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Russian Journal of Communication

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Introduction: universality and specificity ofemotions, with a focus on Russian

Maria Yelenevskaya & Ekaterina Protassova

To cite this article: Maria Yelenevskaya & Ekaterina Protassova (2021) Introduction: universalityand specificity of emotions, with a focus on Russian, Russian Journal of Communication, 13:1,1-10, DOI: 10.1080/19409419.2021.1884337

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/19409419.2021.1884337

Published online: 30 Mar 2021.

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Introduction: universality and specificity of emotions, with afocus on RussianMaria Yelenevskayaa and Ekaterina Protassovab

aDepartment of Humanities and Arts, Technion – Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa, Israel; bDepartment ofLanguages, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland

ABSTRACTAn inseparable part of human life, emotions were neglected in theacademic discourse in the West for a long time, because scholarsjuxtaposed them with thought and reason. Yet educationalresearch reveals that emotions are manifestations of high orderintelligence and stimulate goal achievement, memory, andmotivation in knowledge acquisition. Emotions are culturally andindividually shaped. While some cultures consider opendemonstration of feelings inappropriate, others perceiveunwillingness to reveal emotions as indicators of indifference.These differences are of major importance for understandingcontemporary multilingual and multicultural societies. Differencesin emotion management between majority and minority culturesmay lead to intergroup conflicts. The interrelation betweenemotions, language and culture emerges in comparative analysesof emotion lexis in different languages. Although all languagescontain words expressing positive and negative emotions, idioms,tropes and interjections used to render them vary. There isgrowing evidence that multilinguals often switch betweenlanguages to express their emotions more precisely, adjusting tothe communicative situation. Moreover, foreign-language learnersoften misjudge their interlocutors’ attitudes due to theinsufficient knowledge of the norms of expressing emotions inthe target language. They sometimes fail to predict theconsequences of their own utterances, which may cause acommunication break-down.

KEYWORDSBasic and mixed emotions;norms of expressingemotions; emotions inmultilinguals; codeswitching;management of emotions;Russian emotionalexpressions; sociological turnin the study of emotions

The past four decades have witnessed a revival of interest in emotions among researchersin social sciences, psychology and humanities. From emotional aspects of intrapersonaldevelopment, the emphasis shifted to interpersonal relations and regulation of sociallife as a whole, be it family and friendships or such domains of public life as politicsand business. The study of emotions is beneficial for better understanding of such activi-ties as conflict resolution, teamwork, negotiations, establishing leadership, and others(Van Kleef, 2009). Even in such domain as law, which is traditionally thought to be thebulwark of rationality, emotions matter and may have an impact on the outcome oflegal cases (Posner, 2000; Woolley, 2020).

© 2021 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

CONTACT Maria Yelenevskaya ymaria@technion.ac.il

RUSSIAN JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION2021, VOL. 13, NO. 1, 1–10https://doi.org/10.1080/19409419.2021.1884337

Despite intensive research, a lot of unresolved issues remain in our understanding ofemotions and their functions, including a definition that would be acceptable todifferent schools of thought. Emotions are categorized differently as mental states andprocesses, affective phenomena, or affective stances. Neither is there consensus as towhether they are the same as feelings. Among the first questions arising when emotionsare investigated is whether they are separate and discrete, differing in appraisal, antece-dent events, physiological manifestations and response behavior, or whether they are allthe same and differ only in intensity and the degree of pleasantness/unpleasantness. LikeEkman, 1999; Smith & Lazarus, 1990; Plutchik, 1991; Trampe et al., 2015 and many others,contributors to this special issue conducted their research adopting the modularperspective.

