

22 The Presence of Black Americans in the Lower Congo from 1878-1921 KJMPIANGA MAHANIAH 405

23 Brazilian Returnees of West Africa s Y BGADI-5IAW

24 Garvey and Scattered Africa TONY MARTIN

Toward a Synthesis 25 Oiaspora Studies and Pan-Africanism

ST CLAlR DRAKE

Contributors

Index

Contents vii

421

441

451

515

519

7 Howard University and Meharry Medical Schools in the Training of African Physicians 1868-1978

Adell Patton Jr

Prior to 1946 the records show repeated epidemics of smallpox at 5-10 year intervals with a high continuous prevnlence in the hinterland of West Africa The United States Public Health Service Mission in Liberia became actively involved in tile 1946-1947 outbreaks The writer saw 42 cases of smallpox disease in hinterland vjages within one day wilh three deaths during the night Smallpox disease was so rampant in certain villages thai one could observe children four jeel tall twd children who were three jeel ttllI but not children in betweerl and the people would say that was the year that the epidemic Came and all the babies died causing thegap in the height of the children LocaJy trained vaccinators undertook to vaccinate the entire population of Liberia against smallpox in 1946- 1948 A 1950- 1952 study of records showed less than One dozen cases reported Jor the entire country 7

ATHOUGH this essay focuses on the medical professhy

sion it should be understood within a historical context of the critical role especially during the colonial period of African Americans in providing

assistance to Africa in education and other areas of development Moreover African American study and teaching of tropical diseases in Africa and the training of African students advanced the development of black American education and institutions This reciprocity affirms the mutual benefits of the AfricanAfrican American connection In his field observations Hildrus A Poindexter (MD PhD MS MPH

109

110 THE AFRICAN DIASPORA

ScD) professor at Howard University and pioneer of tropical medicine in the Africa n diaspora illustra tes the impact of disease in West Africa commonly referred to as the white mans grave in the early nineshyteenth century William H McNeill however may have overstated the historical effect of disease on African development as a whole

Obviously human attempts to shorten the food chain within the toughest and the most variegated of all natural ecosystems of the ea rth the tropical rain forests and adjacent savanna regions of Africa are still imperfectly successful and continue to involve exceptionally hi gh costs in the form of exposure to disease That more than any thing else is why Africa remained backward [sic] in the development of civilization when compared to tempershyate lands (or tropical zones like those of Americas) where prevailing ecosysshytems were less e laborated and correspondingly less inimical to simplica tion by human actionJ

But in contrast with the less disastrous relationship of human beings and their environment elsewhere in the world humans and parasites in Africa have generally had a primary relationship to each other because humankind originated in Africa humans and infectious disease develshyoped in competition with each other from the start Through time innovations in Western and African medicine have been significant in the reduction of disease on the African continent and the physician has played no minor role in disease control In the nineteenth century Sierra Leone was a unique frontier enclave for the development of the pioneer West African physician Trained and certified in Edinburgh and Lonshydon this elite class of African physicians included John Macaulay (1799) William Ferguson (1814) William Broughton Davies (1858) James Africanus Beale Horton (1859) John Farrell Easmon (1880) and Oguntola Sapara (1895)-to name just a few

Classification of African Physicians

From a global perspective the training of the African physician falls into four categories (1) the African MD trained in Western Europe primarily in Britain and France prior to and after World War 1I (2) the African MD trained in the socialist nations of Eastern Europe after World War II (3) the African MD trained in the United States the Caribbean and Canada and (4) the most recent developm ent in African medical education the African MD trained wholly or partially in Africa

This essa y focuses on a segment of the third ca tegory-the African MD trained in th e United States at Howard University and Meharry

Howard and Meharry Training African Physicians 111

med ical schools At these institutions Africans matriculated and fosshytered links between Afro-Americans and Africa in the development of public health

Colonial Era and African PhYSicians

Pseudoscientific racism triumphed with the onset of colonial rule in Africa about 1900 Tn West Africa the British reversed an earlier trend of allowing Africans to be trained as medical doctors in Scotland and England Furthermore African physicians were paid lower salaries than their counterparts in the colonial service6 Because some earlier African protonationalists had been physicians the British may have sought to discourage further nationalist sentiment by reducing the dominance of African doctors

In regard to public health in Africa these developments occurred at an unfavorable time for colonial rule with its use of labor-intensive projects in the Cameroon as a common exa mple shifted segments of the African population from areas with low malaria prevalence to areas of high prevalence These newly shifted populations had little resistance to malaria and suffered disproportionately from the ravages of that disease Wherever these dislocations occurred the newly arrived popushylations were at grea ter risk to disease preva lent in the new environment Available evidence shows that these migrations and changes in living conditions in the early years of coloniza tion wrought unprecedented rates of mortality and morbidity

