images of the urban crowd in revolutionary paris2

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Images of the Urban Crowd in Revolutionary Paris:

Imaging the Storming of the Bastille, 1789 and the July Revolution, 1830

Tara Jacobson

200256426

History 480

Dr. Germani

March 22, 2010


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Napoleon Bonaparte once said, "Un bon croquis vaut mieux qu'un long discours," whic

means, in English, A good sketch is better than a long speech. In our modern 21st century some

people have moulded this phrase further and thus the common phrase A picture is worth a

thousand words, was born. But is a picture better than a written account of an event? Can a

simple picture tell the same story as a written report?

Historically speaking, the study of art has blossomed over the last century and more an

more academics are finding themselves drawn to the study of historical art. A lot of valuable

information can be gained from the analysis of art, especially in the days before the first came

was invented.One such era in which many art historians have found themselves drawn to is the perio

of 1789-1848 in France. However, art of this era was not always simply drawn for enjoyment

was often drawn to serve as propaganda or as a way of documenting certain events. Because o

these circumstances it is not only interesting to study art from this period just to simply learn

about the changing artistic landscape, but to also learn about how art was used to influence th

people of that society.

The purpose of this article is to prove that although Napoleon was right in saying that a

picture can be a good representation of an event, he was wrong in stating that pictures are bet

than written reports. By analysing artistic representations of the urban crowd in Paris during th

revolutions in 1789 and 1830 and comparing them to written accounts about the same events

can easily demonstrate the differences between written accounts of events and artistic

representations of those same events. A common pattern that emerges when analysing these tw

specific years is that the same event, the storming of the Bastille in 1789 or the July Days in


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1830 for example, is manipulated through artistic representation to dramatize the victories of

crowd and serve as positive propaganda for French society.

The year 1789 in France has arguably been marked as the beginning of the French

Revolution. A key event that stands out in the minds of academics and non-academics when

contemplating this year is the Storming of the Bastille on July 14, 1789. There are several arti

representations of this event and even more written documents about it.

On July 14, 1789 a Parisian crowd marched towards the Bastille with the intention of

demanding arms, powder and bullets from the Governor.1 The Bastille, on that day, was being

defended by 80 disabled soldiers officered by 30 Swiss Guards2

and several cannons bothinside the courtyard and along the walls.3 According to Jean Stewart the crowd that marched on

the Bastille was largely comprised of artisan workers, some bourgeois men and even several

soldiers and officers.4 Their ages ranged from the youngest being approximately 8 years old and

the oldest being 72 years old.5 Many were either poorly-armed or not armed with weapons at all.

As the crowd gathered outside the Bastille waited impatiently as a group of electors me

with the Governor.6 However despite these diplomatic ongoings the crowd became frustrated

with the lack of progress and two men climbed onto the roof of a perfumers shop which

enabled them to get inside the guardhouse.7 They smashed the pulleys that the drawbridge was

attached to and the drawbridge catapulted downwards allowing the crowd to rush into the

Bastille.8 Keversau, a member of that crowd, recalls that when the bridge was lowered, many

1 Jean Stewart, trans.,The Taking of the Bastille: July 14, 1789, (London: Faber and Faber, 1970), 218.2 Alan Forrest, trans.,The French Revolution 1787-1799: From the Storming of the Bastille to the Fall of Girondins(Vol. 1) , (Bristol, NLB, 1974), 138.3 Stewart,The Taking of the Bastille: July 14, 1789 , 218.4 Ibid, 221-222.5 Ibid.6 Ibid, 226.7 Ibid, 229.8 Ibid.


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people in the crowd embraced the staff officers to show there was no ill-feeling. But a few

soldiers posted on the platforms...discharged their muskets...9 However, a Swiss officer named

Louis de Flue recalls that the besiegers fired first on the high towers, when the drawbridge w

lowered.10 This debate has been ongoing as to who fired the first shot, but nonetheless violence

broke out with both the defenders and the crowd firing upon one another. Eventually the crow

disarmed the defenders and the crowd told control of the Bastille. In total approximately 170

members of the crowd were killed or severely injured in the fighting whereas only one defend

was killed alongside three others that were wounded.11 As well, the Governor was killed by the

crowd and his head was paraded through the streets of Paris on a pike.12

The written accounts of the Storming of the Bastille present the reader with a image of

the crowd as a large group of men from a variety of backgrounds and of a variety of ages. Ma

were unarmed or poorly armed at the beginning of the attack, having only gathered ammuniti

after entering the Bastille. They also give the reader the impression that many more attackers

died in the battle than defenders, although it is unclear as to which side originally instigated th

violent fighting.