In fact, even among the researchers who postulate separateness and modularity ofemotions, there is little agreement as to how many of them can be singled out, whichare basic1 and which are mixtures or combinations of the basic ones. Thus, Trampeet al. (2015) conducted a massive study of emotions in everyday life, asking participantsin their research to report when and under what circumstances they experiencedemotions, choosing from a list of eighteen. Ekman named fifteen (1999, p. 55) andremarked that he had omitted some of the affective phenomena considered by othersas emotions, e.g. guilt, grief, or jealousy. Later, he reduced his list of basic emotions toseven: anger, fear, surprise, sadness disgust, contempt and happiness (Ekman &Cordaro, 2011, p. 365). Notably, in the survey conducted among researchers studyingemotions, there was high agreement as to which emotions have been empirically estab-lished. The winners proved to be five: anger, fear, sadness, disgust and happiness (Ekman,2016, p. 32). Ekman also pointed out that moods, which last longer, are saturated withemotions. Moreover, emotions form the basis of affective personality traits, such as hos-tility (Ekman, 1999, p. 55), and we could probably, add its opposite, benevolence. Plutchikconceives of primary emotions as bipolar, and those that form oppositions should bethought of as complementary. After spending years developing an effective model ofthe emotions, he admits there will be numerous trials and errors in the future requiringadjustments and approximations (1991, pp. 115–117). The number and types of emotionssalient in Russian culture are discussed in this issue by Protassova.

Emotions may be considered as a nuisance or as beauty, as a dangerous inclination orthe essence of life, as irrational forces or as instruments of control. The world of art andliterature teaches us how to name, express, restrain or hold back emotions, how tohandle countless emotional situations and apply this knowledge in social life (Rimé,1995; see also Bugaeva, this issue). Some expressions of emotion may be consideredunnatural, exaggerated or hideous by people brought up in different traditions, while eth-nically specific demonstrations, particularly in artistic performances, seem to be mostlyappreciated (Hemer & Dundon, 2016; see also Razor, this issue). In some cultures, inabilityor unwillingness to reveal one’s emotions may be viewed as suspicious indicators of cold-ness and indifference. Strong feelings are sometimes celebrated, but sometimespunished.

For a long period of time emotions were neglected in the academic discourse in theWest. Scholars found it difficult to think of emotion on its own. Instead, they used to jux-tapose feeling and emotion2 with thought and reason, displaying dualistic thinking aboutmind and body (Wilce, 2009, p. 35). But as Izard (1977) clearly shows, it does not make

2 M. YELENEVSKAYA AND E. PROTASSOVA

sense to oppose emotions to intelligence. Just the opposite, as research work done bylearning theorists, such as Mowrer, 1960; Christianson, 1992; Pekrun, 2014 shows,emotions seem to be a high order intelligence, inseparably related to goal achievement,memory and motivation in knowledge acquisition.

Clearly, for theory to cope with the complexity of the world and the richness of theaffective sphere of human life some simplification is inevitable. Yet, we may hypothesizethat in reality most often we experience complex emotions, when anger is mixed withfear, joy with satisfaction, combining two or three so called ‘positive’ or ‘negative’emotions. Yet sometimes we experience a combination of ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ones, when happiness comes together with sadness, or joy with contempt. These see-mingly unlikely combinations of positive and negative emotions have not beensufficiently studied yet (Trampe et al., 2015, p. 2), although they may be of particular inter-est for deeper understanding of the complexity of human emotional life. Since this specialissue deals with emotions in communication, it is worth mentioning that the evolution ofscientific ideas about emotion and the semantic history of the word as used in science andin popular parlance have been going on side by side. Since members of the general publichave becomemore educated and since the media often present scientific ideas in a rathersuperficial way, the wide use of such terms as ‘emotional intelligence’, ‘emotional literacy’and the like might lead to a further widening of the meaning and fuzziness of the conceptof ‘emotion’ itself. Yet, we agree with Dixon that researchers should not worry about it toomuch:

If the science of emotion is supposed to provide an explanation of a widely experienced kindof mental state, and in terms that can be communicated to the general public, then it mightbe better to stick with the complexity, fuzziness and overinclusivity of “emotion” than toretreat still further from the world of everyday concerns into new scientific jargons. (2012,p. 343)

People have feelings about themselves and others, about events and about things thatsurround them, from small gadgets helping to accomplish mundane chores to complextechnological systems. They have feelings about institutions regulating their life, aboutNature and the weather, about their own and other countries, even if they have nevervisited them. Certain sections of the population, especially minorities, may expressemotions differently, from what is acceptable in the majority culture while the govern-ment may expect them to conform to a particular way of expressing themselves. Sincein most cases these expressions have physiological manifestations, emotions shapebodies and influence ways of thinking, entail judgments and direct the classification ofimpressions (Ahmed, 2015). The interdependence of politics and emotions may beobserved in everyday life, in envy, ressentiment, hatred, populism, the struggle forjustice, pity, compassion, and solidarity (Clarke et al., 2006; Zvereva, this issue). At thesame time, we can see that a social movement known as ‘political correctness’ aimsnot only to change the language we use, but also to ‘re-educate’ society ethically andemotionally. Yet, when taken too far, it often sparks anger in people who ‘break therules’ unwittingly. As a response to certain events and things, emotions may erupt inlarge groups and be relevant to interpersonal, intragroup and intergroup communication(Tiedens & Leach, 2004). Societies regulate relationships through interpersonal control,which means that emotion management and response to emotions expressed by