Whatever the motive discrimination ultimately reduced the numshybers of African doctors to those serving the coastal elites and curtailed the extension of scientific public health services to the underprivileged urban and rural population Because the unhealthiest period in all of African history was between 1890 and 1930 the new shift in colonial policy was detrimental to African health and vitality a factor that did not go unnoticed by Africans In 1911 the color bar prompted African doctors to send letters and petitions to the British Advisory Medical and Sanitary Committee Some British colonial administrators supported them because as the British medica l register showed those African doctors had received degrees from recognized European medical schoolsmiddot

Although this political action was to no avail the issue would not disappear In 1920 Dr Herbert Bankole-Bright (MD Edinburgh and London School of Tropical Medicine) of Freetown Sierra Leone not only used the Accra conference of the National Congress of British West Africa to call for gradual self-government within the British Empire but

112 THE AFRICAN DIASPO RA

also presented research papers on topics of medical and sanitary probshylems in the British territories of West Africa In his masters thesis on Dr Bankole-Bright Mohammed Bah reports

Attacking the colonial administration for residential segregation Dr Bankale-Bright called on members to urge the colonia l administration to improve the conditions of local doctors Included in his presentation was a direct attack against the British colonial administration for treating African doctors in a different manner from European expatriate doctorsu

Based on these conditions one can understand how and why Howard University and Meharry medical schools made a unique contribution to the development of public health on the African continent If Afrlcans with medical aspirations wished to study outside the colonial world these two institutions were their main source of medical education in the Uni ted Sta tes

Black Medical Schools

Seven black medical schools were founded during the post-Civil War era Howard University Medical School held its first classroom lecture on 5 November 1868 Eight students attended but the class was opened to all persons without regard to sex or race Meharry Medical School of Nashville which opened in 1876 solely for the educahon of Negro doctors was initially designated as the Medical Department of Central Tennessee College (1866) and enrolled eleven students with ex-slave status To supplement the work of Howard and Meharry five other medical schools were established from 1882 to 1903 In 1882 Leonard Medical School of Shaw University was founded in Raleigh and by 1915 it had graduated over five hundred phYSicians some of whom came from Liberia Trinidad and jamaica In 1888 the Louisville National Medical College was founded followed the next year by the establishshyment of the Flint Medical College in New Orleans In the Tennessee mountains Knoxville Medical College began in 1895 with classrooms located over a funeral parlor Strange as it may now seem this location was beneficial to the college for embalmed specimens were indispensshyable to pathologists and to students studying anatomy And final ly the least known of all Chattanooga (Tennessee) National Medical College came into existence in 1903 However despite the uncertainties surshyrounding the foundation of these medical schools their emergence represented a major transformation in black social-medical history In the antebellum period the first black phySiCians were either self-taught

Howard and Meharry Training African PhYSicians ll3

healers such as james Still David Ruggles and William Wells Brown or apprentice-trained such as Martin R Delany james McCune Smith presumably had received the MD degree abroad at the University of Glasgow as early as 1837 By the end of the antebellum era there were only three US-educated black phYSicians with training equivalent to their Sierra Leonean counterparts David j Peck (1847 Rush Medical College) john V Degrasse and Thomas j White (1849 Bowdoin Colshylege) The latter institution had a medical school at the time whose objective was to prepare blacks for medical service in Liberia

But despite the motivation and intent of the seven black medical schools in the post-Civil War era by the early twentieth century the dispensers of philanthropy phased out all but two of those schools In 19lO the Flexner report on the statu s of medical education in the United States and Canada appeared under the auspices of the Carnegie Foundashytion The report encouraged various foundations to support only apshyproved medical schools and recommended that Meharry at Nashville and Howard at Washington are worth development-the upbuilding of Howard and Meharry will profit the nation much more than the inadeshyquate maintenance of a large number of schoolsJ3 The Flexner report had a long-lasting impact on the training of black phYSicians in predomshyinantly black institutions For nearly half of the twentieth century Howard and Meharry were the only historically black institutions acshycredited to provide medical education It was not until September 1978 some Sixty-eight years after the Flexner report that the School of Medicine at Morehouse College in Atlanta enrolled twenty-four stushydents as the third predominantly black medical school

Medical School Curriculum

The curriculum of neither Meharry nor Howard showed Significant innovation in the nineteenth century That both institutions were conshyceived in an era preceding the pioneer discoveries of the causation of infectious diseases is evident by their earliest views on these diseases In the graduating class at Meharry in 1878 Lorenzo Dow Key reported a common belief in a discussion on malaria

Malaria was derived from two Latin words which means bad air It is supposed that air in certain portions of this and other countries is filled with germs that are formed by the decomposition of animal and vegptable matter and it is thought by a large number of writers on the subject that persons who inhabit these districts take into their systems during respiration these germs which enter the circulation Is