There are many artistic representations of the Storming of Bastille on July 14, 1789 and

some of these representations correspond with the written accounts outlined previously. Prieu

work entitled Storming the Bastille (see Image 1) depicts the crowd fighting their way into t

Bastille. In the picture the attackers are not armed with guns and ammunition but instead are

9Georges Pernoud and Sabine Flaissier, eds.,The French Revolution , trans. Richard Graves (New York: CapricornBooks, 1961), 3137 as found on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity : Exploring the French Revolution, accessed:

March 22, 2010 at http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/382/10 "Rlation de la prise de la Bastille le 14 juillet 1789 par un de ses dfenseurs," inRvue Retrospective , vol. 4(Paris: M. J. Taschereau, 1834). As found on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity : Exploring the French Revolution,accessed: March 22, 2010 at http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/383/11 Stewart,The Taking of the Bastille: July 14, 1789 , 243.12 Georges Pernoud and Sabine Flaissier, eds.,The French Revolution , trans. Richard Graves (New York: CapricornBooks, 1961), 55. as found on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity : Exploring the French Revolution, accessed: March22, 2010 a http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/384/


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using more commonly found weapons such as axes and pikes.13 They are tearing down the

buildings surrounding the Bastille, foreshadowing the eventual complete destruction of the

Bastille later on, and in the foreground one can see a wounded attacker being carted off on a

litter.14 This corresponds with written accounts of the Bastille as it shows the crowd using

ordinary weapons and even shows one of attackers being seriously wounded, contributing to t

fact that the crowd was not an invincible force. However, Roberts also mentions that the size

the Bastille has been exaggerated in this picture to heighten the drama and sense of victory th

accommodates this work.15

An anonymous engraving entitled Attack on the Bastille also echoes the sentimentsfound in the written accounts. (See Image 2) It depicts the crowd as being made up of men fro

different classes, as can be seen by the differences in clothes and headpieces, attacking the

Bastille which is somewhere in the distance beyond the scope of the image. This corresponds

with the written accounts in that it shows the difference in the social classes that made up the

crowd, but it does not necessarily show the variety in ages that the written accounts suggest. A

well the crowd is now armed with guns and cannons so this image must be from later on in th

day of fighting after the crowd has seized different types of weapons.

Many other artistic representations of the Storming of the Bastille are much more

exaggerated in their representation of the crowd during this event. The anonymous color print

entitled Taking of the Bastille (see Image 3) shows the crowd fighting against the defenders

beneath a red banner and they are armed with muskets, swords and pikes.16 The use of color and

the billowing smoke are dramatic effects purposely used to heighten the image of the crowd a13 Warren Roberts,The Public, the Populace, and Images of the French Revolution , (New York: State University of New York Press, 2000), 96.14 Ibid.15 Ibid, 97.16 Taking of the Bastille as found on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity : Exploring the French Revolution,accessed: March 22, 2010 http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/45/


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being spontaneous and brave.17 The faces of the defenders are also blurred out to ensure that

the viewer focuses more on the achievements of the crowd.

Another often exaggerated image of the Storming of the Bastille is when the crowd

finally apprehends the Governor. (See Image 4 and 5) In the anonymous The Taking of the

Bastille (see image 4), one can see that the Governor (the figure in the middle) is being held

prisoner both by an attacker with a gun and another attacker with a sword. In the background

crowd continues to attack the Bastille. While the capturing of the Governor may be an accura

representation, as written sources continually differ on this issue, it is the representation of the

men in that background that is of interest here. Written accounts of the Storming of the Bastilsuggest that the crowd was made largely of working class men with very few, if any, poor me

Some of the men in the background have rather criminalist appearances, with contorted faces

tattered clothing.