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others is not only a matter of individual ability, choice or concern, but also the prerogativeof the environment and context of specific situations emergent in activities embeddedinto such situations (Layder, 2004). Upper classes seem to have more positive emotionsthan lower classes either because conditions of their life make them more content orbecause better education includes better management of one’s own emotions. Emotionsplay both integrative and disintegrative roles in society: an excess or lack of emotion maybe considered abnormal (Turner, 2011). According to Wahl-Jorgensen (2019), mass mediaare known to manipulating emotions of the public, sometimes raising anxieties but some-times calming them down, sparking animosities against certain individuals or groups, orexpressing satisfaction and even love for some person, elevating him/her to a public idol.The world of politics is saturated with emotions. Emotionality and rationality are notmutually exclusive; and anger and love may be the most important emotions (cf.Kabanen, this issue).

The interrelation between emotions, language and culture is intensively explored inlinguistics. There are strong cultural differences in the norms that prescribe people notonly how to express and display emotions in specific situations but also how to experi-ence them (Eid & Diener, 2001, p. 269). We learn these norms already in childhood,together with the emotional language which is dense in tropes. Kövecses (2000) collectedemotional metaphors in different languages and showed the adaptability of feelings tovarious cultures and to individual experiences. In her study of emotions across languagesand cultures, Wierzbicka (1999, pp. 216–239) reviewed the Russian linguistic research andshowed that Russian emotions do not coincide with emotional words in other languagesand that there is no such thing as universal human emotions: all of them result from theculturally specific lexis of each language. However, all languages contain words for good,bad and neutral cognitively-based feelings, emotive interjections, terms which havesemantics partly similar with other languages, and have bodily expressions. Followingthese ideas, Pavlenko (2002) gathered elicited oral narratives from monolingual Russianand monolingual English speakers and stated that cultural, social, and linguistic forcesshape the connections between bodies and emotions, which are discursively constructedphenomena, and there are some individual differences in interpretations independent ofgender. Huynh (2020) analyzed how emotions are acted out in German and Turkish every-day encounters and came to the conclusion that they can be expressed on different levels,occasionally or frequently, in response to the present-moment situation or when recon-structed, and their manifestations can overlap. A study by Savchuk and Makhova (thisissue) shows how it works with multimedia language corpora.

There is growing evidence that social life, and perhaps even culture, shapes physiologi-cal processes (Wilce, 2009, p. 30), so culturally imprinted emotions, their bodilyexpressions and reflections on behaviors caused by feelings are a stable field of compari-son between languages and cultures (de los Ángeles Gómez González et al., 2008;Goddard & Wierzbicka, 2013). Observation of bi – and multilingual personalities revealsthat they experience emotions and respond to them differently from monolinguals.They react to emotional words and expressions more strongly in their first language(L1) than in their L2, and their response to negative feelings is more active and powerfulthan to positive and neutral ones. Reactions in L1 are more open, spontaneous andcomplex than in the second language, in which they tend to be more suppressed andbasic, rather than combined into a complex affective mixture. Emotions expressed in a

