History provides several examples of how new eras are inaugurated with new constitutions. Archetypical examples of this could be the Philadelphia conven-tion and all the discussions grouped in the Federalist papers that gave birth to the US constitution, or in more recent times the Monclova Pact that settled the

basis for a new Spain after the death of Franco. Latin American countries have also had similar ex-periences throughout the last hundred years. The common element surrounding those cases in which the new constitutions turn out to be lasting and ef-fective in terms of providing tranquility (and legiti-

macy) to the regime, is that the processes that brought them into life were open to the participation of differ-ent political actors and per-spectives, and that without

neglecting the existence of hegemonic actors, negotia-tions facilitating consensus and improved outcomes took place. Consensus construction and

inclusive approaches are important because Constitu-tions are supposed to lay down the basis on which a state is build upon. Constitu-tions not only establish the form of government that will reign over the state but

also define core principles or values that underpin a given society; somehow they have an embedded

PAGE 2

Constitutional reform Fidesz style

HUNGARY

NEWS

January 18, 2012, Year 2, Issue 11

the CEU Weekly

An independent publication by CEU students and alumni

LBGQT Olympics in Budapest Page 5

Should we celebrate or worry about the new Hungarian Media Laws? A talk with CMCS specialist Amy Brouillette

Dear Amy, first of all, thank

you very much for accepting this interview with The CEU Weekly. Amy, you were the lead researcher of a report recently released by the Center for Media and Com-munication Studies. This re-port raises some concerns

about current media legisla-tion in Hungary and con-cludes that in spite of the government claims, there is no consistency between the national Media Laws and the European standards and

practices. Could you please briefly tell us how did the idea of doing this study de-velop?

PAGE 6

Parliament approves new Higher Education

Law Page 6

THE WEEKLY SPAM

REVIEW INTERNATIONAL

Cultural Festival at CEU

IF I WERE A

PROFESSOR YOUR CORNER

Page 3

Do not miss the contributions of our

brand new cartoonist in Page 7!

Hungarian president accused of plagiarism

Page 5

Leftist and rightist pro-tests continue Page 6

CEU

Community

Student Tip # 11

11. Watch Control (Kontroll), a good con-

temporary Hungarian movie. You can find

it with English subtitles and good quality

in youtube ;)

Hungarian Expression of the week

Phrase: van két macskám!

Pronunciation: one Kate much come!

Translation: I have two kittens!

narrative that not only justi-fies the way things are but that also points to the na-tional aspirations. In the con-text of a political community, few elements play such a fun-

damental role as constitutions do: in modern times, this writ-ten or unwritten rules and principles give obligations to the state on how to function, on what to do and not to do; they set the boundaries be-

tween the government and the individual, tending to es-tablish safeguards for the latter regarding the actions of the former. In a nutshell, constitutions are (even if only formally) at the core of what

a State is and aims to be.

From this perspective, it is possible to argue that Hun-gary had a legitimate need for a new constitution. The previous one (amended in 1989-1990) became a flat constitution, clearly written in

the rush of the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the communist regime. The main three elements that con-tained were the establishment of a market economy, a re-publican and democratic form of government, and a

deep anchor in the European Union. Although functional, its spirit did not reflect the greatness of the Hungarian nation. True and very impor-

tant, it was instrumental in providing basic rules and guidance for a calm transition away from the communist re-gime. It probably stayed in place until now because the

governments that were in power for the last 20 years considered that, given the challenges of building a post-crisis political regime, there were other priorities rather than getting into the complex

and to an extent uncertain process of creating a new

constitution.

Based on the aforemen-tioned, the fact that Fidesz decided to move on with the project of writing a new fun-damental law for Hungary

should not be considered a problem. Actually, the timing was probably right: there was no structural crisis as in 1989-1990, and the party had won the elections with a respectable absolute majority

(52% of the votes, which the ill designed electoral system in Hungary artificially trans-formed into a qualified ma-jority, allocating 68% of the seats in Parliament to Fidesz -enough to enact a new consti-tution without the concert of

other parties). In this sense, enacting a new constitution seemed reasonable. What is not reasonable is the way Fidesz is wasting the historical

opportunity that the conjunc-

ture provided it with.