114 THE AFRICAN OJASPORA

The medical school at Howard University held classes only in the evening for daytime classes did not begin until 1910 and with only part-time faculty and without certain basic labora tory facilities or quarshyters for animal experimentation For the most part patients were treated as their ancestors and relatives had treated them-without the benefit of antibiotics or specific drugs Clinicians instructed the sick to avoid certain types of niht air and either purged them with cathartics or induced sweating l On the other hand the curnculum of Meharry as shown by Falk and Quaynor-Malm used textbooks such as Grays Anatomy Dunglisons Medical Dictionary and Meigs Diseases of Children without any reference to John Wesleys Primitive Physick In the words of these researchers the Meharry curriculum was a thoroughly AngloshySaxon white medical one17

Religion and the religiOUS experience were extremely important factors in the daily life of black medical students black physicians and their black patients All Meharry graduates were active Christians and some were part-time ministers But the medical education that those students received bore little relationship to the tradition or the reality of the patients they were expected to treat There was little difference between the Howard curriculum and that of Meharry Both reflected the acculturation process that denied the existence of a rational medical system in ancient Egypt or Africa that was in fact more than three thousand years old lB

However Howard and Meharry started curriculum innovations in the early decades of the twentieth century in ways more beneficial to the development of medical services in Africa Many of these changes may have had late nineteenth-century antecedents Courses in tropical medicine hygiene dietetics and preventive medicine are found in the Howard catalog as early as 1912 and 1914 And in 1922 if not earlier one finds a department of bacteriology with a course in public health headed by Professor Algernon Brashear jackson with Dr Uriah Daniels Mr james Julian Jr and Mr Felix Anderson as supporting facultyJ9 Although Meharrys catalog showed change it did not show a course listing in tropical medicine or epidemiology until 1922 This is not to say however that earlier students may not have been provided with medical knowledge useful in the management of tropical diseases Further in 1922 a course in parasitology and clinical microscopy apshypeared with the following course description A brief course in Parashysitology is given in conjunction with Bacteriology of the second year of the medical course The students are made acquainted with the methods of identifying malaria plasmodium and other pathogenic parasites20 Although the white administration at Meharry brought significant beneshyfits to medical trainees the real sensitivity for substantive changes came


with the inauguration of a black administration In 1952 Dr Harold D West (PhD) became the first black president of Meharry And in 1966-1967 Dr Lloyd Elam (MD) became the new college president contmumg the fa culty renaissance of his predecessor

In 1926 Howard University installed Mordecai Wyatt Johnson (STM DD) as its lirst black preSident During the thirty-four years of hIS admmlstratIOn Howard University became a center of black scholarshyship a black intellectual oasis In 1929 a dynamic phase of development began m the medIcal school with the appointment of Dr Numa P G Adams (MD) as its lirst black dean Dr Adams embarked on a bold program of institutional and faculty development With the presidents support he recruited a full-time faculty for the first time Shortly thereafter In 1930 Edwin R Embree executive secretary of the General EducatIOn Board (Rockefeller Foundation) provided grants to Howard and Meharry for training beyond the MD degree and Adams insisted on such trammg Hence Howards outstanding medica l graduates such as M Wharton Young (MD) and W Montague Cobb (MD) went on to obtain the PhD in the basic biomedica l sciences Having joined the medIca l faculty m 1931 with his MD from Harvard Hildrus A Poindexter also obtained the PhD (1932) in microbiology and immunolshyogy at Columbia University and later continued his studies in tropical medlcme there as well as at the University of Puerto Rico Ernest E Just (PhD University of Chicago 1916) apparently worked m Ilalson wlth the medical school before the medical faculty renaissance era and was probably the lirst PhD to teach in the medical school He directed most of his better students to enter medicine rather than graduate study because of the unfavorable job market An outstanding SCIentist hIS profeSSIOnal career included appointments at the Univershysity of Chicago and from 1930 onward he studied at the Kaiser-Wilhelm Institute fur Biologie at Berlin-Dahlem until Nazi Germany brought this activity to a halt Among numerous other publications just published hiS senunal work The Biology of the Cell Sllrface in 1938 Finally Charles R Drew (MD McGill) joined the faculty in 1935 as instructor in the Department of Pathology and in 1938 he was instructor in the Departshyment of Surgery He is best known for his pioneering work in blood plasma n

Curriculum innovation was a natural outgrowth of the new faculty The Blllletm of 1931 shows a course listing in vital statistics and epidemiology Newer concepts in microbiology and immunology folshylowmg the reorgamzatIOn of the bacteriology department in 1934 were the chief innovations along with animal experimentation and darklield nucroscopy The revised curriculum in public health was a direct result of innovations in the Department of Bacteriology In 1936 a nahonal