In contrast to the anonymous image where the Governor is being arrested by two men,

the Prieur drawing entitled The Death of de Launay (see Image 5) shows the Governor bein

arrested by the crowd as a whole. There is also a woman in bottom left of the image mourning

for a dead attacker. The presence of the woman may be an exaggeration as written accounts o

the Storming of the Bastille do not mention the presence of women in the crowd. It also may b

exaggerated as to if the Governor was actually lead by the crowd anywhere as it has been

suggested in some written accounts that the Governor kicked one of the members of the crow

and was immediately stabbed in the back and attacked by the remainder of the crowd.18

The slight exaggerations of the images associated with the Storming of the Bastille

generally tend to heighten the sense of victory that was felt after the siege was over. Even in

17 Ibid.18 Stewart,The Taking of the Bastille: July 14, 1789 , 244.


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images that tend to have more facts than exaggerations it is not uncommon to see the size of t

Bastille exaggerated slightly to make the accomplishments of the crowd even more impressiv

However, despite the written accounts that suggest there was a mixing of classes in the make-

of the crowd on July 14, 1789, many illustrations do not accurately portray this mixing and

mingling. Many images are given a wide-view reference point to emphasize the size of the

Bastille and as a result make it almost impossible to differentiate between the vague

representations of the people that makeup the crowd. Those images that do have a closer look

the crowd may have women present in the crowd or do not accurately depict the variety of ag

of the people that were in the crowd. While the crowd is being represented in a very positivelight in many Bastille images, many of them do not give the viewer as detailed account of the

make-up of the crowd as a written account does.

Over forty years later, after the events of July 14, 1789, France was once more face to

face with revolution. The July Revolution, often also referred to as the July Days, was one o

the key events for French society in 1830. Once more the crowd played a very large role in th

accounts of these events. Despite the fact that forty years had passed between events and seve

changes in political structure, Pinkney reminds us that the composition of the crowd in 1830 w

strikingly similar to that of 1789.19 By analysing the 211 names on the list of those reported

dead during the three days of rioting in the streets, Pinkney concludes that the majority of the

men involved in the revolution were of the working-class and were honest... [and] well thoug

of by their employers.20 This observation is reiterated in the journal of Charles S. Storrow, an

American that was in France during the revolution when he notes that he was surprised that th

crowd was actually comprised of "people of respect able appearance and language."2119 David H. Pinkney, The Crowd in the French Revolution of 1830,The American Historical Review 70 (1964):320 Ibid, 4.21 Peter A Ford , An American in Paris: Charles S. Storrow and the 1830 Revolution, Proceedings of theMassachusetts Historical Society 104 (1992): 28.


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Pinkney also notes that women and children did not play a significant role in these uprisings,

with only two women having died in the riots, and those two happened to be spectators, not

active participants.22 Furthermore, Pinkney concludes from his sources that the leadership of the

crowd in 1830 most likely came from the veterans of the Napoleonic and revolutionary armie23

Among those veterans were even current members of the French armed forces, including a

sergeant who helped command a group of men in the streets and even taught them how to co

with the fire of the troops.24 This observation of veterans and current army soldiers joining the

insurgent forces is also reiterated in other written accounts. For example, Robert Alexander

echoes Pinkneys observations of the crowd noting that former members of the Parisian National Guard, abolished in 1827, joined in the resistance.25

With the crowd now being more identifiable, the written descriptions of how the crowd

conducted themselves is also worthy of review. Pinkney describes the beginning of the July

Revolution as a group of printers roaming the streets of Paris, because they did not work on

Mondays, looking for allies in their protest.26 They were trying to stir up other workers such as

the masons or the carpenters and were successful in provoking enough other Parisians to join

into their march to mark the beginning of a three-day uprising.27 As the printers and journalists

read aloud their protest, the crowds around them began to swell with a mixture of anger and

enthusiasm and the pillaging of arms shops, and throwing of stones and bricks at soldiers and

police officers marked the beginning of the violence.28

22 Ibid, 5.23 Ibid, 15.24 Ibid, 15-16.25 Robert Alexander, Re-writing the French Revolutionary Tradition (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press,2003), 287.26 Pinkney, The Crowd in the French Revolution of 1830,8.27 Ibid, 8-9.28 Ibid, 9.