4 M. YELENEVSKAYA AND E. PROTASSOVA

foreign language may be misjudged or confused. Bilinguals have divergent sets ofemotions where some co-exist and are parallel; others can be transferred from onelanguage to another, or internationalized, restructured, congregated, or attrited. Bilin-guals often choose between languages when they express specific emotions, strategicallyselecting the language which they perceive to be more fitting for the situation or a par-ticular domain (Dewaele, 2015). Pavlenko (2017) posits that emotional words activate thesame neural structures as the actions which cause such reactions and demonstrates thatdue to differences between first and second-language processing L2 speakers may fail tosee how and what sort of affect is expressed. They may fail to predict and misjudge theconsequences of their own utterances. In fact, the quality of one’s L2 command dependson the duration of the speaker’s contact with the language, and on the stability, quantity,significance of the contact for the individual, and other factors. The subprocesses ofemotional response comprise the assignment of affective valence, affective priming, per-ceptual prioritization, positivity bias, heightened autonomic arousal, electrodermal reac-tivity and skin conductance response (Pavlenko, 2017). When L2 teaching brings anemotional approach into the classroom, it enhances students’ motivation, interculturalcommunication, self-affirmation and a positive atmosphere (de Dios Martínez Agudo,2018). Affect plays a crucial role in cognition during the process of foreign languageacquisition and communication (Piechurska-Kuciel & Szymańska-Czaplak, 2013). Positiveemotions and relaxed atmosphere are essential for disinhibiting shy students who areafraid to start talking a new language for fear of making mistakes and being deridedfor their lack of proficiency.

Panicacci (2019) showed that immigrants who frequently use local language/s toexpress anger and love, and to swear and curse, demonstrate higher levels of accultura-tion to the host culture. Describing immigrant life, this author claims that mother’s love isalways present, whereas the love of the father and other caretakers must be gained, andthis is the source of a person’s future ambitiousness. Clashes of interests with other chil-dren may create feelings of cowardliness, while help from other people producesacknowledgement, gratefulness, etc. (Panicacci, 2019).

Feelings have interested philosophers since antiquity, but the nineteenth centuryintroduced a scientific approach based on psycho-, socio-evolutionary, neurobiologicaland neurocognitive theories, preceded by Darwinism and the affect-spectrum theory(see historical review of the evolution of views on emotions in the scientific andpopular discourse in Dixon, 2003, 2012).

There is a growing body of scholarly literature on emotions in Russia. Some works arein unison with western researchers, while others present a largely different vision. Thus,Shadrikov (2002) believes that human beings explore the world and acquire knowledgethrough emotional reflection on reality because emotions predetermine the classificationof events and things. In his views, emotions are processes, relationships, and states; theymay be contradictory and ambivalent, they embrace the whole human body and are con-nected with the personality. He differentiates between feelings and emotions stating thatthe former are connected to social needs and are more complex than emotions which cor-respond to the fulfillment of biological needs. Moods, passions and affects are subclassesof emotion. This is highly relevant for the study of emotions in family life: the mother is thecenter of the positive affect for the newborn whose emotions are instrumental and aimedat the satisfaction of its needs (Shadrikov, 2002, p. 33; cf. Protassova, this issue).

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Gorbatkov (2005) summarizes the previous psychological research on the dynamics ofemotions and proposes a model of affective activities, grounded in such categories aspositive and negative emotions, their balance, the level of arousal, and includes experi-ence gathered in the process of doing different things. He claims that different emotionsdisplay various curves of intensity in the beginning, in the middle and in the end. Negativeemotions grow fast and subside slowly while positive emotions demonstrate the oppo-site. Machine analysis (Abbasi & Beltiukov, 2018) and teaching (Sokolova & Bobicev,2009) of emotions can be based on the universal view of emotions and formal criteriaof their salience in a given text. This is a rapidly developing domain where scholars con-trast notions in parallel corpora; it may also shed some light on the fluctuating field ofaffect – as in emotion. The massive body of psychological research investigates, forexample, how long emotions last and how they are expressed in various types of com-munication. Psychologists investigating the birth of emotional responses observe thatthey may be a reaction to certain circumstances and also to changes in circumstances.