116 TH E AFRICAN OIASPORA

survey team rated the medical school at Howard University substanshytially comparable to six other schools in the integration of microbiology and immunology for medical students 23

In the 1930s African medical students at Howard and Meharry could take advan tage of the knowledge about orga nisms for the prevenshytion and con trol of diseases For example in the presulfonamide drug period medical treatment was based on trial and error Quinine was given to patients with fever digitalis for heart disease opiates or morphine for people with pain and calomel for bowel disorders as well as other diseases such as syphilis typhoid fever and even headaches But the discovery of penicillin in 1928 and its first use in patient care in 1941 opened a new era yaws which is morphologically indistinguishshyable from syphilis could now be cured quickly as could pneumonia Sulfonamid es were discovered as far back as 1901 but their clinical use was delayed until 1933 Sulfonamides contained thirty-odd chemical properties useful to combat certain illnesses such as syphilis and lepshyrosy With the development of vaccines immunization could eradicate whooping cough diphtheria smallpox and tetanus Hookworms tryshypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness) malaria and leprosy could all be prevented or cured with proper medical services Howard and Meharry now had laboratories where the study of most of these diseases could be undertaken African physicians had only to apply what they had learned about vectors transmitting disease from the infected to the noninfected Morbidity and mortality could be greatly reduced

In another study Leslie A Falk distinguishes two major categories of health systems5 The first is the scientific or Western system the second consists of modalities normally considered beyond the role of accepted medical practice Examples of so-called scientific systems inshyclude medical group practice free clinics and health centers that use physician or nurse practitioners physicians assistants and so on In contrast the system of modalities includes acup uncture tradi tional healers yoga transa ctional analysis and biofeedback In retrospect there is no evidence that either medical school used the modalities category either in its curriculum or as an alternative method of health care It is only within the past five years that serious attempts have been made by institutions of Western medicine Howa rd and Meharry inshycluded to incorporate traditional beliefs and practices in the standard medical cu rriculum

Some of the African grad uates from Howard and Meharry medical schools made significant contributions in the tran sfer of medical technolshyogy to th eir respective countries j H Roberts an Americo-Liberian was the first Howard MD graduate from West Africa in 1876 he entered private practice in Liberia and is believed to be the son of the

HfYlvard and Meharr Training African Physicians 117

first Liberian President j H Roberts (1848- 18561872-1876)26 Howard produced two other graduates during the latter part of the nineteenth century but little is known about them

The records from 1900 to 1960 are more detailed In 1935 H d Umiddot ty d dO owarnlvers gra uate r Malaku E Bayan who became Emperor Haile Selassle s personal physician in the 1930s in 1942 Dr Da d E B h I I Vi oyeshyjo nson graduated and became the chief medical officer of Sierra Leone In 1944 and served in other public health capacities In 1955 Dr Aderohunmu O Laja graduated and was pos ted in the pathology department of the Federal Ministry of Health in Lagos Nigeria Dr BadeJo O Adebonojo also was a 1955 Howard graduate and served as the chIef medIcal officer of the Lagos State Government of Nigeria And there were other outstanding MD African graduates of the 1950s

But the decades most outstanding Howard University MD gradushyate was the late Dr Latunde E Odeku of Nigeria ( It is said that he and Andrew Young the former us ambassador to the United Nations were dormitory roommates at Howard) Odeku was also a poet and i~ 1950 Some four years before his graduation he expressed his appreciashytion In a poem to Howard University

Alma Mater OUf s trength with thee forev er rests OUf usefulness our pride OUf struggles in the years to come Shall beam OUf deeds and crowns to thee In lasting thought of grati tude28

Odeku returned to Nigeria established the first neurosurgical unit at the Uruverslty of lbadan and became its first head He performed a WIde range of neurosurgICal operations with modest facilities

Meha rry produ~ed its share of African medical graduates as well rorucaHy Meharry s Inttial contribution in the transfer of medical techshynology m the nmeteenth century came not from a graduate of the African contment but from the United States Dr Georgia E L Patton an Afro-Amencan was the first woman graduate of Meharry in 1893 The difficulty women graduates had in obta ining certification from medical assoCiahons during this era may account for Dr Pattons g t Lb mngo I en a to practice medicine from 1893 to 1895 Illness may have been

her nemesIs because shortly after 1895 she returned to the United States and settl ed in Memphis where she died in 190030 Dr Poindexter whose remarks On disease control in Liberia prefaced this essay report~ that Dr Patton is still remembered among the elders in Liberia ~