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The next three days encompassed much violence and chaos. Charles Storrow recalls

hearing the rapid discharge of musketry and the heavy sound of the cannon" as the crowd tor

down lampposts and tore down signs atop certain stores.29 He also watched as the crowd

constructed barricades out of trees and overturned carriages and the armed citizens and

members of the re-formed National Guard met in streets to plan and coordinate their next

attacks.30 Clashes between the insurgents and the government troops occurred all over the city

the crowd shouted out bas les Bourbons! and bas la Roayaut! in protest.31

According to Michael Marrinan, July 28th, 1830 was the bloodiest of the three days of

fighting.32

Battles between the crowd and the army were fought at the Fontaine des Innocents, tHotel-de-Ville, porte Saint-Denis, place de la Bastille and in the rue Saint-Antoine.33 According

to Marrinan, throughout the day reports continually came in reporting that the soldiers were

either joining the crowd or refusing to fire upon them.34 By the evening of the next day, July 29,

Paris was controlled by the crowd.35

The written accounts of the July Days in 1830 provide us with a mental image of a crow

of working-class men, lead by both current and formers soldiers, violently attacking a weak

government army. They destroyed property and attempted to rid the city of Bourbon imagery.

was a violent, chaotic three days in which ultimately the crowd triumphed. Despite the fact th

the battle was relatively short-lived, approximately 800 insurgents and 200 troops perished

the July Revolution.36

29 Ford, An American in Paris: Charles S. Storrow and the 1830 Revolution, 25.30 Ibid, 25.31 Pinkney, The Crowd in the French Revolution of 1830,13.32 Michael Marrinan, Painting Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe: Art and Ideology in Orlanists France,1830-1848 . (London: Yale University Press, 1988), 29.33 Ibid.34 Ibid.35 Ibid, 30.36 Alexander, Re-writing the French Revolutionary Tradition , 287.


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Images depicting the same three days described previously do not always match the

mental image that the written accounts paint for their readers. While some artistic representati

of this event do correspond with the written accounts, there are several in which some details

grossly exaggerated or missing completely. Both of these categories of images are worth

considerable analysis.

Two images that give a somewhat realistic impression of the events of the July Days ar

Hippolyte Bellangs Revolution of 1830 (29 July): Forming Barricades and Eugne

Levasseurs Thursday 29 July: Attack of the Louvre. (See image 6 and 7) Bellangs artistic

work depicts the crowd arranging a barricade out of a carriage, furniture and ladders. It shows people of several different classes working together to construct this barricade and assist in th

revolutionary goals. This coincides with Alexanders eyewitness account of the crowd

constructing barricades out of overturned carriages.37 However, Marrinan mentions that it has

been argued that this idea of many classes working together on the barricades is actually mo

fiction that fact.38

Levasseurs artistic work depicts the crowd attacking the Louvre highlighting not only

the efforts of the polytechniciens (scholarly students), recognizable by their particular dress,

also of the larger crowd which is, again, a mixture of social classes. It highlights the working

class and middle class make-up of the crowd that Pinkney suggests and the unity with which t

crowd descended upon the opposing forces.39

Not all the images of the July Days remain faithful to the written accounts. Marrinan

suggests in his book Painting Politics for Louis-Phillipe , that there were several events

37 Ford, An American in Paris: Charles S. Storrow and the 1830 Revolution,25.38 Marrinan, Painting Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe: Art and Ideology in Orlanists France,1830-1848 , 35.39 Pinkney, The Crowd in the French Revolution of 1830,4.


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associated with the July Days that may have been purposefully exaggerated to create a novel

kind of history.40 Marrinan suggests that these paintings create potentially fictional heroes of th

revolution to create a narrative about these events and as such make them iconic and memora

in the minds of the supporters of the revolution.41 One such painting that exhibits this

phenomenon, as Marrinan refers to it, depicts a young man singlehandedly facing a fusillad

capture a cannon for the revolutionaries (See Image 8 and 9). In both these images the hero is

middle of the painting, drawing in the focus of the viewer. The revolutionary flag is displayed

both images, reminding the viewer that this particular painting is pro-revolutionary. The crow

in these images do correspond to the written accounts discussed previously as it can be noted the men in the crowd are of working-class or higher status or are soldiers (as known by their

clothing). However, the heroics of this unknown young man have most likely been exaggerate

in the painting in order to glorify the revolution even further.