Given the circumstances, Fi-desz could have call for a new pact for the Hungarian nation; it could have led and

framed a deliberative proc-ess intended to inaugurate a great new era in the history of Hungarian constitutional-ism; an era reflecting the richness of history, culture and identities of Hungary. What

is more, it could have done it with the confidence and lev-erage of its qualified major-ity. Too unfortunate, it seems that this political party is cur-rently short in statesman and unable to pursue the virtue that Aristotle spoke about

long time ago.

Fidesz has taken the path of political greed and arro-gance. It has consistently ex-cluded other political actors, making last minute amend-ments in the new constitution

that nobody is able to discuss (letting alone object), and forgetting that almost 50% of the electorate did not vote for them. It has proven to be an unloyal player, aiming to annihilate the political adver-sary by unfaithful means (as

with the criminal charges against the MSZP or the abu-sive re-drawing of electoral districts), and has weakened

institutions with a proven re-cord of democratic success as the Constitutional Court or the Presidency. Although evi-dence suggests that we are witnessing a downgrade in

the quality of the democratic institutional design, it is to soon and I would not dare to judge if Hungary is becoming an autocracy, as some have suggested. However, I have no doubt when saying that

Fidesz has wasted a historical opportunity, favoring the shortsighted political gain over the long term vision and more challenging nation-state building, enacting a Constitu-tion with vices of origin that rather than uniting, brings

division into this wonderfully

unique country.

Rodrigo Avila Barreiro Editor in Chief MEXICO

DPP Alumnus 2010

Constitutional reform Fidesz style, cont.

Page 2

the CEU Weekly

January 18, 2012, Year 2, Issue 11

OPED

Page 3

the CEU Weekly

January 18, 2012, Year 2, Issue 11

COMMUNITY

Your “corner”

Have any comments, ideas, corrections? Would you like to advertise a project? Write us at

ceuweekly@gmail.com and get yourself published!

This week has been the week of International Cultural Festival. There were movie screenings in the main campus and dormitory, and also today (Wednesday) a great Argentinean movie, The Secret in Their Eyes will be screened in the Auditorium at 5.30pm. Please be reminded that this movie won the Academy Award in Best Foreign Language Film of the Year cate-gory in 2010. Same day, in the Prague Room, Les Choristes will be screened in the dormitory at 9pm. Finally on Saturday, January 21, from 4pm onwards, a great cultural event will take place in the dormitory. Members of CEU community from all around the world will have the chance to represent their country (culture) through offering foods, drinks (drink responsibly considering the great vari-ety of drinks!); and with their costumes and presentations. This will be fol-lowed by a party, which will take place at Bambus Bar from 9pm.

The Weekly Spam Review

As you all know, till last year it was not even allowed to get into the li-brary with bottled water, yet this had changed and now we are able to at least quench our thirst. Interestingly enough, around Christmas this ye-ar, there were students getting into the library with their mugs containing tea, coffee etc. Maybe it was the Christmas spirit, or the tiredness of the whole year that let library staff to ignore such an intolerable breach! Anyways, this has made me think that CEU library’s policy on entering into library with liquids is a little bit ambiguous. If it is allowed to carry only bottled water into library, what if I put a drink powder into it and make it something not only a bottled water anymore? What about the straight vodka? What if one has the capacity of making food out of the things, which are allowed in the library? In fact, what is the criterion for a food to be considered as a food? Is it the act of eating, or the commonly accepted standards for a food? For me a piece of paper is as food as a hamburger in McDonalds, maybe for someone else the very paper is the most beloved food ever. Most of the citizens around the world suffer from the ambiguities in their constitution, let’s not be one of them.