118 THE AFRI CAN DIASPORA

On the other hand Meharry had only one graduate of the African continen t before 1900-john H jones of Liberia Meharry had a more successful record of producing African graduates between 1900 and 1960 Paradoxically two of Meharrys best-known grad uates prior to 1940 have made little or no contribution in the realm of public health Daniel Sharpe Malekebu of Malawi arrived in the United States in 1908 with the support of black Baptists in New York and Ohio He studied in North Carolina and at Selma College in Alabama in 1917 he graduated as a surgeon from Meharry All total Malekebu spent fourteen years in the United States and established links with th e medical staff at Meharry the YMCA the Baptist leaders and Dr Whittier H Wright of Meharry Further he married Flora Ethelwyn an Afro-A merican Back in Malawi in 1926 Malekebu succeeded john Chilembwe (a Yao trained in Virginia by Baptists) as head of the Independent Providence Industrial Mission in Southern Malawi31

Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda is now life president of the Republic of Malawi The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church of johannesshyburg sponsored Bandas first trip to the United States in 1925 He earned a high school diploma at Wilberforce University studied at Indiana University and received the bachelor of philosophy degree from the Un iversi ty of Chicago His benefactors were black professionals and real estate owners in Ohio and Indiana Banda was also able to exchange views in the United States with j R Rathebe of South Africa and with Dr A B Yuma who beca me leader of the African National Congress of South Africa in the late 1920s and early 1930s32 After graduating from Meharry in 1936 Banda left the United States but was present to give the commencement address at Meharry in 1977

Meharry graduated a number of other outstanding African physishycians but insufficient data preclude description of their contrib utIOn to the transfer of medical technology and skills Two other figures howshyever must not go unmentioned first joseph Nagbe Togba of Liberia graduated from Meharry in 1944 and became an important figure in the World Health Organization and second Henry Nehemiah Cooper also of Liberia received the MD degree in 1954 and heads the john F Kennedy Hospital in Monrovia

Some general conclusions can be drawn from this exploratory distrishybution modeL First the fact that Liberia provided the earliest medical graduates attests to the Americo-Liberians long-standing links with the Afro-American community in the United States some LiberIans even attended the Leonard Medical School of Shaw University before it went out of existence in 1915 Second Nigeria has the largest pipeline of graduates that began in the last decade of the colOnial period all of them ca me fr om southern Nigeria for northern Nlgena as a regIOn did

Howard and Mehany Training African Physicians 119

not gradua te its fir st MD until 1973-1974 at Ahmadu Bello University Medical School Zana TIurd none of the influential Malawian gradushyates at tended Howard Dr Malekebu having been the first Malawian graduate from Meharry in 1917 controlled the pipeline and influshyenced subsequent Malawians such as Dr Banda and others to attend Meharry

The AME Church sponsored more studen ts at Meharry than at Howard whIch had a predominantly Congregationalist orientation in the nmeteenth century The AME Church had a long history of involveshymen t 10 South Africa which may aCCount for the greater number of South Africans at Meharry (six) than at Howard (two) Ghanai students in any Significant numbers did not attend ei ther of these institutions until the 1950s it is likely that Kwame Nkrumah (Lincoln Uni~ersity Pennsylvania) who became Ghanas first preSident in the postmdependence era accelerated this trend

During the colonial period (J900- 1960) the Africa n MD graduates appear at staggered intervals in the catalogs This pattern developed partly because as Donald Segal reports the colonial governments disshycrlmmated agamst African physicians trained in the United States33 Howard University and other Us institutions proVided premedical ungraduate tramllg for many Africans who then continued their medishycal studies a t either McGill UniverSity in Canada or in Europe because of th e excluslOlUst poltcy of the colOnial era T Bello Osagie a Nigerian graduate of Howard In the early 1950s obtained his MD at McGill because he feared that American credentials would exclude him from certification in Nigeria The postindependence era marks a departure from this trend and apparently lilted the co lonial ban of discrimination against African physicians trained in the United States

Summary Howard UniverSity and Meharry medical schools have contributed

Significantly in the training of African phYSicians since they were founded 10 the nmeteenth century Howard University Medical School founded m 1868 and Meharry established in 1876 were two of seven black medical institutions to emerge in tha t period But the Flexner report of 1910 phased out all but Howard and Meharry which continshyued to receive philanthropic support Both institutions appeared at a propltlDus time when pseudoscientific racism triumphed with the onset of colonial rule in Africa At the same time in West Africa the British reversed an earlier trend allowing Africans to be trained as physicians at Edmburgh and London and began to discriminate against African med Ical doctors tra ined in the United Sta tes


A factor other than pseudoscientific racism may have been at stake in regard to the new colonial policy Some earlier nationalists were physicians and the British may have sought to diminish the domino ellect of nationalist sentiment by reducing the number of African docshytors since they represented the dominant elite in the new class formashytion The policy change however tend ed to confine the distribution of African d octors to the coastal settlements and restricted the expansion of scientific public health services for the mass of the population living predominantly in the rural and periurban areas