Another such exaggeration may have been placed on a common story about a young

fifteen year old boy with a tricolour flag, who ran across the bridge that connects the Left Ba

to the place de Grve while the revolutionaries attempted to recapture the Htel-de-Ville.42 (See

image 10 and 11) However what is important to note here is the difference between the two

representations of the same event. The Anonymous engraving (Image 10) places the young bo

in the center of the engraving and shows him leading the revolutionaries across the bridge. Th

emphasis on the importance of the revolutionaries cause can be seen by the fact that the tri-co

flag is displayed four times in this image and the government army is shown as faceless peopl

in the far background. The engraving really heightens the sense of purpose and bravery of the

40 Marrinan, Painting Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe: Art and Ideology in Orlanists France,1830-1848 , 34.41 Ibid.42 Ibid.


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young man. On the other hand the painting by Amde Bourgeois (Image 11) depicts the sam

event but Bourgeois did not alter the matter-of-fact structure of these familiar images in orde

aggrandize the heros presence.43 Bourgeois placed the young boy in the background of the

painting and minimized his presence in the larger image of the revolution, which is a more

honest representation of this mans contribution to the fight.44

The most famous exaggeration of the events of the July Days belongs to the painting b

Eugne Delacroix (see image 12). The picture entitled Liberty Leading the People shows a

woman, a personification of Liberty, holding the tricolor flag and a gun leading the

revolutionaries into battle. From Pinkneys sources it is known that women were not veryinvolved in the fighting, especially not leading the charge.45 This reminds the viewer of the

exaggerated nature of this painting and its fictional basis.

However, as Edgar Newman points out, this painting and many others similar to it serv

as reminders of the changing ways in which the bourgeois viewed the working-class citizens.46

The crowd was being represented in bourgeois propaganda in a more positive light and this is

illustrated in Delacroixs painting by the worker, who, otherwise, from his shirt and his face

seems more realistic than the other portraits of workers, has the ardent expression of a freedom

fighter.47 Portraying this man in a more realistic sense and giving him a purpose that the

bourgeois class can relate to reminds the viewer of how exaggerated artistic representations o

this event served as propaganda for changing values of French society.

The obvious use of the more exaggerated depictions of the July Days of 1830 as

propaganda to heighten the positive imagery of the revolutionary army is felt by this sense of 43 Ibid, 35.44 Ibid.45 Pinkney, women page46 Edgar Newman, Limage de Foule dans la Rvolution de 1830. In Annales Historiques de la Rvolution

Franaise . Vol. 52 (1980): 508.47 Ibid, 502.


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working class and bourgeoisie comradery in several of these artistic works. However it is also

heightened by the portrayal of the opposing army. In many of the images previously discussed

the opposing army is either non-existent in the work or shown as a faceless mob in stark

contrast to a very detailed depiction of the revolutionary crowd. It reminds the viewers that th

aim of the propaganda is to show that the crowd was right in its attack on the government. T

crowd was an organised collection of men from varying statuses coming together for a comm

cause against a faceless and therefore unaccountable government.

The differences between the images of the crowd in 1789 and 1830 draw on their

representation of the makeup of the crowd. In 1789 the crowd is not as easily identifiable as thwritten accounts make them out to be. There is little evidence in the images to support that the

crowd was a mix of social classes and ages and therefore the crowd is more so seen as a mob

than as a group of individuals with a distinguished purpose. However, in 1830 there is much

more detail put into the images of the crowd. In many of the images there is a distinct differen

in social class as the image of the worker is seen in a very positive light by the bourgeoisie. T

images of 1830 seem to depict a more varied and unified crowd than those of 1789. This lead

one to believe that the viewpoints on social classes were beginning to change. By showing the

mixing of social classes in the 1830 revolution, French society is proving that its people are

striving for the values of equality that were the driving force behind the 1789 revolution.