International Cultural Festival at CEU

If I were a professor I would not write comments on students' papers that do not match the marks awarded An "Excellent" remark would reflect the 90% mark awarded I would not hesitate to throw a 10% mark for a paper that pushed me close to the lavatory for a better indul-gence And I would write the truth on that student's paper, 'Your work is only toilet-worth', my comment would read. If I were a professor I would not reward the student that impersonates a par-rot with a good grade I would punish that student for downgrading the human brain to a parrot's level I would reward the sometimes rebellious, the novel thinker with the good grades That student who uses the exam to question what I taught But the top-most grade would be for that one who goes beyond questioning The one who proposes answers to the questions and is-sues he raises The answers may be the same as I would give or far different ones That would not matter; they would be answers I would want as a professor If I were a professor I would not pretend not to have personal views I would bare my personal views for the students to see And separate my own views from the views of my peers and those who do not agree with me But I would make sure that I explore all views available on a subject for my students Then I would wait for their views as they write my exam For those who blindly tell me my own views without find-ing their own justifications, I would crack the whip For those who reproduce views opposed to mine, and miss telling me why they like such views, I would also crack the whip For those who justify their preference for mine or other's views, I would give a Good remark and mark For those who go beyond mine and others' views and present hitherto unseen/unread views, I would note 'Excellent' on their papers and award the 90-100% mark Because my students and the marks they earn from my course and exam show what type of professor I would be, A parrot produces parrots, the legendary hare gives birth to more legendary hares, and it should be the way of the academic world as well. But I am a student.

Bwesigye bwa Mwesigire UGANDA LLM Human Rights

Think twice before you plagiarize. Should you end up in a signifi-

cant position, people will find out and make a scandal out of it,

especially if you get carried away and translate dozens of

pages from another work without crediting the source. Pál Schmitt,

the current President of Hungary got accused of serious plagia-

rism by the Hungarian weekly HVG. According to their estimation,

180 out of the 215 pages of Schmitt’s doctoral thesis “The Analy-

sis of the Program of Modern Era Olympic Games” are direct

translations and summaries of Bulgarian sport researcher Nikolai

Georgiev’s study. The original, French language work was filed to

the International Olympic Committee’s Olympic Studies Center in

1987, while the doctoral thesis of the President was submitted to

the Faculty of Physical Education (currently part of Semmelweis

University) in 1992.

The accusation was denied by the Office of the President, point-

ing out that Georgijev and Schmitt were good friends who used

the same material for their dissertations. The condition which

makes reasoning rather hard regarding the question is that in the

doctoral thesis of the President, the precise citations are simply

missing – another concern that makes even the modest critiques

skeptical about at least the justification of the ”summa cum laude”

mark that Schmitt received. What is more, Schmitt’s Hungarian text

is full of spelling mistakes, repeatedly misspelling even fundamen-

tal words such as soccer, martial arts and wrestling. This is not the

first time when the President’s spelling skills are being questioned:

in March, he managed to misspell two Hungarian words (including

”head of state”) in a five word note he left in a guestbook at a

tavern. The Hungarian internet was buzzing with practical jokes

about the issue that time, and so it is right now. Yet a lot of people

think that it is getting less and less funny: it is the President that we

are talking about, not some random celebrity after all.

Page 4

the the CEU Weekly

January 18, 2012, Year 2, Issue 11

HUNGARY NEWS

Recently appointed Hungarian president accused of plagiarism

The fourteenth international LGBTQ Olym-pics (also known as EuroGames) will take place in Budapest from the 27th of June to the 1st of July this year. The event al-ready stirred some attention during the previous weeks. When in 2009, FRIGO (Fresh Thought Association), a Hungarian LGBTQ sport club applied for organizing the 2012 Eurogames, they had attached a letter from Gábor Demszky – the Mayor of Budapest at that time – in which he granted his support for the event. In 2010, the Mayor who had been governing the city for 20 consecutive years, was re-placed by István Tarlós of the governing Fidesz party. Tarlós and Demszky appar-ently have dissimilar views on the LGBTQ community. In 2001, as Major of district III, Tarlós made a contract with the organizers of Sziget festival, containing an amendment that explicitly requested the organizers not to let any organized event ”of a ho-

mosexual nature” take place during the festival. Later the amendment was nullified by the district court for it’s unconstitutional and discriminative nature.