After the groundbreaking books and articles by Wierzbicka, emotions became apopular research topic in Russian linguistics (e.g. Apresjan, 2010; Gladkova, 2010;Larina, 2013). The linguo-cultural approach inspired numerous comparative studies ofemotions in Russian, foreign and indigenous languages of the Russian Federation, indiverse spheres of use (such as in folklore songs, tales, dialects, and in communicationwith foreigners and within the family). A large number of articles deal with phraseology(Ioanesyan, 2018), metaphors (Krasavskij, 2002) and the systematic analysis of differentlevels and functions of their representations (Romanov, 2004). Linguists study valencesof verbs with emotional meanings (Apresjan, 2015, 2016), the grammatical structures ofemotional constructions (Ovsjannikova, 2011, 2015, 2019; Ovsjannikova & Say, 2020),and semantic features of the names for human feelings and emotions (Babkina, 2008;Mostovaja, 2010). There are also experimental studies related to emotions (Solovyev,2008), hints and allusions to affect in communication (Shljahov, 2015), as well as cogni-tion and will (Dzhaner’jan, 2016). Some scholars study particular emotions, such asinterest (Shishkina, 2006), resentment (Protassova, 2006a, 2006b), surprise (Mikhailova,2012), shame and doubt (Antonova & Nikol’skaja, 2007), and sadness and its variants(Chesnokova, 2012). The emotional side of language is sometimes opposed to itsrationality (e.g. Samsonov, 2018), or to feelings (Mrkaich, 2017). In psychology and lit-erary studies, the notion of ‘mixed emotions’ is also used (Varzaeva, 2010). Significanceof emotions in public life and the importance of developing skills that help peoplemanage their emotions is accepted by governmental bodies. Thus, the Russian Ministryof Internal Affairs offers students a textbook for the study of emotions (Osipova et al.,2019).

There are studies discussing how to teach Russian emotional expressions to inter-national students (see, e.g. Votyakova & Castellvi, 2015). There are also websites demon-strating visuals in which feelings are demonstrated and compared although the choiceand the grammatical form of the expressions is not always evident.3 For instance, oneof the most difficult Russian emotions, obida/obidno, is translated as ‘insult, affront,offence, injury, being wronged or hurt, vulnerability, resentment, being rankled, bitter-ness, disturbance’ (in effect, rendering a combination of a multitude of feelings: disap-pointment, anger, fear, disgust, sadness and surprise), whereas zhalost’/zhalko, another

6 M. YELENEVSKAYA AND E. PROTASSOVA

specific expression, which is very important and frequent in the Russian traditional edu-cational system, is rarely mentioned.

In his book on language and emotion, Wilce remarked that ‘the cool and distantemotional stance in most academic writing is striking, and this may be particularlytrue of those who write about language’ (2009, p. 6). We believe that good scienceis possible only when researchers are deeply involved in what they study. In anthropol-ogy, we can often read not only the rationale behind the study but the authors’ con-fessions about personal involvement in the topic, events described and analyzed, orwith the participants in the project. These confessions are most often emotional andsometimes meta-emotional, emotionally reflecting on the emotions experiencedbefore and during the research period. This approach to scholarship goes contraryto the principle that a researcher has to be unbiased and impartial, but it seems tobe the right one when we deal with social issues, particularly, such private ones asemotions.

Notes

1. According to Ekman & Cordaro, when applied to emotions, the term ‘basic’ means that theyare discrete and are fundamentally distinguishable one from another, and that they haveevolved though adaptation to our surroundings (2011, p. 364). Note that in Plutchik’s termi-nology basic emotions correspond to ‘primary’ (1991), while Trampe et al. refer to them as‘fundamental’ (2015).

2. Some authors see emotions and feelings as different affective phenomena; but like otherauthors in this special issue, we will use these two terms interchangeably.

3. E.g. learnrussianwords.com/tag/emotions, rocketlanguages.com/russian/lessons/emotions-in-russian, thoughtco.com/russian-words-emotions-4797078 and learnrussianineu.com/how-to-express-emotions-in-russian.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes on contributors

Dr. Maria Yelenevskaya is affiliated with the Technion-Israel institute of Technology. Her academicpublications primarily deal with the use of language in multilingual and multicultural settings,lingua-cultural features of computer-mediated communication and sociocultural aspects of immi-gration. She authored and coauthored nearly 80 peer-refereed articles and book chapters andthree scholarly monographs. Results of her research have been presented at more than 100 inter-national conferences. She reviews books, research projects and articles, and edits special issues inacademic journals. She is an editorial board member of two international journals and the IsraelAssociation for the Study of Language and Society.

Dr. Ekaterina Protassova holds Ph.D. in Philology and Hab. in Pedagogy. She is Adjunct Professor inRussian language at the University of Helsinki. She has over 300 scholarly publications. She headedand participated in various international and national projects investigating language pedagogies,child and adult bilingualism, and the role of language and culture in immigrant integration. Herservice to the profession includes editorial work for various journals and publishers and organiz-ation of seminars and conference panels.

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