Howard University Medical School and Meharry Medical School made a unique contribution to the advancement of scientific medicine on the African continent by adding to the pool of British-trained physishycians in West Africa who had come initially from Sierra Leone By the second decade of the twentieth century these medical schools began to incorporate into their curriculum such innovative courses as tropical mediCine bacteriology microbiology animal experimentation statistical epidemiology and the like African medical d octors had only to apply these innovations to the development of medical services in their reshyspective countries of origin

Howard University an d Meharry medical schools graduated more Afri can students- about forty-one-between 1960 and 1978 than they did in the sixty yea rs preceding the independence era This fact confirms that tran sformation from African to African American neither severed the socio-culturallink with the homeland nor precluded black American involvement in the development of the continent

NOTES

L O r1 interview with Hildrus A Poindex ter and his book My World of Reality Allobiogroply (Detroit Balarnp Publishers 1973)

2 The research fo r this paper was funded by the Department of His tory Howard Uni versity Washington DC I extend a specia l thanks to Hildrus A Poindexter MD and Calvin H Sinnetle MD both of the Howard Uni versi ty Medical SCh OOl who rendered inva luable assistance with revision and sources The following persons served ltIS consultants to this project Joseph E Harris (Department of H isto ry Howa rd Univers it y) Dea n Manon Mann MD and Eleanor I Franklin PhD both of Howard Univers ity Medica l School OeM Ralph J Cazort MD and Leslie A Falk MD PhD both of Mehltlrry Medical School Michael Winsto n and the Moorland-Springarn Research Center Staff (especia ll y Betty M Culpepper) Howard Univers ity Adelola Adeloye MD Thadan Uni versity Medical School Nigeria Edwa rd B Cross MD FACC FACP Dallas Steven Feierruan and Jan Vans ina both of the Un iversity of Wisconsin Madison and William A Dixon Kentucky State University

3 William H McNeill Plag lles and Peoples (Garden City NY Ancho r Press 1976) see also Ge rald W Hartwig and K David Patterson eds Disease in African History All Inroductory Sllrwy and Case Studies (Dulh11ll NC Duke University Press 1978)

Howard and Meharry Training African PhysiCians 121

Philip D Curtin Epidemiology and the Slave Trade Polit Ical Science Quarterly 83 2 Qune 1968)190- 217 Philip D C urtin The White Mans Grave Image and Reality 1780- 1850 ollmal of British Studies 1 (1961)94-110 fo r yellow fever and cho lera in the six teenth centuries see Sekeoe-Mody Cissoko Famines ct epidemies aTomboucshytou et dans la boucle du niger du XVI au XV IW siecle Bulletm de IIFAN 30 5er B 3 (1968)606- 21 Henry E Sigeris t Civilization alld DIsease (Ithaca NY Cornell Un iversity Press 1943) and Steven Feierman Health and Society in AjIico A Working Bibliography (Waltham Mass Crossroads Press 1979)

4 Adelolcl Adeloye Nigeria n Pioneers of Modern MedIcine (Tba dan Tbadan University Press 1977) M C F Easmon Sierra Leone Doctors Sierra Leone Sludies n s 6 (956)81- 96

5 Or Ca lvin H Sinnette o r interview on August 15 1979 a t Howard University Medica l School see also Paul E Steiner Medica l Educa tion in Trans-Saharan Africa ollmal of Merlical Edllcation 34 2 (1959)95-106

6 E N O Sodeinde to Patton 23 July 1979 Kaymond E Durnell The Campaig n agai ns t Malaria and the Expansion of Scientific Medical a nd Sanitary Services in British West Africa 1898-1910 African Historical Studies 1 2 (1 968) 191-94 and K David Patterson Disease and Medicine in African Histo ry A Bibliographical Essay Histonj in Afmiddotica 1 ( 974) 147

7 Eliot Freidson Professional Dominance The Social Structllre of Medicnl Core (New York Atherlon Press 1970) xi

8 Marke W DeLancey Health and Disecl5e on the Plantations of Cameroon 1884- 1939 in Disease in Africal1 Hisory ed Hartwig and Patterson 153

9 Hartwig and Patterson eds Disease in African Hisory 4 10 Dumett The Campaign against Malaria 192-93 11 Mohammed Alpha Bah Dr Herbert C Banko le-B right and His Impac t on the

Growth of Cons titu tional Government and the Development of Political Parties in Sierra Leone 1924- 1957 (MA theSiS Deparhnent of History Howard UniverSity 1977) 16- 17