In December 2011, Klaus Wowereit, the

openly gay Mayor of Berlin sent a letter

to Tarlós, asking for his support of the

event, mentioning the promise that Tarlós’s

predecessor had made.

The reaction from the Mayor was that the

event is incompatible with his mentality, so

he can not support it. In his brief letter Tar-

lós explained how he respects the rights of

the people represented by the organizers,

but he distances himself from the event

nevertheless. Meanwhile the radical right

wing party Jobbik expresses a more ex-

tremist opinion. János Czeglédi, a Jobbik

MOP in an announcement declared the

event an anti-Christian hate orgy which

discriminates heterosexuals, and he chal-

lenged Tarlós to carry measures into ef-

fect that would hinder the whole event.

The 14th EuroGames will most probably

be held in Budapest regardless of the sup-

port from Tarlós or the complaints of Job-

bik. 1800 people in 18 different sports

are expected to participate, attracting an

estimated audience of 10 000 people.

LBGQT Olympics in Budapest

The current Hungarian president, Pál Schmitt

István Tarlós, current Mayor of Budapest

Page 5

the the CEU Weekly

January 18, 2012, Year 2, Issue 11

HUNGARY NEWS

A new Higher Education Law was enacted by the Hungarian Parliament on December 23, 2011. As we got informed by our President and Rector John Shattuck a few days ago by email, the structure of CEU will not be affected by it. At the same time, major changes are being made in Hungarian universities, especially to the quotas of how many state funded places will be provided for each university and in total. The amount of people who can get state subsidized higher education in arts faculties will decrease from 4 200 to 2 700, while the corresponding numbers are from 2 100 to 1 000 in the case of social sciences, 4 900 to 2 000 in economics and 800 to 450 in the case of law. While law and economics will lose the biggest proportion of their quotas, some other fields such as computer

engineering grow from 5 500 to 7 000, while no serious changes will take place in the fields of

medicine and pedagogy.

While the National Conference of Student Unions (HÖOK) agree that such change is needed, it argues that the new quotas should be changed in order to match the demands of the labor market – which does not seem to be the case right now. Also, it had been argued that cutting the amount of people who can receive a full tuition fee waiver from the government by 40 % is too drastic, even in the current economic situation. The Hungarian Conference of Rectors also made an announcement that emphasizes their dissatisfaction with the measures, suggesting that no change of quota should be greater than 25 % compared to

the figures of the previous year.

The season for protests continued while the

CEU weekly was on holiday. On the 23rd

of December, MPs and activists of the op-

position party LMP (Politics Can Be Differ-

ent) chained themselves to the gates of the

Parliament to protest the Central Bank Act,

a stability law which includes the introduc-

tion of a flat tax, as well as the new elec-

tion laws and the modification of House

Rules, by preventing lawmakers from enter-

ing the Parliament. After a while the police

managed to cut the chains and briefly de-

tained lawmakers participating in the pro-

test, including former Prime Minister Ferenc

Gyurcsány. Later that day, thousands of

people protested in front of the Parliament.

The largest protest event of the

holiday season took place on An-

drássy Street, in front of the Op-

era house on the 2nd of January.

An estimated 70 000 people pro-

tested against the new constitution,

which took effect on Jan. 1. During

the time of the peaceful protest,

Prime Minister Viktor Orban and

other leading government officials

celebrated the new Basic Law in-

side the opera. The reason why

this protest is so peculiar is that it was or-

ganized by wide variety of civil organiza-

tions and opposition parties MSZP and LMP

together. After the official protest was

over, a few thousand people stayed in

front of the opera to wait for the

participants of the gala to leave,

but all in all the demonstration

passed off peacefully.

