Maurizio Ambrosini, university of MilanoDirector of the review “Mondi Migranti”

Two Concepts:Reluctant importers: a conflict between the

market and politics ?The Mediterranean (or Southern European)

model of immigration regulation: what differences exist between Southern Europe, Central Europe and the United States?

Immigration Policy in Italy: A strange continuityA phenomenon apparently imposed from

outside, initially (in the 1980s and early 1990s) seen as unrelated to the labor market.

An implicit link, acknowledged late and with reluctance, with labor demand (from companies and families)

The centrality of amnesties as the main tool of migration policy (6 in 22 years, the last one in September 2009)

A policy of quotas and flow controls: provisional instruments that are used to produce hidden amnesties.

The Italian Labor marketFragmented productive structure, weight of PMI and

autonomous work (circa 25% of those employed) Important black market economy Still important presence of industry Profound territorial inequality Unemployment and underemployment, concentrated

among the young, women and the southern regionsDecline and transformation of internal migrationHigh capacity of protection from familiesAn increase in the level of instruction of youth (3 out

of 4 obtain an upper middle school diploma)

The insertion of immigrants in ItalyA spontaneous process, socially constructed

« from below»The condition of undocumented worker as the

first step of the migrant’s career in ItalyThe importance of ethnic networks and social

actors (trade unions, volunteer associations, the Catholic church)

An « economy of Otherness» and a subordinate integration

Ethnic specializations and cognitive stereotypes

A geography of insertionImmigration is concentrated in the more

dynamic regions (80% in the six regions of the Center-North)

It is diffused in provincial territories (especially industrial zones)

It finds a place in industry (around 40% of employed immigrants)

It has important irregular components, even in the Center-North

Families employ largely women, both regular and irregular, for domestic and assistance tasks

Four territorial models:Model of diffused industry areas Model of metropolitan economies Model of Southern regions Model of seasonal activity (Center-North)

A point of resistence: the code of citizenship and political belongingThe code of citizenship modified in 1992: facilitations

for descendents of Italian emigrants; more rapid processing time for Europeans (from 5 to 4 years), and a doubling for third country nationals (from 5 to 10 years)

In 2008, 63% of naturalizations are still granted due to marriage

A familial, almost tribal, conception of national belonging

Granting of the right to vote and to elect their own representatives to Italians living abroad, not resident immigrants living in Italy for years

Conclusion: a functional admission of immigrants as a resource for the economy, not as legitimate members of the national community

The fear of the invasionThe connection between “clandestine”

immigration and criminality and its political and mediatic exploitation

Italian TV is the first in Europe for the space given to criminal news, murders and so on: Italians think to live in a very insecure country, because of immigration

The government has sent the army to warn the cities, as in times of war

Identification of irregular immigration with landings from the sea, and overestemation of African arrivals

The advent of a security rhetoricMobilizations against the Roma camps, emergency legislation

for big cities, requests for expulsions and controls of Romas The “security package”: irregular stay in Italy as a criminal

offence, the request to health officials to denounce illegal immigrants, the “ronde” of citizens

The rejection of about 900 boat people (potential asylum seekers) towards Libya, notwithstanding the protests of UN and other international institutions

Few sanctions and light controls for employers Initiatives of control and rejection taken by local authorities

(e.g. Brescia)Milano and Lombardy, with Venetia, are the Italian regions

where the initiatives of public institutions against migrants are hardest

The distance between rethoric and realityFaced with about 500,000 irregular immigrants , there

have been no more than 14,000 expulsions in 2009, and there are only 1,800 places in Centers for Identification and Expulsion of irregular migrants

Only 38% of immigrants detained in the CIE are actually deported and the ratio is declining in the last years

In September 2009, after several month of hard rhetoric against illegal migrants and the approval of the « security package » and other bills, the Italian Government has approved an amnesty for migrants working in Italian families, with 300,000 applications

Conclusion: 1 deported against about 20 regularized migrants

Multiethnic Milan Lombardy is the first region for number of resident immigrants

(905.000) and for the economic contribution of foreign citizens: 589.867 employees (they are 19,7% of the total), and 66.525 were employed in 2008

In Milan there are 301.958 immigrant employees. It is the first province for number of immigrant employees and it counts the 10,1% of the total

Its labour market is the more internationalized in the Italian economy In constructions immigrant workers (taking into account only regular

employees) are 43,6%, in domestic services they are about 75% Milan is the first province for self employment too: 10,3% of the

national aggregate amount (about 19.000 out of 187.000) Foreigner students in schools are 58.000 (151.000 in Lombardy) Milan is the town where the conflict between the rhetoric of the

refusal of the immigration and the reality of practical acceptance is the strongest.

“to become an African town” is the label of a presumed degradation

The role of the third sector and the civil society: policies and servicesTrade unions, associations and religious institutions act as

political actors, and they ask for amnestiesThey also offer services to help individuals with

regularization proceduresMany services (as meals, health care) , especially for

undocumentedimmigrants, are provided by nonprofit and religious organizations

Lessons and courses in Italian arranged by these organizations welcome undocumented immigrants too

Many NGOs are committed to projects for unaccompained children and women victims of trafficking , also thanks to public funds

In Milan and Lombardy, this role is more developed, partly because of the hostility or at least of the reluctance of public institutions to involve themselves in immigrant s’ integration

Advocacy In recent years in Milan some organizations who collaborate

with churches and trade unions have been the protagonists of legal battles against the discriminatory policies of local authorities (Association “Lawyers for nothing")

Doctors’ associations have been fighting against the rules that wanted to force the medical staff of public hospitals to denounce undocumented immigrants: "We will not ever do it"

Evictions of Roma settlements in Milan are the subject of recurring controversy among NGOs and local governments

The Archbishop of Milan has repeatedly called for major openness to immigrants and for the recognition of worship ‘s freedom for Muslims, becoming the target of explicit critics by pro-government newspapers and the leaders of Lega Nord

The centre-right politicians often claim to be the champions of Christian traditions, in contrast with the leaders of the Catholic Church

Conclusion Italy is experiencing a great tension: it is becoming a multi-

ethnic society, it employs an increasing number of immigrants, but it would reject this change

The political forces who are in office take advantage of these feelings and feed them

Campaigns against illegal immigrants and the link constructed between immigration and crime support this strategy

Churches, trade unions, NGOs constitute a pro-immigrant lobby that fight against this rhetoric and provides many services to migrants, including undocumented immigrants

The anti-immigration policy contradicts itself implementing amnesties, tolerating the underground economy, neglecting the investments necessary for the implementation of expulsions

The pro-immigrant lobby has to face increasing problems of legitimacy that come from its social base, which is influenced by the xenophobic rhetoric