Nonetheless, even though the differences between the images of 1789 and the images o

1830 represent an evolution in the imaging of the urban crowd, the question still remains: Is

picture better than a written account? From the observations made in this article it is easy to

why artistic representations of historical events should be viewed with caution. While many o

them contain certain truthful elements such as the size of the crowd or the social make-up of t


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crowd, many also contain exaggerations to highlight the accomplishments of the crowd. Many

the images discussed in this article show the crowd as a being victorious, and while many also

show members of the crowd perishing, there is an overwhelming sense of victory and

accomplishment in these images. The images fail to tell the story of the many other insurgents

who died when attacking the Bastille or when overthrowing the government of 1830. Since th

purpose of art in the late 18th and early 19th century was for political propaganda it is

understandable that these images would tell the story of those that were victorious in battle.

Bearing this in mind, while Napoleon believed that a good picture would be better than a writ

document, in reality the best way to analyse historical events is by using a mixture of images written accounts and be extremely careful of bias in both of these areas.

Bibliography

Primary Sources

Pernoud, Georges and Sabine Flaissier, eds.,The French Revolution , trans. Richard Graves. New


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York: Capricorn Books, 1961 as found on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity : Exploring

the French Revolution, accessed: March 22, 2010 at

http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/382/

Pernoud, Georges and Sabine Flaissier, eds.The French Revolution. trans. Richard Graves. New

York: Capricorn Books, 1961. As found on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity : Exploring

the French Revolution, accessed: March 22, 2010 at


"Rlation de la prise de la Bastille le 14 juillet 1789 par un de ses dfenseurs," inRvue

Retrospective , vol. 4. Paris: M. J. Taschereau, 1834. As found on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity : Exploring the French Revolution, accessed: March 22, 2010 at


Taking of the Bastille as found on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity : Exploring the French

Revolution, accessed: March 22, 2010 http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/45/

Secondary Sources

Alexander, Robert. Re-writing the French Revolutionary Tradition . Cambridge: University of

Cambridge Press, 2003.

Ford, Peter A. An American in Paris: Charles S. Storrow and the 1830 Revolution.

Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 104 (1992): 21-41

Forrest, Alan, trans.The French Revolution 1787-1799: From the Storming of the Bastille to the

Fall of Girondins (Vol. 1) . Bristol, NLB, 1974.

Marrinan, Michael. Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe: Art and Ideology in Orlanists France,

1830-1848 . London: Yale University Press, 1988.


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Newman. Edgar. Limage de Foule dans la Rvolution de 1830. In Annales Historiques de la

Rvolution Franaise . Vol. 52 (1980): 499-509.

Pinkney, David H. The Crowd in the French Revolution of 1830.The American Historical

Review 70 (1964): 1-17.

Roberts, Warren.The Public, the Populace, and Images of the French Revolution . New York:

State University of New York Press, 2000.

Stewart, Jean, trans.The Taking of the Bastille: July 14, 1789. London: Faber and Faber, 1970.

Appendix A: Illustrations


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Image 1: Storming of the Bastille by Prieur as taken fromThe Public, the Populace and Images of the French Revolution by Warren Roberts

Image 2: Attack on the Bastille as taken from http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/188/


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Image 3: Taking of the Bastille as taken from http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/45/

Image 4: The Taking of the Bastille as taken fromThe Taking of the Bastille: July 14, 1789 byJean Stewart


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Image 5: The Death of de Launay by Prieur as taken fromThe Public, the Populace and Images of the French Revolution by Warren Roberts

(Note: ignore blue arrow)

Image 6: Revolution of 1830 (29 July): Forming Barricades by Hippolyte Bellang as takefrom Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe by Michael Marrinan


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Image 7: Thursday 29 July: Attack of the Louvre by Eugne Levasseur as taken from Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe by Michael Marrinan

Image 8: Act of Courage (Anonymous) as taken from Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe byMichael Marrinan


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Image 9: Capture of an Artillery Piece by Pierre Martinet as taken from Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe by Michael Marrinan

Image 10: The New Pont dArcole (Anonymous) as taken from Painting Politics for Louis- Philippe by Michael Marrinan


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Image 11: Capture of the Htel-de-Ville by Amde Bourgeois as taken from Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe by Michael Marrinan

Image 12: The 28th of July: Liberty Leading the People by Eugne Delacroix as taken from Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe by Michael Marrinan

images of the urban crowd in revolutionary paris2

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