On Jan. 14, there was a demon-

stration organized by Jobbik, a

far right opposition party in the

Parliament, currently occupying

12% of the seats. The protest

took place outside the European

Commission's mission to Hungary,

and was standing for a very different mes-

sage. Jobbik chairman Gábor Vona used

the protest to emphasize his intention of

making Hungary exit the European Union.

Vona explained that the warning letter

from Jose Manuel Barroso, in which he de-

mands withdrawal from the parliamentary

debate bills containing radical changes to

two cardinal laws mentioned above, is a

declaration of war to Hungary. At one

point during the demonstration of a few

thousand people (many of them wearing

quasi-military outfits), three Jobbik MPs

drenched an EU flag in lighter fluid and set

it on fire on the stage.

Leftist and rightist protests continue in Budapest!

Protesters outside the Opera

Parliament approves New Higher Education Law

The CEU Weekly

is looking for

-Social Media

Manager

Jobbik MP burn an EU flag in a rally

he Weethe CEU Weekly

Page 6

January 18, 2012, Year 2, Issue 11

Should we celebrate or worry about the new Hungarian Media Laws?

A talk with CMCS specialist Amy Brouillette, cont.

Amy Brouillete (AB): The idea for this project actually came from a comment made by the Swedish Ambassador to Hungary. In December 2010 and Janu-ary 2011, the Hungarian Government addressed the international criticisms of

its new media laws by listing specific examples of similar legislation from 20 European and EU-member states. The Swedish Ambassador objected to the Hungarian Government's description of online media regulation in Sweden, as well as to the Government's overall por-trayal of the level of media freedom in

Sweden. So we decided to enlist ex-perts in each of the 20 countries cited by the Government in these two state-ments to conduct what is, in essence, a fact check of these examples-although what it became was a far more in-depth fact check than what we would

normally see from organizations like factcheck.org in the U.S., for instance. We also felt quite strongly that as a research center, we could contribute important information to what has be-come a key and ongoing international policy debate over the conformity of Hungary's new media laws to European

norms. And the examples cited by the Government provided a perfect tem-plate to explore this issue. TCW: And in your opinion, what are the major points or threats to a free media posed by the current legisla-

tion? Is there a real danger of censor-ship?

AB: As this study shows, what is unique about Hungary's media laws is that all media sectors are regulated by a single body - a body which, according to crit-

ics, lacks political independence. The Media Authority has an extremely broad regulatory scope over all media-public, private, print and online press-as compared to other systems considered in this study in which different media are regulated by different laws and by different regulatory bodies. In the case

of print and online press, in other coun-tries in this study, these media often are self-regulated by an independent press council and the courts. Under Hungary's new laws, the Media Authority can im-pose rather serious fines on the print press, for instance, for violations to a set

of content regulations that many ex-perts have indicated are both vaguely defined and unnecessary, as the print press in Hungary had previously been governed by certain provisions in the criminal code (on hate speech) and the civil code (on libel and defamation). The concerns raised by many opponents

is that the Media Authority's power of the print and online media in particular will enable that regulatory body to punish media that is critical of the Gov-ernment, which would threaten the print media's essential watchdog role.

The Media Authority also has control over tendering and licensing, which-as this study shows-is a unique feature of Hungary's regulatory system as com-pared to other European systems exam-ined in this study. So in other words, in Hungary the same body that is respon-sible for issuing, assessing and award-

ing broadcasting licenses is also respon-sible for monitoring and sanctioning all media. This has been a key concern for free-press advocates who say this gives Hungary's Media Authority an unprece-dented level of control over the coun-try's media landscape. Already we

have seen that these concerns raised by critics are warranted. In December

2011, the Media Authority was heavily criticized by domestic and international free-press groups after it awarded the frequency currently used by the liberal radio station KlubRadio to an unknown

company when KlubRadio's license came up for renewal. TCW: Very interesting Amy. Could you also share with us if at some point of the process you thought you could receive some pressures or get into trouble because of the findings

published by the report? AB: As you know, there has been a lot of international criticism of Hungary's new media laws, so any research on the topic is unavoidably “political.” In many countries, however, debates about me-