12 Herbert M Morai s The Histonj of the Negro ill Med iciHe (Wa shington DC Association fo r the Study o f Negro Life and H isto ry 1967) 21 - 25 26-27 44 60 64 66- 69 Abraham Flexner Medical Educa tion in the United Sla tes lind Canada A Report to the Carnegie Foulldation for lite Adooncement of Telldumiddotng (Merrymo unt Press Boston 1910) 180 and L A Falk and N A Quaynor-Malm Early Afro-American Medical Educashytion in the Uni ted States The O rigins of Meharry Medical College in the Nineteen th Century in Proceedings of the XX III CongTcss Of tlte History of Medicine (London Oxford UniverSity Press September 2- 9 1972) 347 James L Curtis Black Medical Schools and SoCiety (Ann Arbor University of Michigan Press 1971) 9 -10 13 Dietrich C Reitzes Negroes and Medicine (Cambridge Harva rd University Press 1958) Jud ith Walzer Leav itt and Ronald L Numbers tCis SIckness and Health in Amenmiddotco Readings in tile Histonj of Health ill America (Iadison Universit y of Wiscons in Press 1980) and Gary King The Supply and Distribution of Black Physicians in th~ United States 1900- 1970 Western ollrn lll of Black Studies 4 (1980)21- 28

13 Flexner Medical Education in tlte United StJJtes and Canada 18l 14 MorellOll se College Bulletin (Winter 1979) ibid bull 20 (F1n 1979)13 15 Falk and Quaynor-Malm Early Afro-American Medical Educatio n 350 16 Dr Hildrus A Po indexter oral interv iew o n 23 March 1976 at Howard University

Medical School tape I s ide A see also Todd L Savitt Medicine and Slavery (Charupaign Universi ty of T11inois Press 19791

17 Falk and Quaynor-Malm Early Afro- American Medica l Education 350

122 THE AFR ICAN DIA SPORA

lB Henry E Sigeris l A History of Medicine (New York Oxford Uni versi ty Press 1961) 310- 11

19 Howard Universily Record Howard Universiy School of Medicine 13 4 (June 1918) Howard University Bulletin 1 L 7 (August 1930)52- 53

20 Meharry Caaoglle fo r the yea rs 1876- 1921 1922 and 1924- 1925 21 Lesli e A Falk A Centu ry of Service Meharry Medical College Southern Exposure 6

(1978)17 22 Poindexter MlI World of Reality 99 Michael Winston oral intervi ew on 21 May 1979 at

the MoorlandmiddotSpingam Research Center Howard University W Montague Cobb Hildrus Augustus Poindexter MD MSPH PhD DSe 1901- JOllmal of the National Medical Association 65 3 (May 1973)243- 247 and Ernest Everett Jus t The Biology oj the Cell Surface (Phil adelphia P Blakiston Son and Co 1939) Mrs Yvonne Brown suppli ed usefu l data on Charles Drew

23 Howard Urlivcrsity Bulletin School of Medicine 11 3 (October 1931) Poindex ter My World of Reality 116- 19 Poindexter oral interview tape I side A

24 Louis S Goodman and Alfred Gilman eds The Pharmacological Bnsis of Therapeu tics (New Yo rk Macmillan 1975) 1113 1130 Poindexter oral interview tape 1 sides A and B Jud ith S Mausner and Anita K BaM Epidemiology An Illtroduclory Test (Philadelph ia W B Saunders Co 1974) Hartwig and Patterson Disease i African History

25 Leslj e A Falk Alternate Health Care Does Medicine Ca re abo ut It The Gu thrie Bulletin Vol 48 Fall 1968 Available fro m author

26 See Tom W Shick Behold the Promised Land A History of Afro-Amcrican SeWer Society in NineteelzIl Cenury Liberia (Ba ltimore Johns Hopkins Univers ity Press 1980)

27 Fo r references to Howard Univers ity African MD graduiltes see the following Directory Of Graduates Hcrward Universily - 1870- 1963 HU Publica tions Was hing ton DC 1 July 1965 Howard University Direclory of Grnduates 1870- 1976 White Plains NY Berna rd C Harris Pub Co 1977 Daniel Smith La mb Howard University Medical DeptJrtmell t A Historical Biogrnphical alld Statistical Souvetlir (Freeport NY Books for Libraries Press 197I) 143 154 211 258 Howard University Bulleti 9 3 (1914) ibid 10 4(915) bid 7 7 ltJ une 1928) ibid 12 (Februa ry 1933) bid 15 (February 1935) ibid 18 7 (IS January 1939) Bulletin College of M~dicin~ 1959- 1960 BlilletfI of Hownrd University- College of MedlDlfe 1974-1975 (see Bulletin fo r other years not cited) Howard UniverSity Medial Alumfl i Association Directory Easmon Sierra Leone Doctors 81-93 and Penelope Campbell Mnryland in Africa The Maryland State Cflizntion Society 1831-1857 (Urbana Uni versity o f lIIinois Press 1971) for medical objectJ ves of the Methodis t Episco pal Church at Cape Pa lmas See also the official histories of Howard University Walter Dyson Howord Un iverSity The Capstonc of Negro Education 1867- 1940 (Washing ton DC Howard Uni vers ity 1941) Rayfo rd W Logan Howard University The First One Hundred Years 1867- 1967 (New York New Yo rk University Press 19)