dia regulation are often very heated and very political-as they should be: media freedom is a critical public issue and it should inspire robust and lively public debate. As a research center, however, it is our role to contribute to the ongoing discussions and debates on media policy and media freedom,

whether related to Hungary or else-where. So while we were certainly aware of the political sensitivity of this particular study, we were actually far more concerned with ensuring that the study provided accurate and informa-tive research that could be of use to

policy makers and the public. TCW: On the other hand Amy, and playing a little bit to the devil's advo-cate: don't you think that the media should also be subject to some sort of regulation? Because what we see in many countries is that the private

capital and the factual powers are col-luded with media outlets in a way that is not healthy for society or de-mocratic values but only for their own particular agendas. I can think of Fox News in the USA, Murdoch in the UK; Latin America also provides several

examples of this. So, in your opinion, how should the arrangements be

INTERVIEW

Page 7

the CEU Weekly

January 18, 2012, Year 2, Issue 11

CARTOONS

TCW: Should people like Glenn Beck be always allowed to go on national televi-sion and say a lot of lies? How to define where are the limits? AB: The short answer to this question is that media should be regulated in the most mini-mal manner possible so as not inhibit the free exchange of ideas and information. The media-and in particular the print press-are a core institution of democratic societies that provide a key check on governmental power, a check which ideally is meant to help create a more informed citizenry and a healthy democracy. This goes back to Milton's marketplace of ideas, which in many ways forms the basis of our notion of the press as the Fourth Estate. Of course, theories on press freedom were developed during the much simpler age of the print press and before the advent of broadcast media, the 24-hour news cycle, FOX News, Glen Beck, and the Internet. Nowadays, it is generally accepted - even among the most ardent free-press advocates - that some

regulation of broadcast media is legitimate and even necessary, given this media's greater reach and impact on public opin-ion. However, such regulations generally should be limited to certain areas-incitement to hatred, for instance-as out-lined in numerous international protocols and by an immense body of case law es-tablished the European courts. But when we are talking about print press there gener-ally is, as there should be, a different stan-dard. The print press are very different media from broadcasting, and in order to fulfill its traditional “watchdog” role, the print press should be subjected to the least restrictions of all media. Obviously the regulation of print is now more compli-cated, as traditional newspapers move to online platforms. This is really the key chal-lenge in terms of media regulation today-how to regulate the Internet. But as we see in many countries, attempts to regulate the flow of information through the Internet nearly always fail. As to whether Glen Beck should be able to

go on national television and lie, in refer-ence to your question above, the answer to that is a resounding yes. As the US Supreme Court has ruled in numerous cases, all speech, even (and especially) the most ab-horrent and offensive speech, should be tolerated, as the right to freely express one's self is the basis of a free and open society. Freedom of expression is a funda-mental right, which is thankfully not limited to those with whom we happen to agree. Meanwhile, the alternative-media censor-ship-is far worse than tolerating the inco-herent, albeit dangerously misinformed, ramblings of the likes of Glen Beck.

TCW: Well Amy, we just would like to remind our readers that they can find the full report in the web page of the CEU Center for Media and Communication Studies (http://cmcs.ceu.hu/), and to thank you for your time!

The CEU Weekly is happy to intro

duce our

brand new cartoonist to all our readers!

He is “Eriksson”

What is ironic is the sad fact that a 10% pricing is still bet-ter than the situation of several months ago when the country was struggling to find any short

-term funding at all.

In addition to that, severing the relationship with the West could be catastrophic for the small Central-European econ-omy that Hungary is, which re-ceives around 2% of its total GDP in “cohesion” funds from the EU. Add to that the pros-pects of being secluded from the foreign financial markets from which Hungary must con-tinue to borrow heavily in the next years to remain solvent. Finally, the International Mone-tary Fund, on which the country depends (heavily) to avoid bankruptcy, can simply reject to provide any more support should Hungary object to com-ply with the US-EU demands. Again, same old Anglo-Saxon

rhetoric.