28 E Latunde Odcku TWlliglrt Out of the Night (lbadan Uni ve rsity of (badan 1964) 71 I thank Dr Calvin H Sinnette fo r bringing this source to my attention

29 Fo r other references to Meharry African MD graduates see the following Meharry- Medicnl Delltnl nnd Pfu1nnncellfical Departments- Catnogue of 1894- 1895 (Nashville 1N Meharry College 1895) also catalog of 1900- 1901 1902-1 903 1903-1904 1905 (missing) 1907-1908 1914 - ]915 1920- 1921 1923- 1924 1924-1925 1936 BZllletill of Meharry Medical College 1937 ibid 1938 Meharry Medical College Bulletin 38 1- A Uuly 1941) ibid 50 4 (954) Meharry Medical College The Centennial iss ue 0876-1976) Nashville TN 1976 and Afncan AJumni - Meharry Medical Col shylege unpublished report prepared for the a uthor by the Meharry Alumni Office and Campbell Maryland in Africa


30 Falk and QuaynormiddotMalm Early Afro-American Medica l Ed ucation in the United Sta tes 352

31 Kings Mbacazwa Phiri Afro-American Influence in Colonial Malawi to about 1940 (Paper presented at the Diaspora Studies Institute Howard Universi ty Washington DC August 26- 31 1979) 1-33

32 Phiri Afro-American Influence in Colonia l Malawii and Richard D Ralston American Episodes in the Making of an African Leader A Case Study of Alfred B Xu ma 0893- 1962) Illternational Journal of Africrm Historical Studies 6 1 (973)72-93

33 Donald Sega l African Profiles (Ba ltimore Penguin 1962)89

Howard University Press Washington DC 20017

Copyright copy 1982 1993 by Howard University Press LA madama francesita A New World Black Spirit Copyright copy 1993 by Angela Jorge All rights reserved Published 1982 Second Edition 1993

No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopying and recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without permission in writing from the publisher Inquiries should be addressed to Howard University Press 1240 Randolph Street NE Washington DC 20017

Manufactured in the United States of America

This book is printed on acid-free paper

10987654 3 2

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Global dimensions of the African diaspora edi ted by Joseph E Harris - 2nd ed

p em Includes papers from the First and Second African Diaspora Studies

Institutes Includes bibliographical references and index ISBN 0-88258-149-X Calk paper) $2495 1 African diaspora- History- Congresses 2 Airica shy

Civilization-Congresses 3 Slavery-Africa-History- Congresses 4 Blacks- Cultural assimilation-Congresses 5 Blacks-Race identity-Congresses 6 Afro-Americans-Africa- HistoryshyCongresses I Harris Joseph E 1929middot II African Diaspora Studies Institute (lsI 1979 Howard University) III African Diaspora Stucties Institute (2nd 1982 Nairobi Kenya) DTl65G581 993 909 04-dc20 93-3755

CIP

Contents

Introd uction JOSEPH E H ARRIS

The Diaspora as Concept and Method 1 The Dialectic Between Diasporas and Homelands

11ELLIOTT P SKINNER

2 African Diaspora Concept and Context 41GEORGE SHEPPERSON

3 Return Movements to West and East Africa A Comparative Approach

51JOSEPH E HARRIS

4 African Religions in America Theoretical Perspectives

ALBERT ) RABOTEAU 65

Settlement Identity and Transformation 5 The Middle Passage and Personality Change Among

Diaspora Africans 83OKON EDET UYA

6 African Culture and Slavery in the United States 99LAWRENCE w LEVINE

7 Howard University and Meharry Medical Schools in the Training of Africa n PhYSicians 1868-1978

109ADELL PATION JR

8 Nro-Mexican Culture and Consciousness During the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

125COLIN PALMER

9 A Lesser-Known Chapter of the African Diaspora West Indians in Costa Rica Central America ROY SIMON BRYCE-LAPORTE ASSISTED BY TREVOR PURCELL 137

v

3

VI CONTENTS


















ST CLAlR DRAKE

Contributors

Index

Contents vii

421

441

451

515

519


Adell Patton Jr





109































































NOTES



































VI CONTENTS


















ST CLAlR DRAKE

Contributors

Index

Contents vii

421

441

451

515

519


Adell Patton Jr





109































































NOTES




































Adell Patton Jr





109































































NOTES

































































































NOTES



































global dimensions of the african diaspora

Documents