On one hand it’s sad to ob-serve that the West is so fast with intervening into domestic affairs of a country to fix its “anti-democratic tendencies” after leaving the Hungarian people with billions in house-hold debt following the boom and bust of those Western fi-nancial “too-big-to-fail” giants. The fault for causing the crisis which lead to this whole Fidesz situation is, of course, not the fault of the western states. But

Happy New Year! These are roller-coaster times for the land of Houdini and Liszt. On January 11, the European Commission issued a blunt warning to Hungary, in which the EU pledged to take legal (yes – legal!) action against Hungary for failing to comply with the basic membership conditions in the European Union. Issues such as central bank independence, the judi-ciary, and personal data pro-tection were among those particularly emphasized. The US has remained on course with the mainstream Anglo-Saxon policy, by sticking to the rhetoric of standard anti-Orbánism. It’s noted that the US ambassador to Hungary intentionally missed the cele-bration of the new constitution, which took place at the Op-era House, so that to demon-strate her disappointment. Much to Orbán’s apparent

imprudence.

On the financial front, the po-litical pressure on Hungary has led to the worsening of the country’s borrowing ca-pacity, which is evidenced by the extraordinarily high 10-year bond yields at the most recent auction. Hungary will be forced to pay 10% on those long-term bills, which is unsustainable enough in itself. Imagine now that the short-term debt obligations are priced at those same 10%.

when it comes to interventions based on democratic principles, as if they really care for the average Hungarian, then the West is quicker and fairer than

ever.

However, the political reality is what it is, and Orbán should have predicted this response when he came to power and when he pledged to “remain in control for 25 years”. Yes, Orban has apparently prom-ised to beat the historical re-cord of the inter-war ruler Mik-lós Horthy, who managed to stay in command for some ri-

diculous 24 years.

Personally, I wonder what fun can it be to govern a country completely isolated from the rest of the world, cut off from the foreign debt markets, un-able to sustain its public fi-nances via the institutional funds of the World Bank of the IMF, and with poverty looming over the whole population. For ref-

erence, Google search “Iran”.

Orbán is practically killing his country. I believe, or at least I want to believe, that he still is a patriot and wishes his citizens well. Despite his apparent un-precedented lust for power, evidenced by his frenzied strive to gain full control over the past 20 years, he is still Hun-garian in his blood. What he needs to realize is that political stability (if you can call a semi-

We Are Sorry Too

autocratic regime this way) will do very little good for a small country dependent on the foreign markets, espe-cially in the paradigm of the post-crisis stagnation. The problem is that Hungary does not have a normal politi-cal spectrum. The only party which has seen at least a mild increase in popularity is the far-right Jobbik (God forbid). Fidesz has only been able to win majority in the past elec-tion because of the lack of any serious opposition. Any potential coalition will be thrashed by the state-controlled media, which will discredit the gathering, in ad-dition to the state-controlled judiciary system, and the state-controlled police. So, betting on the continued disorganiza-tion of opposition forces, Or-bán will most surely go on developing his power struc-ture, even if he accepts some minor adjustments in order to appease the worried, but ulti-mately powerless, West. The heat escalates, and there is indeed very little we can do to save Hungary from autoc-racy.

Rustam Jamilov Baku, Azerbaijan Junior Economist at the Cen-tral Bank of Azerbaijan Lecturer at Azerbaijan State Economic University Alumnus of CEU BS

he Weethe CEU Weekly

About the CEU Weekly

This is a student-alumni initiative that seeks to provide CEU with a regularly issued newspaper. The CEU

Weekly is a vehicle of expression for the diversity of perspectives and viewpoints that integrate CEU’s open

society: free and respectful public debate is our aim. We offer a place in which current events and student

reflections can be voiced. Plurality, respect and freedom of speech are our guiding principles.

This is a paper for the CEU community, by the CEU community; submissions for publication are not only

welcomed, but encouraged. If you have something you would like published in the CEU Weekly, please visit

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January 18, 2012, Year 2, Issue 11

Page 8

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